[65] A plan of the Chartreuse of Clermont is given by Viollet le Duc

(Dict. of Architec., vol. i. pp. 308, 309), and the arrangements of a

Carthusian monastery were nearly the same in all parts of Europe. It

consists of a cloister-court surrounded by about twenty square enclosures.

Each enclosure, technically called a "cell," is in fact a little house and

garden, the little house is in a corner of the enclosure, and consists of

three apartments. In the middle of the west side of the cloister-court is

the oratory, whose five-sided apsidal sanctuary projects into the court.

In a small outer court on the west is the prior's lodgings, which is a

"cell" like the others, and a building for the entertainment of guests.

See also a paper on the Carthusian priory of Mount Grace, near Thirsk,

read by Archdeacon Churton before the Yorkshire Architectural Society, in

the year 1850.

[66] A bird's-eye view of Citeaux, given in Viollet le Duc's "Dictionary

of Architecture," vol. i. p. 271, will give a very good notion of a

thirteenth-century monastery. Of the English monasteries Fountains was

perhaps one of the finest, and its existing remains are the most extensive

of any which are left in England. A plan of it will be found in Mr.

Walbran's "Guide to Ripon." See also plan of Furness, _Journal of the

Archæological Association_, vi. 309; of Newstead (an Augustinian house),

ibid. ix. p. 30; and of Durham (Benedictine), ibid. xxii. 201.

[67] A double choir of the fifteenth century is in King René's Book of

Hours (Egerton, 1,070), at folio 54. Another semi-choir of Religious of

late fifteenth and early sixteenth century date, very well drawn, may be

found in Egerton, 2,125, f. 117, v.

[68] Lydgate's Life of St. Edmund, a MS. executed in 1473 A.D., preserved

in the British Museum (Harl. 2,278), gives several very good

representations of the shrine of that saint at St. Edmund's Bury, with the

attendant monks, pilgrims worshipping, &c.

[69]

"Tombes upon tabernacles, tiled aloft,

* * * * *

Made of marble in many manner wise,

Knights in their conisantes clad for the nonce,

All it seemed saints y-sacred upon earth,

And lovely ladies y-wrought lyen by their sides

In many gay garments that were gold-beaten."

_Piers Ploughman's Creed._

[70] Henry VII. agreed with the Abbot and Convent of Westminster that

there should be four tapers burning continually at his tomb--two at the

sides, and two at the ends, each eleven feet long, and twelve pounds in

weight; thirty tapers, &c., in the hearse; and four torches to be held

about it at his weekly obit; and one hundred tapers nine feet long, and

twenty-four torches of twice the weight, to be lighted at his anniversary.

[71]

"For though a man in their mynster a masse wolde heren,

His sight shal so be set on sundrye werkes,

The penons and the pornels and poyntes of sheldes

Withdrawen his devotion and dusken his heart."

_Piers Ploughman's Vision._

[72] The chapter-houses attached to the cathedrals of York, Salisbury, and

Wells, are octagonal; those of Hereford and Lincoln, decagonal; Lichfield,

polygonal; Worcester is circular. All these were built by secular canons.

[73] There are only two exceptions hitherto observed: that of the

Benedictine Abbey of Westminster, which is polygonal, and that of Thornton

Abbey, of regular canons, which is octagonal.

[74] And at Norwich it appears to have had an eastern apse. See

ground-plan in Mr. Mackenzie E. C. Walcott's "Church and Conventual

Arrangement," p. 85.

[75] Piers Ploughman describes the chapter-house of a Benedictine

convent:--

"There was the chapter-house, wrought as a great church,

Carved and covered and quaintly entayled [sculptured];

With seemly selure [ceiling] y-set aloft,

As a parliament house y-painted about."

[76] In the "Vision of Piers Ploughman" one of the characters complains

that if he commits any fault--

"They do me fast fridays to bread and water,

And am challenged in the chapitel-house as I a child were;"

and he is punished in a childish way, which is too plainly spoken to bear

quotation.

[77] See note on p. 76.

[78] The woodcut on a preceding page (23) is from another initial letter

of the same book.

[79] A room adjoining the hall, to which the fellows retire after dinner

to take their wine and converse.

[80] The ordinary fashion of the time was to sleep without any clothing

whatever.

[81] In the plan of the ninth-century Benedictine monastery of St. Gall,

published in the _Archæological Journal_ for June, 1848, the dormitory is

on the east, with the calefactory under it; the refectory on the south,

with the clothes-store above; the cellar on the west, with the larders

above. In the plan of Canterbury Cathedral, a Benedictine house, as it

existed in the latter half of the twelfth century, the church was on the

south, the chapter-house and dormitory on the east, the refectory,

parallel with the church, on the north, and the cellar on the west. At the

Benedictine monastery at Durham, the church was on the north, the

chapter-house and locutory on the east, the refectory on the south, and

the dormitory on the west. At the Augustinian Regular Priory of

Bridlington, the church was on the north, the fratry (refectory) on the

south, the chapter-house on the east, the dortor also on the east, up a

stair twenty steps high, and the west side was occupied by the prior's

lodgings.

At the Premonstratensian Abbey of Easby, the church is on the north, the

transept, passage, chapter-house, and small apartments on the east, the

refectory on the south, and on the west two large apartments, with a

passage between them. The Rev. J. F. Turner, Chaplain of Bishop Cozin's

Hall, Durham, describes these as the common house and kitchen, and places

the dormitory in a building west of them, at a very inconvenient distance

from the church.

[82] Maitland's "Dark Ages."

[83] At Winchester School, until a comparatively recent period, the

scholars in the summer time studied in the cloisters.

[84] For much curious information about scriptoria and monastic libraries,

see Maitland's "Dark Ages," quoted above.

[85] The hall of the Royal Palace of Winchester, erected at the same

period, was 111 feet by 55 feet 9 inches.

[86] Its total length would perhaps be about twenty-four paces.

[87] The above woodcut, from the Harleian MS. 1,527, represents, probably,

the cellarer of a Dominican convent receiving a donation of a fish. It

curiously suggests the scene depicted in Sir Edwin Landseer's "Bolton

Abbey in the Olden Time."

[88] See an account of this hall, with pen-and-ink sketches by Mr. Street,

in the volume of the Worcester Architectural Society for 1854.

[89] Quoted by Archdeacon Churton in a paper read before the Yorkshire

Architectural Society in 1853.

[90] Ground-plans of the Dominican Friary at Norwich, the Carmelite Friary

at Hulne and the Franciscan Friary at Kilconnel, may be found in Walcott's

"Church and Conventual Arrangement."

[91] In the National Gallery is a painting by Fra Angelico, in which is a

hermit clad in a dress woven of rushes or flags.

[92] "The Wonderful and Godly History of the Holy Fathers Hermits," is

among Caxton's earliest-printed books. Piers Ploughman ("Vision") speaks

of--

"Anthony and Egidius and other holy fathers

Woneden in wilderness amonge wilde bestes

In spekes and in spelonkes, seldom spoke together.

Ac nobler Antony ne Egedy ne hermit of that time

Of lions ne of leopards no livelihood ne took,

But of fowles that fly, thus find men in books."

And again--

"In prayers and in penance putten them many,

All for love of our Lord liveden full strait,

In hope for to have heavenly blisse

As ancres and heremites that holden them in their cells

And coveten not in country to kairen [walk] about

For no likerous lifelihood, their liking to please."

And yet again--

"Ac ancres and heremites that eaten not but at nones

And no more ere morrow, mine almesse shall they have,

And of my cattle to keep them with, that have cloisters and churches,

Ac Robert Run-about shall nought have of mine."

_Piers Ploughman's Vision._

[93] Piers Ploughman ("Vision") describes himself at the beginning of the

poem as assuming the habit of a hermit--

"In a summer season when soft was the sun

In habit as a hermit unholy of works,

Went wild in this world, wonders to hear,

All on a May morning on Malvern Hills," &c.

And at the beginning of the eighth part he says--

"Thus robed in _russet_ I roamed about

All a summer season."

[94] For the custom of admitting to the fraternity of a religious house,

see p. 66.

[95] "Officium induendi et benedicendi heremitam."

[96] We are indebted to Mr. M. H. Bloxam for a copy of it.

[97] "_Famulus tuus N._" It is noticable that the masculine gender is used

all through, without any such note as we find in the Service for Inclosing

(which we shall have to notice hereafter), that this service shall serve

for both sexes.

[98] The hermit who interposed between Sir Lionel and Sir Bors, and who

was killed by Sir Lionel for his interference (Malory's "Prince Arthur,"

III, lxxix.), is called a "hermit-priest." Also, in the Episcopal Registry

of Lichfield, we find the bishop, date 10th February, 1409, giving to

Brother Richard Goldeston, late Canon of Wombrugge, now recluse at Prior's

Lee, near Shiffenall, license to hear confessions.

[99]

"Great loobies and long, that loath were to swink [work],

Clothed them in copes to be known from others,

And shaped them hermits their ease to have."

[100] Wanderers.

[101] Breakers out of their cells.

[102] Kindred.

[103] In "Piers Ploughman" we read that--

"Hermits with hoked staves

Wenden to Walsingham;"

These hooked staves may, however, have been pilgrim staves, not hermit

staves. The pastoral staff on the official seal of Odo, Bishop of Bayeux,

was of the same shape as the staff above represented. A staff of similar

shape occurs on an early grave-stone at Welbeck Priory, engraved in the

Rev. E. L. Cutts's "Manual of Sepulchral Slabs and Crosses," plate xxxv.

[104] Blomfield, in his "History of Norfolk," 1532, says, "It is to be

observed that hermitages were erected, for the most part, near great

bridges (see _Mag. Brit._, On Warwickshire, p. 597, Dugdale, &c., and

Badwell's 'Description of Tottenham') and high roads, as appears from

this, and those at Brandon, Downham, Stow Bardolph, in Norfolk, and Erith,

in the Isle of Ely, &c."

[105] In the settlement of the vicarage of Kelvedon, Essex, when the

rectory was impropriated to the abbot and convent of Westminster, in the

fourteenth century, it was expressly ordered that the convent, besides

providing the vicar a suitable house, should also provide a hall for

receiving guests. See subsequent chapter on the Secular Clergy.

[106] From the "Officium et Legenda de Vita Ricardi Rolle."

[107] When is not stated; he died in 1349.

[108] Afterwards it is described as a cell at a distance from the family,

where he was accustomed to sit solitary and to pass his time in

contemplation. In doing this Sir John Dalton and his wife were, according

to the sentiment of the time, following the example of the Shunammite and

her husband, who made for Elisha a little chamber on the wall, and set for

him there a bed, and a table, and a stool, and a candlestick (2 Kings iv.

10). The Knight of La Tour Landry illustrates this when in one of his

tales (ch. xcv.) he describes the Shunammite's act in the language of

mediæval custom: "This good woman had gret devocion unto this holy man,

and required and praied hym for to come to her burghe and loged in her

hous, and her husbonde and she made a chambre solitaire for this holy man,

where as he might use his devocions and serve God."

[109] Either the little window through which she communicated with the

outer world, or perhaps (as suggested further on) a window between her

cell and a guest-chamber in which she received visitors.

[110] A hermitage, partly of stone, partly of timber, may be seen in the

beautiful MS. Egerton 1,147, f. 218 v.

[111] A very good representation of a cave hermitage may be found in the

late MS. Egerton, 2,125, f. 206 v. Also in the Harl. MS. 1,527, at f. 14

v., is a hermit in a cave; and in Royal 10 E IV. f. 130, here a man is

bringing the hermit food and drink.

[112] Eugene Aram's famous murder was perpetrated within it. See Sir E. L.

Bulwer's description of the scene in his "Eugene Aram."

[113] See view in Stukeley's "Itin. Curios.," pl. 14.

[114] Suggesting the room so often found over a church porch.

[115] In the year 1490, a dispute having arisen between the abbot and

convent of Easby and the Grey Friars of Richmond, on the one part, and the

burgesses of Richmond, on the other part, respecting the disposition of

the goods of Margaret Richmond, late anchoress of the same town, it was at

length settled that the goods should remain with the warden and brethren

of the friars, after that her debts and the repair of the anchorage were

defrayed, "because the said anchoress took her habit of the said friars,"

and that the abbot and convent should have the disposition of the then

anchoress, Alison Comeston, after her decease; and so to continue for

evermore between the said abbot and warden, as it happens that the

anchoress took her habit of religion. And that the burgesses shall have

the nomination and free election of the said anchoress for evermore from

time to time when it happens to be void, as they have had without time of

mind. (Test. Ebor. ii. 115.)

[116] In June 5, 1356, Edward III. granted to brother Regnier, hermit of

the Chapel of St. Mary Magdalen, without Salop, a certain plot of waste

called Shelcrosse, contiguous to the chapel, containing one acre, to hold

the same to him and his successors, hermits there, for their habitation,

and to find a chaplain to pray in the chapel for the king's soul, &c.

(Owen and Blakeway's "History of Shrewsbury," vol. ii. p. 165). "Perhaps,"

say our authors, "this was the eremitical habitation in the wood of

Suttona (Sutton being a village just without Salop), which is recorded

elsewhere to have been given by Richard, the Dapifer of Chester, to the

monks of Salop."

[117] "Vita S. Godrici," published by the Surtees Society.

[118] Simple.

[119] Meddle.

[120] Since the above was written, the writer has had an opportunity of

visiting a hermitage very like those at Warkworth, Wetheral, Bewdley, and

Lenton, still in use and habitation. It is in the parish of Limay, near

Mantes, a pretty little town on the railway between Rouen and Paris.

Nearly at the top of a vine-clad hill, on the north of the valley of the

Seine, in which Mantes is situated, a low face of rock crops out. In this

rock have been excavated a chapel, a sacristy, and a living-room for the

hermit; and the present hermit has had a long refectory added to his

establishment, in which to give his annual dinner to the people who come

here, one day in the year, in considerable numbers, on pilgrimage. The

chapel differs from those which we have described in the text in being

larger and ruder; it is so wide that its rocky roof is supported by two

rows of rude pillars, left standing for that purpose by the excavators.

There is an altar at the east end. At the west end is a representation of

the Entombment; the figure of our Lord, lying as if it had become rigid in

the midst of the writhing of his agony, is not without a rude force of

expression. One of the group of figures standing about the tomb has a late

thirteenth-century head of a saint placed upon the body of a Roman soldier

of the Renaissance period. There is a grave-stone with an incised cross

and inscription beside the tomb; and in the niche on the north side is a

recumbent monumental effigy of stone, with the head and hands in white

glazed pottery. But whether these things were originally placed in the

hermitage, or whether they are waifs and strays from neighbouring

churches, brought here as to an ecclesiastical peep-show, it is hard to

determine; the profusion of other incongruous odds and ends of

ecclesiastical relics and fineries, with which the whole place is

furnished, inclines one to the latter conjecture. There is a bell-turret

built on the rock over the chapel, and a chimney peeps through the

hill-side, over the sacristy fireplace. The platform in front of the

hermitage is walled in, and there is a little garden on the hill above.

The curé of Limay performs service here on certain days in the year. The

hermit will disappoint those who desire to see a modern example of

"An aged sire, in long black weedes yclad,

His feet all bare, his beard all hoarie gray."

He is an aged sire, seventy-four years old; but for the rest, he is simply

a little, withered, old French peasant, in a blue blouse and wooden

sabots. He passes his days here in solitude, unless when a rare party of

visitors ring at his little bell, and, after due inspection through his

_grille_, are admitted to peep about his chapel and his grotto, and to

share his fine view of the valley shut in by vine-clad hills, and the

Seine winding through the flat meadows, and the clean, pretty town of

Mantes _le jolie_ in the middle, with its long bridge and its

cathedral-like church. Whether he spends his time

"Bidding his beades all day for his trespas,"

we did not inquire; but he finds the hours lonely. The good curé of Limay

wishes him to sleep in his hermitage, but, like the hermit-priest of

Warkworth, he prefers sleeping in the village at the foot of the hill.

[121] One of the little hermitages represented in the Campo Santo series

of paintings of the old Egyptian hermit-saints (engraved in Mrs. Jameson's

"Legends of the Monastic Orders") has a little grated window, through

which the hermit within (probably this John) is talking with another

outside.

[122] That recluses did, however, sometimes quit their cells on a great

emergency, we learn from the Legenda of Richard of Hampole already quoted,

where we are told that at his death Dame Margaret Kyrkley, the recluse of

Anderby, on hearing of the saint's death, hastened to Hampole to be

present at his funeral.

[123] Wilkins's "Concilia," i. 693.

[124] Several MSS. of this rule are known under different names. Fosbroke

quotes one as the rule of Simon de Gandavo (or Simon of Ghent), in Cott.

MS. Nero A xiv.; another in Bennet College, Cambridge; and another under

the name of Alfred Reevesley. See Fosbroke's "British Monachism," pp.

374-5. The various copies, indeed, seem to differ considerably, but to be

all derived from the work ascribed to Bishop Poore. All these books are

addressed to female recluses, which is a confirmation of the opinion which

we have before expressed, that the majority of the recluses were women.

[125] Thus the player-queen in _Hamlet_, iii. 2:--

"Nor earth to me give food, nor heaven light!

Sport and repose lock from me, day, and night!

To desperation turn my trust and hope!

An anchor's cheer in prison be my scope!

Each opposite, that blanks the face of joy,

Meet what I would have well, and it destroy," &c.

[126] A cell in the north-west angle of Edington Abbey Church, Wilts,

seems to be of this kind.

[127] The wearing a cuirass, or hauberk of chain mail, next the skin

became a noted form of self-torture; those who undertook it were called

_Loricati_.

[128] The cell of a Carthusian monk, as we have stated, consisted of a

little house of three apartments and a little garden within an inclosure

wall.

[129] This very same picture is given also in another MS. of about the

same date, marked Add. 10,294, at folio 14.

[130] As was probably the case at Warkworth, the hermit living in the

hermitage, while the chantry priest lived in the house at the foot of the

hill.

[131]

"Eremites that inhabiten

By the highways,

And in boroughs among brewers."

_Piers Ploughman's Vision._

[132] Probably "anchoret" means male, and "recluse" female recluse.

[133] Test. Vetust., ii. 25.

[134] Ibid. ii. 47.

[135] Ibid. ii. 56.

[136] Ibid. ii. 271.

[137] Note p. 87 to "Instructions for Parish Priests," Early English Text

Society.

[138] Test. Vetust., ii. 131.

[139] Ibid. 178.

[140] Ibid. ii. 98.

[141] Ibid. 356.

[142] Other bequests to recluses occur in the will of Henry II., to the

recluses (_incluses_) of Jerusalem, England, and Normandy.

[143] Sussex Archæol. Coll., i. p. 174.

[144] Blomfield's "Norfolk," ii. pp. 347-8. See also the bequests to the

Norwich recluses, _infra_.

[145] Stow's Chronicle, p. 559.

[146] In the "Ancren Riewle," p. 129, we read, "Who can with more facility

commit sin than the false recluse?"

[147] Owen and Blakeway's "History of Shrewsbury."

[148] "Rogerus, &c., delecto in Christo filio Roberto de Worthin, cap.

salutem, &c. Precipue devotionis affectum, quem ad serviendum Deo in

reclusorio juxta capellam Sancti Joh. Babtiste in civitate Coventriensi

constructo, et spretis mundi deliciis et ipsius vagis discurribus

contemptis, habere te asseres, propensius intuentes, ac volentes te,

consideratione nobilis domine, domine Isabelle Regine Anglie nobis pro te

supplicante in hujus laudabili proposito confovere, ut in prefato

reclusorio morari possis, et recludi et vitam tuam in eodam ducere in tui

laudibus Redemptoris, licentiam tibi quantum in nobis est concedi per

presentes, quibus sigillum nostrum duximus apponendum. Dat apud Heywood, 5

Kal. Dec. M.D. A.D. MCCCLXII, et consecrationis nostræ tricessimo

sexto."--DUGDALE'S _Warwickshire_, 2nd Edit., p. 193.

[149] Fosbroke's "British Monachism," p. 372.

[150] Engraved in the _Archæological Journal_, iv. p. 320.

[151] Reports of the Lincoln Diocesan Archæological Society for 1853, pp.

359-60.

[152] Peter, Abbot of Clugny, tells us of a monk and priest of that abbey

who had for a cell an oratory in a very high and remote steeple-tower,

consecrated to the honour of St. Michael the archangel. "Here, devoting

himself to divine meditation night and day, he mounted high above mortal

things, and seemed with the angels to be present at the nearer vision of

his Maker."

[153] In the Lichfield Registers we find that, on February 10, 1409, the

bishop granted to Brother Richard Goldestone, late canon of Wombrugge, now

recluse at Prior's Lee, near Shiffenale, license to hear confessions.

(History of Whalley, p. 55.)

[154] Paper by J. J. Rogers, _Archæological Journal_, xi. 33.

[155] Twysden's "Henry de Knighton," vol. ii. p. 2665.

[156] The translator of this book for the Camden Society's edition of it,

says "therein," but the word in the original Saxon English is "ther

thurgh." It refers to the window looking into the church, through which

the recluse looked down daily upon the celebration of the mass.

[157] "Caput suum decidit ad fenestram ad quam se reclinabit sanctus Dei

Ricardus."

[158] In one of the stories of Reginald of Durham we learn that a school,

according to a custom then "common enough," was kept in the church of

Norham on Tweed, the parish priest being the teacher. (Wright's "Domestic

Manners of the Middle Ages," p. 117.)

[159] These two expressions seem to imply that recluses sometimes went out

of their cell, not only into the church, but also into the churchyard. We

have already noticed that the technical word "cell" seems to have included

everything within the enclosure wall of the whole establishment. Is it

possible that in the case of anchorages adjoining churches, the churchyard

wall represented this enclosure, and the "cell" included both church and

churchyard?

[160] A commission given by William of Wykham, Bishop of Winchester, for

enclosing Lucy de Newchurch as an anchoritess in the hermitage of St.

Brendun, at Bristol, is given in Burnett's "History and Antiquities of

Bristol," p. 61.

[161] "In monasterio inclusorio suo vicino;" it seems as if the writer of

the rubric were specially thinking of the inclusoria within monasteries.

[162] The Ordo Romanus. The Pontifical of Egbert. The Pontifical of Bishop

Lacey.

[163] _Guardian_ newspaper, Feb. 7, 1870.

[164] Surrey Society's Transactions, vol. iii. p. 218.

[165] The same collect, with a few variations, was used also in the

consecration of nuns. Virgin chastity was held to bring forth fruit a

hundred fold; widowed chastity, sixty fold; married chastity, thirty fold.

[166] Hair-cloth garment worn next the skin for mortification.

[167] King Henry IV., Pt. I., Act i. Sc. 1.

[168] There have come down to us a series of narratives of pilgrimages to

the Holy Land. One of a Christian of Bordeaux as early as 333 A.D.; that

of S. Paula and her daughter, about 386 A.D., given by St. Jerome; of

Bishop Arculf, 700 A.D.; of Willebald, 725 A.D.; of Sæwulf, 1102 A.D.; of

Sigurd the Crusader, 1107 A.D.; of Sir John de Mandeville,

1322-1356.--_Early Travels in Palestine_ (Bohn's Antiq. Lib.).

[169] At the present day, the Hospital of the Pellegrini at Rome is

capable of entertaining seven thousand guests, women as well as men; to be

entitled to the hospitality of the institution, they must have walked at

least sixty miles, and be provided with a certificate from a bishop or

priest to the effect that they are _bonâ-fide_ pilgrims. (Wild's "Last

Winter in Rome." Longmans: 1865.)

[170] In the latter part of the Saxon period of our history there was a

great rage for foreign pilgrimage; thousands of persons were continually

coming and going between England and the principal shrines of Europe,

especially the threshold of the Apostles at Rome. They were the subject of

a letter from Charlemagne to King Offa:--"Concerning the strangers who,

for the love of God and the salvation of their souls, wish to repair to

the thresholds of the blessed Apostles, let them travel in peace without

any trouble." Again, in the year 1031 A.D., King Canute made a pilgrimage

to Rome (as other Saxon kings had done before him) and met the Emperor

Conrad and other princes, from whom he obtained for all his subjects,

whether merchants or pilgrims, exemptions from the heavy tolls usually

exacted on the journey to Rome.

[171] At the marriage of our Edward I., in 1254, with Leonora, sister of

Alonzo of Castile, a protection to English pilgrims was stipulated for;

but they came in such numbers as to alarm the French, and difficulties

were thrown in the way. In the fifteenth century, Rymer mentions 916

licences to make the pilgrimage to Santiago granted in 1428, and 2,460 in

1434.

[172] King Horn, having taken the disguise of a palmer--"Horn took bourden

and scrip"--went to the palace of Athulf and into the hall, and took his

place among the beggars "in beggar's row," and sat on the

ground.--_Thirteenth Century Romance of King Horn_ (Early English Text

Society). That beggars and such persons did usually sit on the ground in

the hall and wait for a share of the food, we learn also from the "Vision

of Piers Ploughman," xii. 198--

"Right as sum man gave me meat, and set me amid the floor,

I have meat more than enough, and not so much worship

As they that sit at side table, or with the sovereigns of the hall,

But sit as a beggar boardless by myself on the ground."

[173] In the romance of King Horn, the hero meets a palmer and asks his

news--

"A palmere he there met

And fair him grette [greeted]:

Palmer, thou shalt me tell

All of thine spell."

[174] Wallet.

[175] Pillow covering.

[176] Called or took.

[177] _i.e._ Latten (a kind of bronze) set with (mock) precious stones.

[178] Pretending them to be relics of some saint.

[179] See "Archæological Journal," vol. iii. p. 149.

[180] Mr. Taylor, in his edition of "Blomfield's Norfolk," enumerates no

less than seventy places of pilgrimage in Norfolk alone.

[181] A man might not go without his wife's consent, nor a wife without

her husband's:--

"To preche them also thou might not wonde [fear, hesitate],

Both to wyf and eke husbande,

That nowther of hem no penance take,

Ny non a vow to chastity make,

Ny no pylgrimage take to do

But if bothe assente thereto.

* * * * *

Save the vow to Jherusalem,

That is lawful to ether of them."

_Instructions for Parish Priests._ (Early English Text Society.)

[182] Marked 3,395 d. 4to. The footnote on a previous page (p. 158) leads

us to conjecture that in ancient as in modern times the pilgrim may have

received a certificate of his having been blessed as a pilgrim, as now we

give certificates of baptism, marriage, and holy orders.

[183] See woodcut on p. 90.

[184] "History of Music."

[185]

"Conscience then with Patience passed, Pilgrims as it were,

Then had Patience, as pilgrims have, in his poke vittailes."

_Piers Ploughman's Vision_, xiii. 215.

[186] Grose's "Gloucestershire," pl. lvii.

[187] Girdle.

[188] One of the two pilgrims in our first cut, p. 158, carries a palm

branch in his hand; they represent the two disciples at Emmaus, who were

returning from Jerusalem.

[189] The existence of several accounts of the stations of Rome in English

prose and poetry as early as the thirteenth century (published by the

Early English Text Society), indicates the popularity of this pilgrimage.

[190] Innocente III., Epist. 536, lib. i., t. c., p. 305, ed. Baluzio.

(Dr. Rock's "Church of our Fathers.")

[191] "Church of our Fathers," vol. iii. p. 438, note.

[192] It is seen on the scrip of Lydgate's Pilgrim in the woodcut on p.

163. See a paper on the Pilgrim's Shell, by Mr. J. E. Tennant, in the _St.

James's Magazine_, No. 10, for Jan., 1862.

[193] "Anales de Galicia," vol. i. p. 95. Southey's "Pilgrim to

Compostella."

[194] "Anales de Galicia," vol. i. p. 96, quoted by Southey, "Pilgrim to

Compostella."

[195] Dr. Rock's "Church of our Fathers," iii. 424.

[196] "Vita S. Thomæ apud Willebald," folio Stephani, ed. Giles, i. 312.

[197] The lily of the valley was another Canterbury flower. It is still

plentiful in the gardens in the precincts of the cathedral.

[198] The veneration of the times was concentrated upon the blessed head

which suffered the stroke of martyrdom; it was exhibited at the shrine and

kissed by the pilgrims; there was an abbey in Derbyshire dedicated to the

Beauchef (beautiful head), and still called Beauchief Abbey.

[199] The late T. Caldecot, Esq., of Dartford, possessed one of these.

[200] A very beautiful little pilgrim sign of lead found at Winchester is

engraved in the "Journal of the British Archæological Association," No.

32, p. 363.

[201] Dr. Rock's "Church of our Fathers," vol. iii. p. 430.

[202] Fosbroke has fallen into the error of calling this a burden bound to

the pilgrim's back with a list: it is the bourdon, the pilgrim's staff,

round which a list, a long narrow strip of cloth, was wound cross-wise. We

do not elsewhere meet with this list round the staff, and it does not

appear what was its use or meaning. We may call to mind the list wound

cross-wise round a barber's pole, and imagine that this list was attached

to the pilgrim's staff for use, or we may remember that a vexillum, or

banner, is attached to a bishop's staff, and that a long, narrow riband is

often affixed to the cross-headed staff which is placed in our Saviour's

hand in mediæval representations of the Resurrection. The staff in our

cut, p. 163, looks as if it might have such a list wound round it.

[203] Fosbrooke, and Wright, and Dr. Rock, all understand this to be a

bowl. Was it a bottle to carry drink, shaped something like a gourd, such

as we not unfrequently find hung on the hook of a shepherd's staff in

pictures of the annunciation to the shepherds, and such as the pilgrim

from Erasmus's "Praise of Folly," bears on his back?

[204] Sinai.

[205] Galice--Compostella in Galicia.

[206] Cross.

[207] Asked: people ask him first of all from whence he is come.

[208] Armenia.

[209] Holy body, object of pilgrimage.

[210] Tell us.

[211] The Knight of La Tour Landry, in one of his stories, tells us:

"There was a young lady that had her herte moche on the worlde. And there

was a squier that loved her and she hym. And for because that she might

have better leiser to speke with hym, she made her husbande to understande

that she had vowed in diverse pilgrimages; and her husband, as he that

thought none evelle and wolde not displese her, suffered and held hym

content that she should go wherin her lust.... Alle thei that gone on

pilgrimage to a place for foul plesaunce more than devocion of the place

that thei go to, and covereth thaire goinge with service of God, fowlethe

and scornethe God and our Ladie, and the place that thei goo to."--_Book

of La Tour Landry_, chap. xxxiv.

[212] "I was a poor pilgrim," says one ("History of the Troubadours," p.

300), "when I came to your court; and have lived honestly and respectably

in it on the wages you have given me; restore to me my mule, my wallet,

and my staff, and I will return in the same manner as I came."

[213] "Church of our Fathers," vol. iii. p. 442.

[214] Thus Pope Calixtus tells us ("Sermones Bib. Pat.," ed. Bignio, xv.

330) that the pilgrims to Santiago were accustomed before dawn, at the top

of each town, to cry with a loud voice, "Deus Adjuva!" "Sancte Jacobe!"

"God Help!" "Santiago!"

[215] Surely he should have excepted St. Thomas's shrine?

[216] In the _Guardian_ newspaper of Sept. 5, 1860, a visitor to Rome

gives a description of the exhibition of relics there, which forms an

interesting parallel with the account in the text: "Shortly before

Ash-Wednesday a public notice ('Invito Sagro') is issued by authority,

setting forth that inasmuch as certain of the principal relics and 'sacra

immagini' are to be exposed during the ensuing season of Lent, in certain

churches specified, the confraternities of Rome are exhorted by the pope

to resort in procession to those churches.... The ceremony is soon

described. The procession entered slowly at the west door, moved up

towards the altar, and when the foremost were within a few yards of it,

all knelt down for a few minutes on the pavement of the church to worship.

At a signal given by one of the party, they rose, and slowly defiled off

in the direction of the chapel wherein is preserved the column of the

flagellation (?). By the way, no one of the other sex may ever enter that

chapel, except on one day in the year--the very day of which I am

speaking; and on _that_ day men are as rigorously excluded. Well, all

knelt again for a few minutes, then rose, and moved slowly towards the

door, departing as they came, and making way for another procession to

enter. It was altogether a most interesting and agreeable spectacle.

Utterly alien to our English tastes and habits certainly; but the

institution evidently suited the tastes of the people exactly, and I dare

say may be conducive to piety, and recommend itself to their religious

instincts. Coming from their several parishes, and returning, they chant

psalms.

"It follows naturally to speak a little more particularly about the

adoration of relics, for this is just another of those many definite

religious acts which make up the sum of popular devotion, and supply the

void occasioned by the entire discontinuance of the old breviary offices.

In the 'Diario Romano' (a little book describing what is publicly

transacted, of a religious character, during every day in the year), daily

throughout Lent, and indeed on every occasion of unusual solemnity (of

which, I think, there are eighty-five in all), you read 'Stazione' at such

a church. This (whatever it may imply beside) denotes that relics are

displayed for adoration in that church on the day indicated. The pavement

is accordingly strewed with box, lights burn on the altar, and there is a

constant influx of visitors to that church throughout the day. For

example, at St. Prisca's, a little church on the Aventine, there was a

'Stazione,' 3rd April. In the Romish Missal you will perceive that on the

Feria tertia Majoris hebdomadæ (this year April 3), there is _Statio ad S.

Priscam_. A very interesting church, by the way, it proved, being

evidently built on a site of immense antiquity--traditionally said to be

the house of Prisca. You descend by thirty-one steps into the subterranean

edifice. At this little out-of-the-way church, there were strangers

arriving all the time we were there. Thirty young Dominicans from S.

Sabina, hard by, streamed down into the crypt, knelt for a time, and then

repaired to perform a similar act of worship above, at the altar. The

friend who conducted me to the spot, showed me, in the vineyard

immediately opposite, some extraordinary remains of the wall of Servius

Tullius. On our return we observed fresh parties straggling towards the

church, bent on performing their 'visits.' It should, perhaps, be

mentioned that prayers have been put forth by authority, to be used on

such occasions.

"I must not pass by this subject of relics so slightly, for it evidently

occupies a considerable place in the public devotions of a Roman Catholic.

Thus the 'Invito Sagro,' already adverted to, specifies _which_ relics

will be displayed in each of the six churches enumerated--(_e.g._ the

heads of SS. Peter and Paul, their chains, some wood of the cross,

&c.)--granting seven years of indulgence for every visit, by whomsoever

paid; and promising plenary indulgence to every person who, after

confessing and communicating, shall thrice visit each of the aforesaid

churches, and pray for awhile on behalf of holy church. There are besides,

on nine chief festivals, as many great displays of relics at Rome, the

particulars of which may be seen in the 'Année Liturgique,' pp. 189-206. I

witnessed _one_, somewhat leisurely, at the Church of the Twelve Apostles,

on the afternoon of the 1st of May. There was a congregation of about two

or three hundred in church, while somebody in a lofty gallery displayed

the relics, his companion proclaiming with a loud voice what each was:

'Questo e il braccio,' &c., &c., which such an one gave to this 'alma

basilica,'--the formula being in every instance very sonorously intoned.

There was part of the arm of S. Bartholomew and of S. James the Less; part

of S. Andrew's leg, arm, and cross; part of one of S. Paul's fingers; one

of the nails with which S. Peter was crucified; S. Philip's right foot;

liquid blood of S. James; some of the remains of S. John the Evangelist,

of the Baptist, of Joseph, and of the Blessed Virgin; together with part

of the manger, cradle, cross, and tomb of our Lord, &c., &c.... I have

dwelt somewhat disproportionally on relics, but they play so conspicuous a

part in the religious system of the country, that in enumerating the

several substitutes which have been invented for the old breviary

services, it would not be nearly enough to have discussed the subject in a

few lines. A visit paid to a church where such objects are exposed, is a

distinct as well as popular religious exercise; and it always seemed to me

to be performed with great reverence and devotion."

[217] From Mr. Wright's "Archæological Album," p. 19.

[218] This slip of lead had probably been put into his coffin. He is

sometimes called Thomas of Acre.

[219] Of Chaucer's Wife of Bath we read:--

"Thrice had she been at Jerusalem,

And haddé passed many a strangé stream;

At Rome she haddé been, and at Boloyne,

In Galice, at St. James, and at Coloyne."

[220] Dugdale's "Monasticon."

[221] "Crudities," p. 18.

[222] In Lydgate's "Life of St. Edmund" (Harl. 2,278) is a picture of King

Alkmund on his pilgrimage, at Rome, receiving the Pope's blessing, in

which the treatment of the subject is very like that of the illumination

in the text.

[223] The shells indicate a pilgrimage accomplished, but the rod may not

have been intended to represent the pilgrim's bourdon. In the Harl. MS.

5,102, fol. 68, a MS. of the beginning of the thirteenth century, is a

bishop holding a slender rod (not a pastoral staff), and at fol. 17 of the

same MS. one is putting a similar rod into a bishop's coffin. The priors

of small cathedrals bore a staff without crook, and had the privilege of

being arrayed in pontificals for mass; choir-rulers often bore staves. Dr.

Rock, in the "Church of our Fathers," vol. iii., pt. II, p. 224, gives a

cut from a late Flemish Book of Hours, in which a priest, sitting at

confession, bears a long rod.

[224] It is engraved in Mr. Boutell's "Christian Monuments in England and

Wales," p. 79.

[225] Engraved in Nichols's "Leicestershire," vol. iii., pl. ii., p. 623.

[226] Engraved in the "Manual of Sepulchral Slabs and Crosses," by the

Rev. E. L. Cutts, pl. lxxiii.

[227] It will be shown hereafter that secular priests ordinarily wore

dresses of these gay colours, all the ecclesiastical canons to the

contrary notwithstanding.

[228] Here is a good example from Baker's "Northamptonshire:"--"Broughton

Rectory: Richard Meyreul, sub-deacon, presented in 1243. Peter de

Vieleston, deacon, presented in 1346-7. Though still only a deacon, he had

previously been rector of Cottisbrook from 1342 to 1345."

Matthew Paris tells us that, in 1252, the beneficed clergy in the diocese

of Lincoln were urgently persuaded and admonished by their bishop to allow

themselves to be promoted to the grade of priesthood, but many of them

refused.

The thirteenth Constitution of the second General Council of Lyons, held

in 1274, ordered curates to reside and to take priests' orders within a

year of their promotion; the lists above quoted show how inoperative was

this attempt to remedy the practice against which it was directed.

[229] A writer in the _Christian Remembrancer_ for July, 1856,

says:--"During the fourteenth century it would seem that half the number

of rectories throughout England were held by acolytes unable to administer

the sacrament of the altar, to hear confessions, or even to baptise.

Presented to a benefice often before of age to be ordained, the rector

preferred to marry and to remain a layman, or at best a clerk in minor

orders.... In short, during the time to which we refer, rectories were

looked upon and treated as lay fees."

[230] See Chaucer's poor scholar, hereinafter quoted, who--

"busily gan for the soulis pray

Of them that gave him wherewith to scholaie."

[231] "Dialogue on Heresies," book iii. c. 12.

[232] "Norwich Corporation Records." Sessions Book of 12th Henry VII.

Memorand.--That on Thursday, Holyrood Eve, in the xijth of King Henry the

VIIJ., Sir William Grene, being accused of being a spy, was examined

before the mayor's deputy and others, and gave the following account of

himself:--"The same Sir William saieth that he was borne in Boston, in the

countie of Lincoln, and about xviij yeres nowe paste or there about, he

dwellyd with Stephen at Grene, his father at Wantlet, in the saide countie

of Lincolne, and lerned gramer by the space of ij yeres; after that by v

or vj yeres used labour with his said father, sometyme in husbandrie and

other wiles with the longe sawe; and after that dwelling in Boston at one

Genet a Grene, his aunte, used labour and other wiles goyng to scole by

the space of ij years, and in that time receyved benet and accolet [the

first tonsure and acolytate] in the freres Austens in Boston of one frere

Graunt, then beying suffragan of the diocese of Lincoln ["Frere Graunt"

was William Grant, titular Bishop of Pavada, in the province of

Constantinople. He was Vicar of Redgewell, in Essex, and Suffragan of Ely,

from 1516 to 1525.--_Stubbs's Registrum Sacrum Anglicanum_]; after that

dwelling within Boston wt. one Mr. Williamson, merchaunt, half a yere, and

after that dwellinge in Cambridge by the space of half a yere, used labour

by the day beryng of ale and pekynge of saffron, and sometyme going to the

colleges, and gate his mete and drynke of almes; and aft that the same Sir

William, with ij monks of Whitby Abbey, and one Edward Prentis, went to

Rome, to thentent for to have ben made p'st, to which order he could not

be admitted; and after abiding in Larkington, in the countie of Essex,

used labour for his levyng wt. one Thom. Grene his broder; and after that

the same Sr. Will. cam to Cambridge, and ther teried iiij or v wekes, and

gate his levynge of almes; and after, dwelling in Boston, agen laboured

with dyvs persones by vij or viij wekes; and after that dwelling in

London, in Holborn, with one Rickerby, a fustian dyer, about iij wekes,

and after that the same William resorted to Cambridge, and ther met agen

wt. the said Edward Prentise; and at instance and labour of one Mr. Cony,

of Cambridge, the same Will. Grene and Edward Prentise obteyned a licence

for one year of Mr. Cappes, than being deputee to the Chancellor of the

said univ'sitie, under his seal of office, wherby the same Will. and

Edward gathered toguether in Cambridgeshire releaff toward their exhibicon

to scole by the space of viij weks, and after that the said Edward

departed from the company of the same William. And shortly after that, one

Robert Draper, scoler, borne at Feltham, in the countee of Lincoln,

accompanyed wt. the same Willm., and they forged and made a newe licence,

and putte therin ther bothe names, and the same sealed wt. the seale of

the other licence granted to the same Will. and Edward as is aforeseid, by

which forged licence the same Will. and Robt. gathered in Cambridgeshire

and other shires. At Coventre the same Will. and Robt. caused one Knolles,

a tynker, dwelling in Coventre, to make for them a case of tynne mete for

a seale of a title which the same Robt. Draper holdde of Makby Abbey. And

after that the same Willm. and Robt. cam to Cambridge, and ther met wt.

one Sr. John Manthorp, the which hadde ben lately before at Rome, and ther

was made a prest; and the same Robert Draper copied out the bulle of

orders of deken, subdeken, and p'stehod for the same Willm.; and the same

Willm. toke waxe, and leyed and p'st it to the prynte of the seale of the

title that the said Robert had a Makby aforeseid, and led the same forged

seale in the casse of tynne aforeseid, and with labels fastned ye same to

his said forged bull. And sithen the same Willm. hath gathered in dyvers

shires, as Northampton, Cambridge, Suffolk, and Norfolk, alway shewyng and

feyning hymself that he hadde ben at Rome, and ther was made preste, by

means whereof he hath receyved almes of dyvers and many

persones."--_Norfolk Archæology_, vol. iv. p. 342.

[233] Cobbler.

[234] Grease.

[235] York Fabric Rolls, p. 87, note.

[236] "Church of our Fathers," ii. 441.

[237] Richmond Wills.

[238] "Church of our Fathers," ii. 408, note.

[239] Newcourt's "Repertorium."

[240] Johnson's "Canons," ii. 421. Ang. Cath. Lib. Edition.

[241] Johnson's "Canons," ii. 421.

[242] One who sang annual or yearly masses for the dead.

[243] Enough.

[244] Chapel of Earl of Northumberland, from the Household Book of Henry

Algernon, fifth Earl of Northumberland, born 1477, and died 1527. ("Antiq.

Repertory," iv. 242.);

First, a preist, a doctour of divinity, a doctor of law, or a bachelor of

divinitie, to be dean of my lord's chapell.

_It._ A preist for to be surveyour of my lorde's landes.

_It._ A preist for to be secretary to my lorde.

_It._ A preist for to be amner to my lorde.

_It._ A preist for to be sub-dean for ordering and keaping the queir in my

lorde's chappell daily.

_It._ A preist for a riding chaplein for my lorde.

_It._ A preist for a chaplein for my lorde's eldest son, to waite uppon

him daily.

_It._ A preist for my lorde's clark of the closet.

_It._ A preist for a maister of gramer in my lorde's hous.

_It._ A preist for reading the Gospell in the chapel daily.

_It._ A preist for singing of our Ladies' mass in the chapell daily.

The number of these persons as chapleins and preists in houshould are xi.

The gentlemen and children of my lorde's chappell which be not appointed

to attend at no time, but only in exercising of Godde's service in the

chapell daily at matteins, Lady-mass, hyhe-mass, evensong, and

compeynge:--

First, a bass.

_It._ A second bass.

Third bass.

A maister of the childer, or counter-tenor.

Second and third counter-tenor.

A standing tenour.

A second, third, and fourth standing tenor.

The number of theis persons, as gentlemen of my lorde's chapell, xi.

Children of my lorde's chappell:--

Three trebles and three second trebles.

In all six.

A table of what the Earl and Lady were accustomed to offer at mass on all

holydays "if he keep chappell," of offering and annual lights paid for at

Holy Blood of Haillis (Hales, in Gloucestershire), our Lady of Walsingham,

St. Margaret in Lincolnshire, our Lady in the Whitefriars, Doncaster, of

my lord's foundation:--

Presents at Xmas to Barne, Bishop of Beverley and York, when he comes,

as he is accustomed, yearly.

Rewards to the children of his chapell when they do sing the responde

called Exaudivi at the mattynstime for xi. in vespers upon Allhallow

Day, 6_s._ 8_d._

On St. Nicholas Eve, 6_s._ 8_d._

To them of his lordshipe's chappell if they doe play the play of the

Nativitie upon Xmas Day in the mornynge in my lorde's chapell before

his lordship, xx_s._

For singing "Gloria in Excelsis" at the mattens time upon Xmas Day in

the mg. To the Abbot of Miserewle (Misrule) on Xmas.

To the yeoman or groom of the vestry for bringing him the hallowed

taper on Candlemas Day.

To his lordship's chaplains and other servts. that play the Play

before his lordship on Shrofetewsday at night, xx_s._

That play the Play of Resurrection upon Estur Daye in the mg. in my

lorde's chapell before his lordship.

To the yeoman or groom of the vestry on Allhallows Day for syngynge

for all Cristynne soles the saide nyhte to it be past mydnyght, 3_s._

4_d._

The Earl and Lady were brother and sister of St. Christopher Gilde of

Yorke, and pd. 6_s._ 8_d._ each yearly, and when the Master of the

Gild brought my lord and my lady for their lyverays a yard of narrow

violette cloth and a yard of narrow rayed cloth, 13_s._ 4_d._ (_i.e._,

a yard of each to each).

And to Procter of St. Robert's of Knasbrughe, when my lord and lady

were brother and sister, 6_s._ 8_d._ each.

At pp. 272-278, is an elaborate programme of the ordering of my lord's

chapel for the various services, from which it appears that there were

organs, and several of the singing men played them in turn.

At p. 292 is an order about the washing of the linen for the chapel for a

year. Surplices washed sixteen times a year against the great

feasts--eighteen surplices for men, and six for children--and seven albs

to be washed sixteen times a year, and "five aulter-cloths for covering of

the alters" to be washed sixteen times a year.

Page 285 ordered that the vestry stuff shall have at every removal (from

house to house) one cart for the carrying the nine antiphoners, the four

grailles, the hangings of the three altars in the chapel, the surplices,

the altar-cloths in my lord's closet and my ladie's, and the sort (suit)

of vestments and single vestments and copes "accopeed" daily, and all

other my lord's chapell stuff to be sent afore my lord's chariot before

his lordship remove.

[Cardinal Wolsey, after the Earl's death, intimated his wish to have the

books of the Earl's chapel, which a note speaks of as fine service

books.--P. 314.]

[245] Edited by Mr. Gough Nichols for the Camden Society.

[246] Richard Burré, a wealthy yeoman and "ffarmer of the parsonage of

Sowntyng, called the Temple, which I holde of the howse of St. Jonys," in

19 Henry VIII. wills that Sir Robert Bechton, "my chaplen, syng ffor my

soule by the span of ix. yers;" and further requires an obit for his soul

for eleven years in Sompting Church.--("Notes on Wills," by M. A. Lower,

"Sussex Archæological Collections," iii. p. 112.)

[247] "Dialogue of Heresies," iii. c. 12.

[248] See note on previous page, "the altar-cloths in my lord's closet and

my ladie's."

[249] Of the inventories to be found in wills, we will give only two, of

the chapels of country gentlemen. Rudulph Adirlay, Esq. of Colwick

("Testamenta Eboracensia," p. 30), Nottinghamshire, A.D. 1429, leaves to

Alan de Cranwill, his chaplain, a little missal and another book, and to

Elizabeth his wife "the chalice, vestment, with two candelabra of laton,

and the little missal, with all other ornaments belonging to my chapel."

In the inventories of the will of John Smith, Esq., of Blackmore, Essex,

A.D. 1543, occur: "In the chappell chamber--Item a long setle yoyned. In

the chappell--Item one aulter of yoyner's worke. Item a table with two

leaves of the passion gilt. Item a long setle of waynscott. Item a bell

hanging over the chapel. Chappell stuff: Copes and vestments thre. Aulter

fronts foure. Corporall case one; and dyvers peces of silk necessary for

cusshyons v. Thomas Smith (to have) as moche as wyll serve his chappell,

the resydue to be solde by myn executours." The plate and candlesticks of

the chapel are not specially mentioned; they are probably included among

the plate which is otherwise disposed of, and "the xiiiij latyn

candlestyckes of dyvers sorts," elsewhere mentioned.--_Essex Archæological

Society's Transactions_, vol. iii. p. 60.

[250] See the Rev. W. Stubbs's learned and laborious "Registrum Sacrum

Anglicanum," which gives lists of the suffragan (as well as the diocesan)

bishops of the Church of England.

[251] "Richmondshire Wills," p. 34.

[252] "Test. Ebor.," 220.

[253] Ibid., p. 39.

[254] In a pontifical of the middle of the fifteenth century, in the

British Museum, (Egerton, 1067) at f. 19, is an illumination at the

beginning of the service for ordering an ostiary, in which the act is

represented. The bishop, habited in a green chasuble and white mitre, is

delivering the keys to the clerk, who is habited in a surplice over a

black cassock, and is tonsured. At f. 35 of the same MS. is a pretty

little picture, showing the ordination of priests; and at f. 44 v., of the

consecration of bishops. Other episcopal acts are illustrated in the same

MS.: confirmation at f. 12; dedication of a church, f. 100; consecration

of an altar, f. 120; benediction of a cemetery, f. 149 v.; consecration of

chalice and paten, f. 163; reconciling penitents, f. 182 and f. 186 v.;

the "feet-washing," f. 186.

[255] Outer short cloak.

[256] Was not sufficiently a man of the world to be fit for a secular

occupation.

[257] Obtain.

[258] To pursue his studies.

[259] For another good illustration of a clerk of time of Richard II. see

the illumination of that king's coronation in the frontispiece of the MS.

Royal, 14, E iv., where he seems to be in attendance on one of the

bishops. He is habited in blue cassock, red liripipe, black purse, with

penner and inkhorn.

[260] "Test. Ebor.," vol. ii. p. 98.

[261] Ibid., vol. ii. p. 38.

[262] "Test. Ebor.," vol. ii. p. 143.

[263] Ibid., vol. ii. p. 149.

[264] Archdeacon Hale's "Precedents in Criminal Causes," p. 113.

[265] From the duty of carrying holy water, mentioned here and in other

extracts, the clerk derived the name of _aqua bajulus_, by which he is

often called, _e.g._, in many of the places in Archdeacon Hale's

"Precedents in Criminal Causes."

[266] Ibid., p. 122.

[267] York Fabric Rolls, p. 257.

[268] Ibid., p. 248.

[269] York Fabric Rolls, p. 265.

[270] Ibid., p. 266.

[271] Ibid., p. 248.

[272] Bohn's Edition, ii. 388.

[273] Hair.

[274] Complexion.

[275] Neatly.

[276] _Watchet_, a kind of cloth.

[277] Small twigs or trees.

[278] Musical instruments.

[279] As the parish clerk of St. Mary, York, used to go to the people's

houses with holy water on Sundays.

[280] Grafted lies.

[281] As debtors flee to sanctuary at Westminster, and live on what they

have borrowed, and set their creditors at defiance.

[282] Them.

[283] Their.

[284] Know.

[285] Great and little.

[286] Gave.

[287] Angry.

[288] Difficult nor proud.

[289] Smite, rebuke.

[290] Scrupulous.

[291] Cardinal Otho, the Papal legate in England in the time of Henry

III., was a deacon (Matthew Paris, Sub. Ann. 1237); Cardinal Pandulph, in

King John's time, was a sub-deacon (R. Wendover, Sub. Ann. 1212).

[292] There is a very fine drawing of an archbishop in _pontificalibus_ of

the latter part of the thirteenth century in the MS. Royal, 2 A. f. 219 v.

[293] "Church of our Fathers," i. 319.

[294] In a Spanish Book of Hours (Add. 1819-3), at f. 86 v., is a

representation of an ecclesiastic in a similar robe of dark purple with a

hood, he wears a cardinal's hat and holds a papal tiara in his hand.

[295] Engraved by Dr. Rock, ii. 97.

[296] Engraved in the _Archæological Journal_, vii. 17 and 19.

[297] A plain straight staff is sometimes seen in illuminations being put

into a bishop's grave; such staves have been actually found in the coffins

of bishops.

[298] The alb was often of coloured materials. We find coloured albs in

the mediæval inventories. In Louandre's "Arts Somptuaires," vol. i. xi.

siecle, is a picture of the canons of St. Martin of Tours in blue albs.

Their costume is altogether worth notice.

[299] For another ecclesiastical procession which shows very clearly the

costume of the various orders of clergy, see Achille Jubinal's "Anciennes

Tapisseries," plate ii.

[300] _Incisis_, cut and slashed so as to show the lining.

[301] Monumenta Franciscana, lxxxix. Master of the Rolls' publications.

[302] York Fabric Rolls, p. 243.

[303] This word, which will frequently occur, means a kind of ornamental

dagger, which was worn hanging at the girdle in front by civilians, and

knights when out of armour. The instructions to parish priests, already

quoted, says--

In honeste clothes thow muste gon

Baselard ny bawdryke were thou non.

[304] The honorary title of Sir was given to priests down to a late

period. A law of Canute declared a priest to rank with the second order of

thanes--_i.e._, with the landed gentry. "By the laws, armorial, civil, and

of arms, a priest in his place in civil conversation is always before any

esquire, as being a knight's fellow by his holy orders, and the third of

the three Sirs which only were in request of old (no baron, viscount,

earl, nor marquis being then in use), to wit, Sir King, Sir Knight, and

Sir Priest.... But afterwards Sir in English was restrained to these

four,--Sir Knight, Sir Priest, and Sir Graduate, and, in common speech,

Sir Esquire; so always, since distinction of titles were, Sir Priest was

ever the second."--A Decacordon of Quodlibetical Questions concerning

Religion and State, quoted in Knight's Shakespeare, Vol. I. of Comedies,

note to Sc. I, Act i. of "Merry Wives of Windsor." In Shakespeare's

characters we have _Sir Hugh Evans_ and _Sir Oliver Martext_, and, at a

later period still, "Sir John" was the popular name for a priest. Piers

Ploughman (Vision XI. 304) calls them "God's knights,"

And also in the Psalter says David to overskippers,

_Psallite Deo nostro, psallite; quoniam rex terre

Deus Israel; psallite sapienter_.

The Bishop shall be blamed before God, as I leve [believe]

That crowneth such goddes knightes that conneth nought _sapienter_

Synge ne psalmes rede ne segge a masse of the day.

Ac never neyther is blameless the bisshop ne the chapleyne,

For her either is endited; and that of _ignorancia

Non excusat episcopos, nec idiotes prestes_.

[305] York Fabric Rolls, p. 268.

[306] Described and engraved in the Sussex Archæological Collections, vii.

f. 13.

[307] Described and engraved in Mr. Parker's "Domestic Architecture."

[308] Parker's "Domestic Architecture," ii. p. 87.

[309] There are numerous curious examples of fifteenth-century timber

window-tracery in the Essex churches.

[310] The deed of settlement of the vicarage of Bulmer, in the year 1425,

gives us the description of a parsonage house of similar character. It

consisted of one hall with two chambers annexed, the bakehouse, kitchen,

and larder-house, one chamber for the vicar's servant, a stable, and a

hay-soller (_Soler_, loft), with a competent garden. Ingrave rectory house

was a similar house; it is described, in a terrier of 1610, as "a house

containing a hall, a parlour, a buttery, two lofts, and a study, also a

kitchen, a milk-house, and a house for poultry, a barn, a stable and a

hay-house."--_Newcourt_, ii. p. 281.

Ingatestone rectory, in the terrier of 1610, was "a dwelling-house with a

hall, a parlour, and a chamber within it; a study newly built by the then

parson; a chamber over the parlour, and another within that with a closet;

without the dwelling-house a kitchen and two little rooms adjoining to it,

and a chamber over them; two little butteries over against the hall, and

next them a chamber, and one other chamber over the same; without the

kitchen there is a dove-house, and another house built by the then parson;

a barn and a stable very ruinous."--_Newcourt_, ii. 348. Here, too, we

seem to have an old house with hall in the middle, parlour and chamber at

one end and two butteries at the other, in the midst of successive

additions.

There is also a description of the rectory house of West Haningfield,

Essex, in Newcourt, ii. 309, and of North Bemfleet, ii. 46.

[311] Newcourt's "Repertorum," ii. 97.

[312] Newcourt, ii. 49.

[313] George Darell, A.D. 1432, leaves one book of statutes, containing

the statutes of Kings Edward III., Richard II., and Henry IV.; one book of

law, called "Natura Brevium;" one Portus, and one Par Statutorum

Veterum.--_Testamenta Eboracensia_, ii. p. 27.

[314] There are other inventories of the goods of clerics, which will help

to throw light upon their domestic economy at different periods, _e.g._,

of the vicar of Waghen, A.D. 1462, in the York Wills, ii. 261, and of a

chantry priest, A.D. 1542, in the Sussex Archæological Collections, iii.

p. 115.

[315] Bohn's Edition, vol. ii. p. 278.

[316] Matthew Paris, vol. i. p. 285 (Bohn's edition).

[317] Ibid., vol. ii. p. 193.

[318] Ibid., vol iii. p. 48.

[319] Numb. x. 9.

[320] Exod. xv. 21.

[321] 1 Sam. xviii. 7.

[322] Jer. xxxi. 4.

[323] Is. v. 12.

[324] 1 Sam. x. 5.

[325] 2 Sam. vi. 5.

[326] Psalm lxviii.

[327] Also a paper read before the London and Middlesex Architectural

Society in June, 1871.

[328] The king's minstrel of the last Saxon king is mentioned in Domesday

Book as holding lands in Gloucestershire.

[329] In the reign of Henry I., Rayer was the King's Minstrel. Temp. Henry

II., it was Galfrid, or Jeffrey. Temp. Richard I., Blondel, of romantic

memory. Temp. Henry III., Master Ricard. It was the Harper of Prince

Edward (afterwards King Edward I.) who brained the assassin who attempted

the Prince's life, when his noble wife Eleanor risked hers to extract the

poison from the wound. In Edward I.'s reign we have mention of a King

Robert, who may be the impetuous minstrel of the Prince. Temp. Edward II.,

there occur two: a grant of houses was made to William de Morley, the

King's Minstrel, which had been held by his predecessor, John de Boteler.

At St. Bride's, Glamorganshire, is the insculpt effigy of a knightly

figure, of the date of Edward I., with an inscription to John le Boteler;

but there is nothing to identify him with the king of the minstrels. Temp.

Richard II., John Camuz was the king of his minstrels. When Henry V. went

to France, he took his fifteen minstrels, and Walter Haliday, their

Marshal, with him. After this time the chief of the royal minstrels seems

to have been styled _Marshal_ instead of King; and in the next reign but

one we find a _Sergeant_ of the Minstrels. Temp. Henry VI., Walter Haliday

was still Marshal of the Minstrels; and this king issued a commission for

_impressing_ boys to supply vacancies in their number. King Edward IV.

granted to the said long-lived Walter Haliday, Marshal, and to seven

others, a charter for the restoration of a Fraternity or Gild, to be

governed by a marshal and two wardens, to regulate the minstrels

throughout the realm (except those of Chester). The minstrels of the royal

chapel establishment of this king were thirteen in number; some trumpets,

some shalms, some small pipes, and other singers. The charter of Edward

IV. was renewed by Henry VIII. in 1520, to John Gilman, his then marshal,

on whose death Hugh Wodehouse was promoted to the office.

[330] Ellis's "Early English Metrical Romances" (Bohn's edition), p. 287.

[331] From Mr. T. Wright's "Domestic Manners of the English."

[332] Among his nobles.

[333] Their.

[334] Great chamber, answering to our modern drawing-room.

[335] Couches.

[336] For other illustrations of musical instruments see a good

representation of Venus playing a rote, with a plectrum in the right hand,

pressing the strings with the left, in the Sloane MS. 3,985, f. 44 v. Also

a band, consisting of violin, organistrum (like the modern hurdy-gurdy),

harp, and dulcimer, in the Harl. MS. 1,527; it represents the feast on the

return of the prodigal son. In the Arundel MS. 83, f. 155, is David with a

band of instruments of early fourteenth-century date, and other

instruments at f. 630. In the early fourteenth-century MS. 28,162, at f. 6

v., David is tuning his harp with a key; at f. 10 v. is Dives faring

sumptuously, with carver and cup-bearer, and musicians with lute and pipe.

[337] Mallory's "History of Prince Arthur," vol. i. p. 44.

[338] Viz., by making the sign of the cross upon them.

[339] Edward VI.'s commissioners return a pair of organs in the church of

St. Peter Mancroft, Norwich, which they value at 40_s._, and in the church

of St. Peter, Parmentergate, in the same city, a pair of organs which they

value at £10 (which would be equal to about £70 or £80 in these days), and

soon after we find that 8_d._ were "paied to a carpenter for makyng of a

plaunche (a platform of planks) to sette the organs on."

[340] Another, with kettle-drums and trumpets, in the MS. Add. 27,675, f.

13.

[341] A harp with its case about the lower part is in the Add. MS. 18,854,

f. 91.

[342] There are casts of these in the Mediæval Court of the Crystal

Palace.

[343] "Annales Archæologiques," vol. vi. p. 315.

[344] Ibid., vol. ix. p. 329.

[345] Kettle-drums.

[346] In the account of the minstrel at Kenilworth, subsequently given, he

is described as "a squiere minstrel of Middlesex, that travelled the

country this summer time."

[347]

"Miri it is in somer's tide

Swainés gin on justing ride."

[348]

"Whanne that April with his shourés sote," &c.

"Than longen folk to gon on pilgrimages."

[349] Tedious, irksome.

[350] Lose their.

[351] Renders tedious.

[352] Fontenelle ("Histoire du Théâtre," quoted by Percy) tells us that in

France, men, who by the division of the family property had only the half

or the fourth part of an old seignorial castle, sometimes went rhyming

about the world, and returned to acquire the remainder of their ancestral

castle.

[353] In the MS. illuminations of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries,

the messenger is denoted by peculiarities of equipment. He generally bears

a spear, and has a very small, round target (or, perhaps, a badge of his

lord's arms) at his girdle--_e.g._, in the MS. Add. 11,639 of the close of

the thirteenth century, folio 203 v. In the fifteenth century we see

messengers carrying letters openly, fastened in the cleft of a split wand,

in the MS. of about the same date, Harl. 1,527, folio 1,080, and in the

fourteenth century MS. Add. 10,293, folio 25; and in Hans Burgmaier's Der

Weise Könige.

[354] It is right to state that one MS. of this statute gives Mareschans

instead of Menestrals; but the reading in the text is that preferred by

the Record Commission, who have published the whole of the interesting

document.

[355] In the romance of Richard Coeur de Lion we read that, after the

capture of Acre, he distributed among the "heralds, disours, tabourers,

and trompours," who accompanied him, the greater part of the money,

jewels, horses, and fine robes which had fallen to his share. We have many

accounts of the lavish generosity with which chivalrous lords propitiated

the favourable report of the heralds and minstrels, whose good report was

fame.

[356] May we infer from the exemption of the jurisdiction of the Duttons,

and not of that of the court of Tutbury and the guild of Beverley, that

the jurisdiction of the King of the Minstrels over the whole realm was

established after the former, and before the latter? The French minstrels

were incorporated by charter, and had a king in the year 1330, forty-seven

years before Tutbury. In the ordonnance of Edward II., 1315, there is no

allusion to such a general jurisdiction.

[357] One of the minstrels of King Edward the Fourth's household (there

were thirteen others) was called the _wayte_; it was his duty to "pipe

watch." In the romance of "Richard Coeur de Lion," when Richard, with his

fleet, has come silently in the night under the walls of Jaffa, which was

besieged on the land side by the Saracen army:--

"They looked up to the castel,

They heard no pipe, ne flagel,[A]

They drew em nigh to land,

If they mighten understand,

And they could ne nought espie,

Ne by no voice of minstralcie,

That quick man in the castle were."

And so they continued in uncertainty until the spring of the day, then

"A wait there came, in a kernel,[B]

And piped a nott in a flagel."

And when he recognised King Richard's galleys,

"Then a merrier note he blew,

And piped, 'Seigneurs or sus! or sus!

King Richard is comen to us!'"

[A] Flageolet.

[B] Battlement.

[358] Was offended.

[359] Repent.

[360] Give.

[361] Travel.

[362] Praise.

[363] Introduction to his "Reliques of Early English Poetry."

[364] The close-fitting outer garment worn in the fourteenth century,

shown in the engravings on p. 350.

[365] Which Percy supposes to mean "tonsure-wise," like priests and monks.

[366] Percy supposes from this expression that there were inferior orders,

as yeomen-minstrels. May we not also infer that there were superior

orders, as knight-minstrels, over whom was the king-minstrel? for we are

told "he was but a batchelor (whose chivalric signification has no

reference to matrimony) yet." We are disposed to believe that this was a

real minstrel. Langham tells us that he was dressed "partly as he would

himself:" probably, the only things which were not according to his wont,

were that my Lord of Leicester may have given him a new coat; that he had

a little more capon's grease than usual in his hair; and that he was set

to sing "a solemn song, warranted for story, out of King Arthur's Acts,"

instead of more modern minstrel ware.

[367] Heralds in the fourteenth century bore the arms of their lord on a

small scutcheon fastened at the side of their girdle.

[368] "Annales Archæologiques," vii. p. 323.

[369] "Eoten," a giant; "Eotenish," made by or descended from the giants.

[370] The Harl. MS. 603, of the close of the eleventh century, contains a

number of military subjects rudely drawn, but conveying suggestions which

the artist will be able to interpret and profit by. In the Add. MS.

28,107, of date A.D. 1096, at f. 25 v., is a Goliath; and at f. 1,630 v.,

a group of soldiers.

[371] _Didde_--did on next his white skin.

[372] _Debate_--contend.

[373] _Cuirbouly_--stamped leather.

[374] _Latoun_--brass.

[375] Compare Tennyson's description of Sir Lancelot, in the "Lady of

Shalot."

"His gemmy bridle glittered free,

Like to some branch of stars we see;

Hung in the golden galaxy,

As he rode down to Camelot."

[376] In the MS. Royal, 1,699, is a picture in which are represented a

sword and hunting-horn hung over a tomb. The helmet, sword, and shield of

Edward the Black Prince still hang over his tomb in Canterbury Cathedral;

Henry IV.'s saddle and helmet over his tomb in Westminster Abbey; and in

hundreds of parish churches helmets, swords, gauntlets, spurs, &c., still

hang over the tombs of mediæval knights.

[377] Probably a bridge with a tower to defend the approach to it.

[378] Couch.

[379] Hewitt's "Ancient Armour," i. p. 349.

[380] The album of Villars de Honnecourt, of the thirteenth century,

contains directions for constructing the trebuchet.

[381] Hewitt's "Ancient Armour," i. 361.

[382] For much curious detail on this subject see "The Babee's Book,"

published by the Early English Text Society.

[383] A cover for a bench.

[384] In illustration of the way in which actual warfare was sometimes

treated as if it were a chivalrous trial of skill, take the following

anecdote from Froissart; on the occasion when the French had bribed Amery

de Puy, the governor, to betray Calais, and fell into the ambush which

Edward III. set for them, and the king himself fought under the banner of

Sir Walter Murray:--"The Kyng lyht on the Lord Eustace of Rybemount, who

was a strong and a hardy knyht; there was a long fyht bytwene hym and the

kyng that it was joy to beholde them.... The knight strake the kyng the

same day two tymes on his knees; but finally the kynge himself toke hym

prisoner, and so he yelded his sword to the kyng and sayd, Sir Knyght, I

yeled me as your prisoner, he knewe not as then that it was the kyng." In

the evening the king gave a supper in the castle, at which the French

prisoners sat as guests; and, "when supper was done and the tables take

away, the kyng taryed styll in the hall with his knyghtes and with the

Frenchmen, and he was bare-heeded, savyng a chapelet of fyne perles that

he ware on his heed. Than the kyng went fro one to another of the

Frenchmen.... Than the kyng come to Sir Eustace of Rybamont, and joyously

to hym he said, 'Sir Eustace, ye are the knyht in the worlde that I have

sene moost valyant assayle his ennemyes and defende hymselfe, nor I never

founde knyght that ever gave me so moche ado, body to body, as ye have

done this day; wherefore I give you the price above all the knyghtes of my

court by ryht sentence.' Then the kyng took the chapelet that was upon his

heed, beying bothe faire, goodly, and ryche, and sayd, 'Sir Eustace, I

gyve you this chapelet for the best doar in armes in this journey past of

either party, and I desire you to bere it this yere for the love of me;

say whersover ye come that I dyd give it you; and I quyte you your prison

and ransom, and ye shall depart to-morowe if it please you.'"

[385] 2 Samuel ii.

[386] Such as that which took place at Windsor Park in the sixth year of

Edward I., for which, according to a document in the Record Office at the

Tower (printed in the "Archælogia," vol. xvii. p. 297), it appears that

the knights were armed in a tunic and surcoat, a helmet of leather gilt or

silvered, with crests of parchment, a wooden shield, and a sword of

parchment, silvered and strengthened with whalebone, with gilded hilts.

[387] _i.e._, of the strangers. The challengers are afterwards called the

gentlemen within.

[388] For other forms of challenge, and some very romantic challenges at

full length, see the Lansdowne MS. 285.

[389] Probably the tilt-house (the shed or tent which they have in the

field at one end of the lists).

[390] The Lansdowne MS. says "gentlewomen," an obvious error; it is

correctly given as above in the Hastings MS.

[391] Dugdale, in his "History of Warwickshire," gives a curious series of

pictures of the famous combat between John Astle and Piers de Massie in

the year 1438, showing the various incidents of the combat.

[392] The Harleian MS. No. 69, is a book of certain triumphs, containing

proclamations of tournaments, statutes of arms for their regulation, and

numerous other documents relating to the subject. From folio 20 and

onwards are given pictures of combats; folio 22 v. represents spear-play

at the barriers; folio 23, sword-play at the barriers, &c.

[393] In the picture given by Dugdale of the combat between John Astle and

Piers de Massie, the combatants are represented each sitting in his

chair--a great carvad chair, something like the coronation chair in

Westminster Abbey.

[394] Tremouille.

[395] "Oyez!" or perhaps "Ho!"

[396] From Mr. Wright's "Domestic Manners and Customs of the Middle Ages."

[397] "Ancient Cannon in Europe," by Lieut. Brackenbury.

[398] See also Viollet le Duc's "Dictionary of Architecture."

[399] The British Museum does not possess this fine work, but a copy of it

is accessible to the public in the Library of the South Kensington Museum.

[400] Afterwards cardinal.

[401] Dun Cow.

[402] "He is so hung round," says Truewit, in Ben Jonson's _Epicoene_,

"with pikes, halberds, petronels, calivers, and muskets, that he looks

like a justice of peace's hall." Clement Sysley, of Eastbury House, near

Barking, bequeathed in his will the "gonnes, pikes, cross-bows, and other

weapons, to Thomas Sysley, to go with the house, and remain as standards

for ever in Eastbury Hall."

[403] A sketch illustrating their construction may be found in Witsen's

"Sheeps Bouw." Appendix, Plate 10.

[404] "History of Commerce."

[405] Sir Harris Nicholas' "History of the British Navy," vol. i. p. 21.

[406] In our own day we see the scorn of trade being rapidly softened

down. Many of our commercial houses are almost as important as a

department of State, and are conducted in much the same way. The

principals of these houses are often considerable landholders besides,

have been educated at the public schools and universities, and are frankly

received as equals in all societies. On the other hand, the nobility are

putting their younger sons into trade. At this moment, we believe, the

brother-in-law of a princess of England is in a mercantile house.

[407] _Avarice_, in "Piers Ploughman's Vision," v. 255, says:--

"I have ymade many a knyht both mercer and draper

That payed nevere for his prentishode not a paire of gloves."

[408] Neatly, properly.

[409] Shields, _i.e._ _écus_, French crowns.

[410] Agreement for borrowing money.

[411] Know not his name.

[412] From Mr. Wright's "Domestic Manners and Customs of the Middle Ages."

[413] If.

[414] Boxes.

[415] Sweet ointments.

[416] To give relief.

[417] Engraved in Fisher's Bedfordshire Collections, and in the London and

Middlesex Archæological Society's Proceedings for 1870, p. 66.

[418] Take the woodcut on p. 531, from MS. Royal, 15 E. I., f. 436.

[419] Taken.

[420] Like.

[421] N'et, _i.e._ does not eat.

[422] N'is, _i.e._ is not.

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