CHAPTER II.

DISCOVERIES AND EARLY SETTLEMENTS.

(1492-1606.)

6. References.

Bibliographies.--Winsor, _Columbus_, and _Narrative and Critical History_,

I. xix-xxxvii, 33-58, 76-132, 369-444, II. 153-179, 205, III. 7-58, 78-84,

97-104, 121, 126, 184-218; Larned, _Literature of American History_, 50-68,

and _History for Ready Reference_, I. 54-79; Avery, _United States_, I.

376-403; Channing and Hart, _Guide_, §§ 81-96; also bibliographical

chapters in Bourne, Cheney, and Tyler, below.

Historical Maps.--No. 1, this volume (_Epoch Maps_, No. I); MacCoun;

Winsor, _Narrative and Critical History_, I., II.; H. Harrisse, _Discovery

of North America_, and _Découverte et Evolution Cartographique de

Terre-Neuve_; E. L. Stevenson, _Maps illustrating Early Discovery and

Exploration in America_; maps in _American Nation_ series (Bourne, Cheney,

and Tyler).

General Accounts.--On geographical knowledge of ancients, and pre-Columbian

discoveries: Winsor, _Narrative and Critical_, I. chs. i., ii.,; W. Wilson,

_American People_, I. ch. i.; Avery, I. chs. iii.-vi.; E. Cheney, _European

Background of American History_, chs. i.-v.--On discovery and settlement,

from Columbus to Jamestown: M. Creighton, _Age of Elizabeth_ (Epochs of

Modern History); R. Hildreth, _United States_, I. chs. i., iii.; G.

Bancroft, _United States_, I. chs. i.-v.; Winsor, _Narrative and Critical_,

II. chs. i.-vii., III. chs. i.-iv., and _Columbus_; Avery, I. chs.

vii.--xxi.; E. Channing, _United States_, I. chs. i.-v.; J. Doyle, _English

Colonies in America_, I. ch. iv.

Special Histories.--E. Bourne, _Spain in America_; Parkman, _Pioneers of

France in the New World_, 28-233, 296-309; Winsor, _Cartier to Frontenac_,

chs. i.-iii.; C. Baird, _Huguenot Emigration to America_; L. Tyler,

_England in America_, chs. i., ii. For lives of explorers, consult

bibliographies, above.

Contemporary Accounts.--Hakluyt, _Voyages_; Camden Society, _Publications_,

lxxxvii.; _Relation of Captain Gosnold's Voyage_ (1602); Breton, _Brief and

True Relation_ (1602); Pring, _Voyage for Discovery of North Part of

Virginia_ (1603); Rosier, _True Relation_ (1605); Amerigo Vespuccius,

_Letters._--Reprints: Prince Society, _Publications; American History told

by Contemporaries_, I. part ii.; J. Jameson, _Original Narratives of Early

American History; American History Leaflets_, 1, 3, 9, 13.

7. Pre-Columbian Discoveries.

Sidenote: The Scandinavian claim.

The Basques, Normans, Welsh, Irish, and Scandinavians are the principal

claimants for the honor of discovering America before Columbus; and there

are also believers in early African migrations to the western continent,

chiefly influenced by supposed ethnological and botanical evidences found

in South America. The Scandinavians make out the strongest case. Iceland,

so tradition runs, was first conquered by the Britons in the sixth century.

Then followed a succession of Danish and Irish settlements. But the Celts

were driven out by Ingolf, who led a colony of Norwegians thither in 875

and founded Reikjavik.

The ancient Norse sagas--oral traditions, none of which were fixed in

writing until the twelfth century, and most of them not until the

fourteenth--mention voyages to the west from Iceland, and the discovery of

new lands in that quarter as early as 876. In 985 Eric the Red is said to

have led colonies to this western land,--by this time called Greenland. The

following year (986) Bjarni Herjulfson claimed to have been driven by

contrary winds to a strange shore nine days' sail southwest from

Greenland,--"to a land flat and covered with trees." Then comes the

familiar story, that in the year 1000 Leif, son of Eric the Red, having

come from Norway and introduced Christianity into both Iceland and

Greenland, sailed away to the southwest with thirty-five companions, intent

on visiting the country which Bjarni had discovered before him. They

wintered, so the saga reads, "at a place where a river flowed out from a

lake," called the region Vinland because of wild grapes growing there,

"erected large buildings," and then set out for Greenland with a cargo of

timber,--a commodity much needed in the fishing colonies of the

less-favored North. It is related that other explorations succeeded this,

and that in 1007 a temporary settlement was formed in sunny Vinland, where

the colonists, nearly one hundred in number, "had all the good things of

the country, both of grapes and of all sorts of game and other things."

Trading voyages to the new country now became frequent, say the sagas, and

considerable shipments of timber were made from Vinland to Greenland. Eric

Upsi, a Greenland bishop, is alleged, on doubtful authority, to have gone

to Vinland in 1121; and in 1347 there is mention of a Greenland ship

sailing out there for a cargo of timber,--but this is the very last

reference to Vinland by the Norwegian bards.

Sidenote: It is shadowy, but not improbable.

An enormous mass of literature has been the outgrowth of these geographical

puzzles in the sagas, and many writers have ventured to identify every

headland and other natural object mentioned in them. The common theory

among the advocates of the Scandinavian claim is, that Vinland was

somewhere on the coast south of Labrador; but as to the exact locality,

there is much diversity of opinion. There may easily have been early

voyages to the American mainland south of Davis Straits by the hardy Norse

seamen colonized in Iceland and Greenland, and it is probable that there

were numerous adventures of that sort.

The sagas, like the Homeric tales, were oral narrations for centuries

before they were committed to writing, and as such were subject to

distortion and patriotic and romantic embellishment. It is now difficult to

separate in them the true from the false; yet we have other contemporaneous

evidence (Adam of Bremen, 1076) that the Danes regarded Vinland as a

reality. Pretended monuments of the early visits of Northmen to our shores

have been exhibited,--notably the old mill at Newport and the Dighton Rock;

but modern scholarship has determined that these are not relics of the

vikings, and had a much less romantic origin. It is now safe to say that

nowhere in America, south of undisputed traces in Greenland, are there any

convincing archæological proofs of these alleged centuries of Norse

occupation in America.

8. Early European Discoveries (1492-1512).

Sidenotes: American development begun with Columbus.

The race for India.

The idea of sailing westward to reach India not original with Columbus.

But even granting the possibility, and indeed the probability, of

pre-Columbian discoveries, they bore no lasting fruit, and are merely the

antiquarian puzzles and curiosities of American history. The development of

the New World began with the landing (Oct. 12, 1492) on an island in the

Bahamas, of Christopher Columbus, the agent of Spain. It was an age of

daring maritime adventure. India, whence Europe obtained her gold and

silks, her spices, perfumes, and precious stones, was the common goal. For

many centuries the great trade route had been by caravans from India

overland through Central Asia and the Balkan peninsula to Italy, the Rhine

country, the Netherlands, and beyond; but the raids of the fierce desert

tribes and the capture of Constantinople (1453) had closed this path, and

now the trade passed through Egypt. With improvements in the art of

navigation there arose a general desire to reach India by sea. Three

centuries before Christ, Aristotle had taught that the earth was a sphere,

and that the waters which laved Europe on the west washed the eastern

shores of Asia. Here and there through the centuries others advanced the

same opinion, and the map which the great Italian astronomer Toscanelli

sent to Columbus (1474) showed China to be but fifty-two degrees west of

Europe. The idea that by sailing west India could be reached, was therefore

quite familiar to the contemporaries of Columbus, although he stands in the

front as the one man who put his faith to the test. The mistake lay in the

current calculations regarding the size of the earth. Instead of being only

three thousand miles to the west, Asia was twelve thousand, and the

continent of America blocked the way. It is probable that Columbus went to

his grave still firm in the belief that he had reached the confines of

India,--indeed, the names he gave to the islands and to the strange people

who inhabited them stand as enduring evidence of his geographical error.

Sidenote: Pope Alexander's bull.

The Portuguese, on the other hand, sought India by the southeast passage,

around the continent of Africa, and had been creeping southward along the

African coast for several years before Spain sent Columbus to reach Asia by

the west. Thus in the race for India and the discovery of intermediate

lands, the Portuguese and the Spanish had adopted opposite routes. Pope

Alexander VI. now issued his famous bull (May 4, 1493), partitioning the

un-Christian world into two parts,--Spain to have lands west of an

imaginary meridian 100 leagues west of Cape de Verde islands, and Portugal

those to the east--a simple arrangement, on paper. Next year, by agreement,

the line was moved to 270 leagues westward, but it was still supposed to be

in mid-ocean. By this change, however, the eastern part of what is now

Brazil fell to Portugal.

Sidenote: England sends out John Cabot.

England, although still Catholic, was not disposed to allow Spain and

Portugal to monopolize between them those portions of the earth which

Europeans had not yet seen; and we are told that there was grievous

disappointment at the court of London because Spain had been the

path-breaker to the west. In 1497 John Cabot set sail from England armed

with a trading charter, to endeavor to reach Asia by way of the northwest.

He had knowledge of the exploit of Columbus, and may well have heard of the

Scandinavian discovery of Vinland. Early in the morning of the 24th of June

he sighted the gloomy headlands of Cape Breton,--the first known European

to make this important discovery. It is on record that "great honors" were

heaped upon the adventurous mariner upon his return to England, and that

the generous king gave "£10 to him that found the new isle"--the equivalent

of $700 or $800 of our money.

Sidenotes: Portugal reaches India by the southeast.

Sebastian Cabot's voyage.

The year 1498 was one of the most notable in the long and splendid history

of maritime discovery. Young Vasco da Gama, of Portugal, turned the Cape of

Good Hope, and gayly sailed his little fleet into the harbor of Calicut

(May 20). At last India had been discovered by the southeast passage:

Portugal had first reached the goal. In May, also, Columbus set forth upon

his third voyage, during which he first discovered the mainland of South

America; and in the same month John Cabot's second son, Sebastian, left

Bristol in the hope of finding the northwest passage, which his father had

failed to reach, and which was undiscovered until our own times (1850).

Icebergs turned Sebastian southward, and he explored the American shores

down to the vicinity of Chesapeake Bay. From this voyage sprang the claim

under which the English colonies in North America were founded.

Sidenote: Newfoundland as a colonial nucleus.

Three years later (1501) a Portuguese mariner, Gaspar Cortereal, explored

the American coast south of the Gulf of St. Lawrence for a long distance.

By 1504 we know that fishermen from Brittany and Normandy were at

Newfoundland, and from that time forward there appear to have been more or

less permanent colonies of fishermen there,~-French, Portuguese, Spanish,

and English,--with their little huts and drying scaffolds clustered along

the shores. Newfoundland proved valuable as a supply and repair station for

future explorers and colonizers. It was the nucleus of both French and

English settlement in America. By 1578 there were no less than one hundred

and fifty French vessels alone employed in the Newfoundland fisheries, and

a good trade with the Indians had been established.

Sidenote: Searching for a short cut through America.

The idea that America was but a projection of Asia possessed all the early

explorers; and indeed it was a century and a half later (1728) before

Bering sailed from the Pacific Ocean to the Arctic and proved that America

was insulated. There was another geographical error, which took even a

longer time to explode,--the notion that a waterway somewhere extended

through the American continent, uniting the Atlantic and the Pacific. John

Smith and other English colonists thought that by ascending the James, the

York, the Potomac, the Roanoke, or the Hudson, they could emerge with ease

upon waters flowing to the ocean of the west. Champlain sent (1634) the

fur-trader Nicolet up the Ottawa River and the Great Lakes into Wisconsin,

which he thought to be Asia; and Jolliet and Marquette (1673) imagined they

had found the highway thither when their birch-bark canoes glided into the

upper Mississippi at Prairie du Chien.

One hundred and seven years before the Pilgrims landed at Plymouth Rock,

Balboa scaled the continental backbone at Darien (1513), and in the name of

Spain claimed dominion over the waters of the Pacific. With undaunted zeal

did Spanish explorers then beat up and down the western shore of the Gulf

of Mexico, vainly seeking for a passage through by water. A great stimulus

had now been given to the general desire to reach India by sea; for the

Turks were overrunning Egypt (1512-1520) and despoiling the caravans from

the East, so that the manufactures and trade of western Europe were sadly

crippled. But thus far Portugal alone held the key to the sea-route to

India.

9. Spanish Exploration of the Interior (1513-1542).

Sidenote: Ponce de Leon in Florida.

This same year (1513) was notable also for the first visit made by

Spaniards to the mainland of North America. Ponce de Leon, a valiant

soldier worn out in long service, and who had been serving as governor of

Porto Rico, went to the Florida mainland, where a popular legend said there

was a fountain giving forth waters capable of recuperating life. The

country was ablaze with brilliant flowers, but the elixir of life was not

there, and he returned disappointed.

Sidenote: Vasquez in South Carolina.

In 1519 Pineda, another Spaniard, explored the northern shore of the Gulf

of Mexico. The following year (1520) a slave-hunting expedition, under

Vasquez, visited the coast of South Carolina, which the commander styled

Chicora. The brilliant conquest of Mexico by Cortez (1519-1521) had made

that hardy adventurer the hero of Christendom; and in the hope of rivalling

his splendid achievement, Vasquez returned to Chicora in 1525, commissioned

by Charles V. as governor of the country. But Chicora was not Mexico, and

the Red Indians were of a different temper from the Aztecs. The expedition

met with disaster. While Vasquez was fighting the embittered savages in

South Carolina, Gomez, also in behalf of Spain, was ranging along the

Atlantic coast from Newfoundland to New Jersey, and instituting a

successful trade with the natives.

Sidenote: Narvaez in the Florida wilds.

In April, 1528, Narvaez, with three hundred enthusiastic young nobles and

gentlemen from Spain, landed at Tampa Bay and renewed his sovereign's claim

to Florida and its supposed wealth of mines and precious stones. Led by the

fables of the wily native guides, who were careful to tell what their

Spanish tormentors wished most to hear, they floundered hither and thither

through the great swamps and forests, continually wasted by fatigue,

famine, disease, and frequent assaults of savages. At last, after many

distressing adventures, but four men were left out of this brilliant

company,--Cabeza de Vaca, treasurer of the expedition, and three

companions. For eight years did these four bruised and ragged Spaniards

wearily roam through the region now divided into Texas, Indian Territory,

New Mexico, and Arizona,--through entangled forests, across broad rivers

and desert stretches beset with wild beasts and wilder men, but ever

spurred on by vague reports of a colony of their countrymen in the far

southwest. At last (May, 1536), the miserable wanderers reached Culiacan,

on the Gulf of California, whence they were borne in triumph to the city of

Mexico as the guests of the province.

Sidenote: Spaniards reaching northward from Mexico.

Their coming revived the shadowy native tales of gold mines and wealthy

cities to the north, which had for some years been exciting the cupidity of

the conquerors of Mexico. In response to these rumors there had been

frequent reachings out northward. In 1528 Cortez had despatched Maldonado

up along the Pacific coast for three hundred miles. Two years later (1530)

Guzman penetrated to the mouth of the Gulf of California and established

the town of Culiacan. Cortez again had vessels on the Pacific in 1532, and

by 1535 his lieutenants were claiming for him the Lower California

peninsula. It is possible that Spanish vessels coasted northward beyond the

Columbia; but no news of their discoveries reached the geographers in

Europe.

Sidenote: The "Seven Cities of Cibola."

It was in 1530 that specific reports first came, through native slaves, of

seven great cities of stone-built houses a few hundred miles north of the

capital of the Aztecs, where the inhabitants had such a profusion of gold

and silver that their household utensils were made of those metals. The

search for "the seven cities of Cibola," as these alleged communities came

to be called by the Spaniards, was at once begun. Guzman, just then at the

head of affairs in New Spain, led northward a considerable expedition of

Spanish soldiers and Indians, which suffered great hardships, but failed to

discover Cibola.

Sidenote: Coronado's march.

Cabeza de Vaca and his fellow-adventurers claimed, upon their arrival, to

have themselves seen the seven cities; and they enlarged on the previous

stories. Coronado, governor of the northern province of New Gallicia, was

accordingly sent to conquer this wonderful country which Guzman had failed

to find. Early in 1540 he set out with a well-equipped following of three

hundred Spaniards and eight hundred Indians. The Cibola cities were found

to be but pueblos in Arizona or New Mexico, like the communal dwellings of

the Hopis and Zuñis, with the aspect of which we are so familiar to-day;

while the mild inhabitants destitute of wealth, peacefully practising their

crude industries and tilling their irrigated fields, were foemen hardly

worthy of Castilian steel. Disappointed, but still hoping to find the

country of gold, Coronado's gallant little army, frequently thinned by

death and desertion, beat for three years up and down the southwestern

wilderness,--now thirsting in the deserts, now penned up in gloomy cañons,

now crawling over pathless mountains, suffering the horrors of starvation

and of despair, but following this will-o'-the-wisp with a melancholy

perseverance seldom seen in man save when searching for some mysterious

treasure. Coronado apparently crossed the State of Kansas twice; "through

mighty plains and sandy heaths, smooth and wearisome and bare of wood....

All that way the plains are as full of crookback oxen as the mountain

Serena in Spain is of sheep.... They were a great succor for the hunger and

want of bread which our people stood in. One day it rained in that plain a

great shower of hail as big as oranges, which caused many tears,

weaknesses, and vows." The wanderer ventured as far as the Missouri, and

would have gone still farther eastward but for his inability to cross the

swollen river. Co-operating parties explored the upper valleys of the Rio

Grande and Gila, ascended the Colorado for two hundred and forty miles

above its mouth, and visited the Grand Cañon of the same river. Coronado at

last returned, satisfied that he had been made the victim of travellers'

idle tales. He was rewarded with contumely and lost his place as governor

of New Gallicia; but his romantic march stands in history as one of the

most remarkable exploring expeditions of modern times.

Sidenote: De Soto follows Narvaez.

Early in the summer of 1539 Hernando de Soto, the favorite of Pizarro in

the conquest of Peru (1532), anchored his fleet in the bay of Espiritu

Santo, Florida, determined to gain independent renown as the conqueror of

the North American wilds. His was a much larger and better-equipped party

than had subjugated either Mexico or Peru. But he met the fate of Narvaez.

False Indian guides led him hither and thither through the swamps and

moss-grown jungles of the Gulf region, and the survivors formed a sorry

company indeed when the Mississippi River was reached (April,

1541),--probably at the lowest Chickasaw Bluff,--after two years of

fruitless wandering. The next winter, still betrayed by his savage guides

and harassed by attacks from other natives, he spent upon the Washita, but

despairing of reaching Mexico by land, he returned to the Mississippi,

where he died of swamp-fever (May 21, 1542). The great river he had

discovered was his tomb. His wretched followers, by this time much reduced

in numbers, descended the stream, and after great hardships finally reached

the Mexican coast-settlements in September.

10. Spanish Colonies (1492-1687).

Sidenotes: Spanish friars in the southwest.

Spain's American possessions at close of sixteenth century.

A half century had now passed since the advent of Columbus in the Bahamas;

yet upon the mainland to the north, Spain as yet held neither harbor, fort,

nor settlement. In the southwest, the proximity of Mexico and the milder

character of the natives made it easier to maintain a settlement in what is

now United States territory. In 1582, forty years after Coronado's march,

Franciscan friars opened missions in the valleys of the Rio Grande and the

Gila,--the Cibola of old. Sixteen years later (1598) Santa Fé was

established as the seat of Spanish power in the north; by 1630 this power

was at its highest in New Mexico and Arizona, fifty missions administering

religious instruction to ninety Pueblo towns. In 1687 the chain of missions

had reached the Gulf of California, and then slowly extended northward

along the Pacific coast till San Francisco, with its system of Indian

vassalage, was established in 1776. In Florida, after the extermination of

the French Huguenot colony in 1564, Spain made wholesale claims to all that

region; but De Gourgues dealt her settlements a staggering blow, and she

seemed thereafter incapable of further colonizing the province. At the

close of the sixteenth century Spain held but few points in what is now the

United States,--Santa Fé in New Mexico, a few scattering missions along the

Gila and Rio Grande, and St. Augustine in Florida.

11. The French in North America (1524-1550).

Sidenotes: The French enter the field.

Cartier at Montreal; and Quebec.

The French were not far behind the Spanish in their attempts to colonize

North America. In 1524 John Verrazano, a Florentine in the employ of

Francis I., while seeking the supposed water passage through America to

China, explored the coast from about Wilmington, N. C., to Newfoundland.

Ten years later (1534) Jacques Cartier, a St. Malo seaman, sailed up the

north shore of the estuary of the St. Lawrence "until land could be seen on

either side." The next year he was back again, and ascended to the first

rapids at La Chine, naming the island mountain there, Mont-Réal. Having

spent the winter in this inhospitable region, his reports were such as to

discourage for a time further attempts at colonization in America by the

French, who were just now engaged at home in serious difficulties with

Spain.

A truce being at last declared between France and Spain, Cartier was made

captain-general and chief pilot of an American colonizing expedition which

Francis allowed the lord of Roberval to undertake. But this conflict of

authority was distasteful to both Cartier and Roberval, and the former

started off before his chief in May, 1541. He built a fort near Quebec, but

a year later returned to France, just before Roberval arrived with

reinforcements for the colony. The latter remained for a year in America

before returning home, and it is thought that he visited Massachusetts Bay

in his voyages alongshore. France was now ablaze with civil war, and the

Huguenots, with their independent notions, were engaging all the resources

of the royal power, so that further American discoveries were for the time

postponed. The Newfoundland industry, however, grew apace, for the Church

prescribed a fish diet on certain days and at certain seasons, and the

consumption of salted fish in Europe had grown to be enormous. Breton

vessels were from the first prominent in the traffic.

12. French Attempts to colonize Florida (1562-1568).

Sidenote: Coligny's colony at Port Royal.

Admiral Coligny, the great Huguenot leader, was ambitious to establish a

colony of French Protestants in America which should be a refuge for his

persecuted countrymen whenever it became desirable for them to seek new

seats. Jean Ribaut went out under his auspices in 1562, discovered St.

John's River in Florida, went up Broad River, named the country Carolina,

after the boy-king, Charles IX., and left twenty-six colonists at Port

Royal, on Lemon Island. But the settlers soon tired of their enterprise,

and the following year set out for home. An English cruiser captured the

party on the high sea when it was reduced to the last extremity for want of

food. The more exhausted of the company were landed in France; the rest

were taken to England.

Sidenote: Laudonnière in Florida.

The succeeding season (1564), another colonizing expedition, made up of

Protestants, headed by René Goulaine de Laudonnière, and aided by the king,

sought Carolina. Avoiding Port Royal as ill-omened, they established

themselves on St. John's River. The emigrants were a dissolute set, as

emigrants were apt to be in an age when the sweepings of European jails and

gutters were thought to furnish good colonizing material for America.

Laudonnière hung some of his followers for piracy against Spanish vessels;

others were captured in the act by the Spaniards, and sold into slavery in

the West Indies. What remained of the colony soon lost, through dishonesty

and severity, the respect of the Indians, who had at first received the

intruders kindly. When, in August, 1565, Sir John Hawkins, the noted slaver

and navigator, appeared with his fleet, he was able to render the now

half-starved settlers most needed help. Ribaut soon came also, with

recruits, provisions, seeds, domestic animals, and farming implements,

greatly to the joy of the little colony.

Sidenote: The Spanish massacre.

But this happiness was not of long duration. The attention of Philip II. of

Spain was at length called to this colony of French heretics which was

gaining a foothold upon his domain of Florida. In August, 1565, his agent,

Pedro Melendez de Aviles, appeared on the scene and announced his purpose

to "gibbet and behead all the Protestants in these regions." Melendez

established St. Augustine, which is thus the oldest town in the United

States east of the Mississippi, and then with blood-thirsty deliberateness

proceeded to wipe the French settlement out of existence. French writers

claim that nine hundred persons were cruelly massacred; and the Spanish

estimate is not far below that number.

Sidenote: The Huguenots avenged.

A Gascon soldier, Dominic de Gourgues, soon came over (1567) to avenge the

wrong done his fellow-Huguenots. He captured all the Spanish establishments

left by Melendez, except St. Augustine. When he found, the following year,

that he could not hold his prizes, he hung the Spanish prisoners to trees

and hastened back to France. His king, however, being under the influence

of Spain, disavowed this act of reprisal, and relinquished all further

claim to Florida.

13. The French in Canada (1589-1608).

Sidenote: De la Roche's ill-fated venture.

The colonial policy of Henri IV. (1589-1610) was more progressive and

enlightened than that of his immediate predecessors on the throne of

France. But he had not yet learned what succeeding generations were to

discover to their cost,--that criminals and paupers do not make good

colonists. In 1598 the familiar error was repeated, when the Marquis de la

Roche took out a company of forty jail-birds, liberated for the purpose,

and landed them on the dreary, storm-washed Isle of Sable, off the Nova

Scotia coast, where, eighty years earlier (1518), the Baron de Léry had

made a vain attempt to start a colony. La Roche, beggared on his return

home, was unable to succor his colonists, who on their inhospitable sands

lived more like beasts than men. Five years later the twelve skin-clad

survivors were picked up by a chance vessel and taken back to France, to

tell a tale of almost matchless horror.

Sidenotes: Champlain's first voyage.

De Monts' colony.

Quebec established.

It was an age of licensed commercial monopolies, as well as of other

economic experiments. In the year 1600 Chauvin obtained the exclusive right

to prosecute the fur-trade in the New Land to the west, and united with him

a St. Malo merchant, Pontgravé. They made two lucrative voyages, but

established no settlement. Samuel de Champlain, in Pontgravé's company,

went out in 1603, ascending the St. Lawrence as far as Montreal. Later

(this same year) De Monts, a Calvinist, was given the viceroyalty and the

fur-trade monopoly of Acadia,--between the fortieth and sixtieth degrees of

latitude,--and religious freedom was granted there for Huguenots, though

the Indians were to be instructed in the Romish faith. De Monts and his

strangely assorted party of vagabonds and gentlemen first settled on an

island, near the present boundary between Maine and New Brunswick, in the

fall of 1604, but the following spring moved to Port Royal,--now Annapolis,

Nova Scotia. This, the first French agricultural colony yet planted in

America, suffered disaster after disaster; but although Port Royal was

abandoned in 1607, the germ of colonization lived. In 1608, Champlain--who

had, four years before, while in the employ of De Monts, explored the coast

as far south as Cape Cod--set up a permanent French post upon the gloomy

cliff at Quebec. Soon the Jesuits came; and by the time the "Mayflower" had

reached New England, New France was established beyond a doubt, and French

influence was penetrating inland. Wandering savages from the Upper Lakes,

nearly a thousand miles in the interior, had at last seen the white man and

begun to feel his power.

14. English Exploration (1498-1584).

Sidenote: English interests at Newfoundland.

England would have followed up Cabot's discovery of North America with more

vigor had not Henry VII., being a Catholic prince, hesitated to set aside

the Pope's bull giving the new continent to Spain. His subjects, however,

made large hauls of fish along the foggy shores of Newfoundland, and in

1502 some American savages were exhibited to him in London. Henry VIII. was

at first similarly scrupulous; but when, in 1533, he got rid of his queen,

Catharine of Aragon, he was free from Spanish entanglements, and aspired to

make England a maritime nation. Among many other enterprises the northwest

passage allured him, although nothing came of his ventures in that

direction. With the accession of Edward VI. (1547) a progressive era

opened. The Newfoundland fisheries were now so effectively encouraged that

by 1574, under Elizabeth, from thirty to fifty English ships were making

annual trips to the Grand Banks.

Sidenote: Elizabeth's courtiers looking towards America.

The most popular ventures among the nobles of Elizabeth's court were the

northwest passage, American colonization, and freebooting voyages. Writers

of voyages and travels and cartographers sprang up on every hand, the most

noteworthy being Richard Eden, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Richard Hakluyt, and

Martin Frobisher. Patronized by the powerful Earl of Warwick, Frobisher in

three successive voyages (1576-1578) vainly sought gold in Labrador.

Francis Drake, on his famous buccaneering tour around the world, explored

the Pacific coast of the United States as far north as Cape Blanco (1579),

unsuccessfully searching for a short cut by water through the continent.

Sidenote: Gilbert's voyage.

Gilbert saw that Newfoundland must thereafter be considered as the nucleus

of English settlement in America; and in 1579 Sir Humphrey, himself a

soldier and a member of Parliament, accompanied by his step-brother, Sir

Walter Raleigh, went out to lead the way. Storms and other disasters drove

them back, and it was 1583 before another squadron could be equipped.

Raleigh remained in England; but Gilbert landed at St. John's, where he

found that four hundred vessels of various nationalities, mainly Spanish

and Portuguese, were annually engaged in the fisheries. He took possession

of the island for the queen, examined the neighboring mainland, and

freighted his ships with glistening rock, ignorantly declared by an

unskilful expert accompanying the expedition to contain silver. Upon the

return voyage the vessel carrying Gilbert was lost, the companion ship,

with its worthless cargo, reaching Falmouth safely.

15. English Attempts to colonize (1584-1606).

Sidenote: Amadas and Barlowe.

Under Raleigh's auspices two vessels set out in 1584, commanded by Philip

Amadas and Arthur Barlowe. They landed at the island of Roanoke, the

southernmost of the reefs enclosing Albemarle Sound, in North Carolina; but

although charmed with the country, which they declared to be "the most

plentiful, sweet, fruitful, and wholesome of all the world," and well

treated by the Indians,--"people most gentle, loving, and faithful,"--they

made no settlement, and returned to England. Raleigh, however, was pleased

by the reports brought back; he was knighted, his claim was confirmed, he

named the country Virginia, in token of his virgin queen, and he

entertained visions of establishing a considerable province there, and of

enjoying a comfortable rent-roll.

Sidenote: Raleigh's first colony.

In 1585, aided by the queen, he sent out seven vessels and one hundred and

eight colonists, the fleet being commanded by Sir Richard Grenville, and

the intending settlers by Ralph Lane, a soldier of much merit. Few maritime

enterprises were sent out by England in the Elizabethan age that did not

include in their orders a project for preying on Spanish commerce by the

way; for our ancestors were as yet not far removed in this regard from the

spirit of the old Norse pirates. Grenville therefore sailed around by the

Canaries, picked up Spanish prizes partly to meet the cost of the

undertaking, and in due time anchored at Wocoken, whence he proceeded to

Roanoke island.

With the colonists was Manteo, a native who had gone to England with some

former expedition; and the good-natured fellow secured for his new friends

a warm reception on the part of the aborigines. But Grenville before his

return treated them harshly, leaving to them and the colonists a legacy of

mutual distrust and grievances. In March, 1586, Lane ascended the Roanoke

River, hoping to find rich ores and pearls in the upper country; for the

deceitful savages, wishing to divide the white men's forces, had told him

that the stream had its source near the western ocean, in a country

abounding with these articles, and encouraged his expedition with promises

of assistance. The enterprise proved full of hardship and peril, and the

governor returned just in time to check a conspiracy to attack the

garrison.

Lane had employed his men in frequent explorations, their journeyings

reaching on the north to Chesapeake Bay and Elizabeth River, on the south

to the Secotan. But the situation became irksome. The spirit of adventure

and wealth-seeking prevailed among the colonists; it was not a community

calculated for the uneventful and toilsome prosecution of agriculture; and

before long the fretful disease of homesickness prevailed on the island of

Roanoke.

Sidenote: The enterprise abandoned.

In June, 1586, Sir Francis Drake appeared with twenty-three vessels. He had

made a rich haul from Spanish treasure-ships in the West Indies, and had

turned aside on his return trip, curious to see how his friend Raleigh's

colony fared. Yielding to the importunities of the settlers, he took them

aboard his fleet and carried them back to England. They had been gone from

Roanoke but a few days, when a ship, bringing supplies sent out by Raleigh,

sailed into the inlet, only to find the place deserted. In another

fortnight, Grenville appeared with three well-furnished ships, and left

fifteen men on the island to renew the colonizing experiment.

Sidenote: Raleigh's second attempt.

Raleigh displayed most remarkable persistence. He was undismayed by this

long chapter of disasters. Men on whose judgment he relied brought back

good reports from the site of the ill-fated colony, and again he fitted out

an expedition,--this time entirely at his own charge, for Elizabeth had had

enough of the experiment. It was in July, 1587, when John White arrived

with Raleigh's new colonists off the shores of North Carolina. At Roanoke,

deer were quietly grazing in a field fertilized by the bones of Grenville's

contingent of the year before, and the fort was in ruins. Governor White

re-established the settlement.

Sidenote: Birth of Virginia Dare.

The 18th of August the daughter of White, Eleanor Dare, gave birth to a

daughter, called Virginia, after the country,--the first child of English

parents born on the soil of the United States. A few days later, White left

for England,--ostensibly for recruits and supplies, the colony which he

left behind being composed of eighty-nine men, seventeen women, and two

children. But England was now threatened with invasion from Spain; the

energy and resources of the island were being mustered in its defence;

Raleigh, Drake, Grenville, Frobisher, Hawkins, and the rest were engaged in

preparing to resist the enemy. It was no time for colonization schemes. The

Armada scattered, the father of English colonization in America found

himself ruined, having spent £40,000 in his several fruitless ventures.

Still hopeful, he next adopted a scheme of making large grants in Virginia

to merchants and adventurers, and in this manner obtained some aid.

Sidenote: Wreck of the colony.

In 1591 White returned to Roanoke, to find it again deserted, with no

traces of his daughter or of the other colonists. They had probably been

overcome by the Indians, and those whose lives were spared adopted into the

neighboring tribes. In spite of the many costly attempts, the sixteenth

century closed with no English settlement on the shores of America.

Sidenote: Causes of English failures thus far.

Among the principal causes of this early failure in Virginia were the

improper character and spirit of the emigrants, who, instead of looking to

the soil as the chief source of supplies, expected to find rich mines, or

tribes possessing gold, and relied upon England for the necessaries of

life; they had not enough occupation to keep them from brooding over their

isolation, and by their harshness they turned the Indians into harassing

enemies.

Sidenotes: Gosnold's voyages.

Pring in Maine, and Weymouth at Cape Cod.

Gorges becomes interested.

Bartholomew Gosnold has had the reputation of being the first mariner who

set out for America on a direct voyage from England, thus avoiding the West

Indies and the Spanish, and saving nearly a thousand miles; but others

before him had taken the direct course,--notably Verrazano (1524). In 1602,

while trading with the Indians, Gosnold explored the coast from Cape

Elizabeth, Maine, to the Elizabeth Islands, on his way landing upon and

naming Cape Cod. The following year Martin Pring discovered many harbors

and rivers in Maine. In 1605 George Weymouth, sent by the Earl of

Southampton and Lord Arundel, explored from Cape Cod northward. He carried

back with him several kidnapped natives, three of whom he gave to Sir

Ferdinando Gorges, governor of the English port of Plymouth. Gorges was

particularly struck with the reported abundance of good harbors in the

north, compared with the scarcity of such in Virginia and Carolina, and

became at once strongly interested in New England exploration.

Public attention in England had by this time become strongly attracted to

the northern region as probably the most desirable for future experiments

in colonization; it was pointed out with much force that the lack of good

anchorage was one of the reasons why the southern attempts had failed.

Conditions in England, too, had at last so changed as to make it possible

to undertake colonization with better assurances of success. But New

England was not destined to be the site of the first permanent plantation.

That honor was reserved for what is now Virginia.

16. The Experience of the Sixteenth Century

(1492-1606).

Sidenote: Sixteenth century notable for interest in discovery and

settlement.

In reviewing the period from 1492 to 1606,--practically the sixteenth

century,--we see that it was notable for the extraordinary interest

displayed in discovery and settlement. Attention has been called to the

part played by the general desire of Europeans to secure the trade of

India. But we must not forget as well that, as a feature of the great

Renaissance and Reformation movement, the spirit of investigation was

abroad, in religion, philosophy, and the arts; there had grown up great

commercial and trading cities, in which the successful foreign merchant

became a part of a powerful aristocracy; popular imagination had been fired

by traders' stories of India, China, and Japan; there was an eagerness to

reach out into the regions of mystery, to enlarge the horizon of human

knowledge. The effect was greatly to increase skill in navigation, to build

up a merchant marine, and--it being an age of universal freebooting--to

cultivate an experience in naval warfare which was a preparation for the

great sea-fights of the eighteenth century.

Sidenote: Causes of failure in North American colonization.

Of the three nations which, in the sixteenth century, attempted to colonize

America north of the Gulf of Mexico, all had practically failed. Spain had

with comparative ease conquered the unwarlike natives of Mexico and Peru

upon their cultivated plains. That very ease took away the disposition,

even had her people been capable of the effort, slowly and painfully to

subdue the tangled forests and savage warriors of Florida, with no other

promise of reward than the possession of unredeemed soil. Not suited to the

task, she utterly wasted alike the resources of the home government

applicable to colonization, and those of the established colonies. France

had failed because of dissensions at home, inferior powers of organization,

the want of the proper colonizing temper, and the severity of the climate

in that portion of the New World which she had seized upon as the seat of

her colonies. English colonization thus far had been unproductive because

there was a want of understanding of the difficulties, because of the

selection of colonists who lacked experience in agriculture, because poor

harbors were generally chosen, because there was difficulty in keeping up

communications with the mother-land, because the resident leaders lacked

courage and had not the staying qualities which were in after years the

salvation of the Plymouth Pilgrims. But the effect of these early English

efforts was important in giving the people needed training in navigation

and colonization, and a knowledge of the country.

Sidenote: European claims in America, 1600.

Taking a general view of America at the close of the sixteenth century, we

find Spain in undisputed possession of Peru, Central America, the country

west and northwest of the Gulf of Mexico, the greater part of the West

Indies, and the coast of what is now Florida; while they claimed all of the

southern third of the present United States and the greater part of South

America, except Guiana and Brazil. The French laid claim to the basin of

the St. Lawrence and to the coast northward and southward, but their

colonies were not as yet permanently planted; the attempts to make Huguenot

settlements in Brazil (1555) and Florida had been unsuccessful, and French

claims there had been abandoned under Spanish influence. It was not until

1609, when Hudson sailed up the river named for him, that the Dutch laid

any claims to American soil. Cabral discovered Brazil for the Portuguese in

1500; but when Portugal, eighty years later, became the dependency of Spain

(a condition lasting sixty years), her South American colonies were harried

by the Dutch, though she did not relinquish control of them. The English

claimed all the North American coast from Newfoundland to Florida, and of

course through to the Pacific, no one then entertaining the belief that the

continent was many hundred miles in width; but as yet none of their

colonizing efforts had been successful. The Bermudas, Bahamas, and Barbados

were neither claimed nor settled by Englishmen until the seventeenth

century. The great Mississippi basin had been visited by a few Spanish

overland wanderers, but as yet was practically forgotten and unclaimed,

except so far as it was included in the undefined Spanish and English

transcontinental zones; the Hudson Bay country, Oregon, and Alaska were

also undiscovered lands. A few thousand miles of American coast-line were

now familiar to European explorers; but of the interior of the continent

scarcely more was known than might be seen over the tree-tops from the

mast-head of a caravel.

The Colonies, 1492-1750 · 第 2 / 14 章