EARLY HISTORY (_continued_). BEGINNING OF A PERFECT ENGLISH COLONY
We have seen that many nations shared in the profits of the
Newfoundland trade, but the English and French soon distanced all
other competitors. The explanation lies in the conflicting interests
which these two great and diffusive Powers were gradually establishing
on the American mainland. It is worth while anticipating a little in
order to gain some landmarks. In 1609 the colonization of Virginia
began in earnest; a few years later sailed the Pilgrim Fathers in the
_Mayflower_, to found New England. In 1632 Lord Baltimore founded
Maryland, to be a refuge for English Roman Catholics. Meanwhile,
France had not been idle in the great northern continent. The intrepid
Champlain trod boldly in the perilous footsteps of Cartier, and Port
Royal was founded in 1604, Quebec in 1608. Later still came the
splendid adventure of La Salle, who forced his way--a seventeenth
century Marchand--from the sources of the Mississippi to the Gulf of
Mexico, thus threatening to cut off the English settlers from
expansion to the west. A glance at the map will reveal the immense
strategic importance of Newfoundland to two Powers with the
possessions and claims indicated above. No doubt a consciousness of
deeper differences underlay the keenness of commercial rivalry.
The hardy sailors, mainly from the west country, who carried on the
trade for England, came when the season began, and sailed away with
its close, returning in the following year to the portion of the beach
which each crew had pegged out for its own operations. A feeling of
proprietorship soon sprang from uninterrupted user, and signs of
jealousy appeared of any attempt at permanent settlement. This local
feeling, combining with interested influence at home, did much to
stunt the growth of the colony; the old colonization theory inherited
from Spain was still powerful, for the American Revolution had not yet
revealed the handwriting on the wall.
In 1585 English vessels and sailors were seized in Spanish waters
under the pretext of a general arrest. Accordingly, by way of reprisal
Gilbert's plan of 1577 (which has already been referred to) was
revived by Walsingham, and Sir Walter Raleigh, then vice-admiral of
the western counties, was instructed to despatch vessels for the
purpose of intercepting Spanish fishermen proceeding to the
Newfoundland waters. A flotilla under the command of Sir Barnard Drake
(cousin of Sir Francis) sailed to Newfoundland, and took a
considerable number of Spanish and Portuguese prizes and prisoners.
The disaster to the Spanish Armada in 1588 was a drastic blow to
Spanish power at sea, a signal for England's maritime ascendancy, and
an impetus to more rational, consistent, and practical methods of
colonization, in which great Companies and great fleets
participated--fleets that prepared the way for the establishment and
development of our incomparable Navy, the mighty bulwark of our
Empire. The turning-point at the close of the sixteenth century is
thus indicated by Mr Rogers: "Large creative ideals, the usual
delusions about Cathay, gold, and silver, and a desire to retaliate
against Spain, inspired both Raleigh's and Gilbert's efforts; and
after their failures the history of colonization turned over a new
leaf. There were no more colonies founded in anger, the old delusions
about Cathay and gold and silver melted into thin air, and the large
Elizabethan ideals were accompanied by small projects, which after a
time dimmed and obscured them."[23] With James I. and the wise
influence of Bacon came an increased interest in the "plantations,"
and God's silly vassal (as a justly irritated divine called the King
to his face) does not suffer in this respect from a comparison with
his contemporaries.
After the colonization of Virginia and Maine had begun, Sir John
Popham, who had done much to set on foot the schemes relative to these
American settlements, recollecting the attempts that had been made to
colonize Newfoundland, suggested to the merchant adventurers of
Bristol that they should make new efforts to establish colonies on the
island. The King's support having been promised, funds were raised,
and a royal charter was granted to a company on April 27th, 1610,
designated "The Treasurer and the Company of Adventurers and Planters
of the City of London and Bristol for the Colony or Plantations in
Newfoundland." London and the West of England were thus associated, as
they had been in the Virginian Company of 1606. There were forty-six
members, including the Earl of Northampton, Sir Francis Bacon, Thomas
Aldworth, Mayor of Bristol, John Guy and Philip Guy of Bristol; and
the territory granted to them comprised the lands from Cape St. Mary
to Cape Bonavista. The same year John Guy, the first Governor, led out
the first colony to Newfoundland, landed at Conception Bay, and
selected for his capital Cuper's Cove (Port de Grave). Guy and his
companions then built a fort, a dwelling-house, a workshop, and a
boat, sowed corn, and made preparations for the winter. Next fishing
ordinances were issued by the Governor. "That struck the first note of
a conflict which was to last for 150 years, and of which the echoes
may yet be heard. The fishermen, merchants, and seamen who flocked to
the coast for the fishing season vehemently resented anything which
might seem to threaten their turbulent lawlessness, and the great
merchants in England, who were profiting by the fisheries, were
jealous lest the planters should in some way interfere with their
operations; but, for a time, the planters had sufficient influence
through the patentees in England to maintain themselves."[24] After a
sojourn of six summers--though only three winters--in Newfoundland,
Guy returned to Bristol, and spent the remainder of his life there in
his aldermanic dignity.
He was succeeded (1615) in the Governorship by Captain John Mason who,
together with Sir Ferdinando Gorges, founded New Hampshire and Maine.
Mason stayed six years in the island; he explored it, prepared a map
of it, encouraged the growth of corn successfully, and with less
success endeavoured to establish commercial intercourse with the Red
Indians.
In 1618 appeared the "Briefe discourse of the New-found-land by
Captain John Mason." After a discerning account of the attractions of
his theme, the writer concludes:
"I might hear further discourse of our discoveries ... but these may
suffice as _verbum sapienti_; being of sufficient trueth to remouve
errours ... also to take away malicious and scandelous speeches of
maligne persons, who out of envy to God and good actions (instructed
by their father the Devill) have sought to despoil it of the dewe and
blamish the good name thereof."
Disorders having occurred after Mason's arrival, Sir Richard
Whitbourne, an Exmouth sea-captain who had had many years fishing
experience in the Newfoundland waters, was despatched to investigate
the disputes between the settlers and the fishermen. He reported that
250 sail of English fishermen, and 400 of "French, Portugals, and
Biscaines" resorted to the coast. His mission failed, owing to the
dilatory nature of the inquiry and the difficulties in getting the
contesting parties to attend, as they were in scattered places. Then
the merchants, having an eye to their own profit, proceeded to divide
the occupied territory into a number of shares, which the recipients
afterwards resold.[25] "The colony from time to time shed portions of
itself, division led to sub-division, and new characters appeared upon
the scene."[26] Other companies were thus formed, charters granted,
and settlements made, most of which were confined to the peninsula of
Avalon. With these enterprises several distinguished names were
connected: for example, Sir William Vaughan, who sent out colonists in
1617 and 1618: Henry Cary, Lord Falkland, who bought land on the east
coast, called it South Falkland, despatched a number of emigrants, but
did not himself visit the island; Sir George Calvert, a leading Roman
Catholic, who took out co-religionists.
In 1627 Sir George Calvert, better known as Lord Baltimore, was
granted by charter the fancifully named Province of Avalon (after
Avalon in Somersetshire), which embraced a considerable portion of the
island's area. Calvert established himself at Ferryland--the name
being a corruption of Verulam, so called after the great
Chancellor--and stayed only long enough to infuse a tenacious Roman
Catholic strain into the island. Finding the climate too cold,
however, he applied for a more southerly colony for himself and forty
companions. In reply, the King said that the climate was not too cold,
but that Sir George Calvert was too soft, and had better return home.
But he had in the meantime transferred himself and his forty followers
to the milder climes of the south, and there established Maryland,
whose capital, Baltimore, was named after the founder's family title.
Perhaps the turbulence of his surroundings, and the troubles with the
French, were not to his taste. Law and order were indeed far to seek,
and there were neither civil tribunals nor military forces. We may
suppose that the "Fishing Admirals," authorized by the Star Chamber
and confirmed in their authority by 10 and 11 William III., c. 25,
had already asserted a _de facto_ jurisdiction on the spot, for it is
hardly credible that the mere wantonness of legislative invention can
have produced such a tribunal. To anticipate for a moment: the Act
provided that the master of the first ship arriving from England with
the season should be admiral of the harbour; to the masters of the
second and third in order were given the titles of vice-admiral and
rear-admiral. To this tribunal were committed fishing disputes in
general, and the maintenance of peace among sailors and fishermen. It
may be supposed that these rough sailors were both corrupt and
inefficient. "I must be a pretty sort of a judge if I could not do
justice to myself," said one west country sailor, when charged with
delivering an interested judgment. At the close of the season the
judges disappeared, together with their cargoes of blubber and cod.
In spite of all these drawbacks the island was gradually increasing in
reputation. Writers, as well as returned "planters" and visitors, did
much to make it known. Thus Sir Richard Whitbourne, to whom reference
has already been made, wrote in his "Discourse of Newfoundland"
(1622): "Divers worshipful citizens of the City of Bristol have
undertaken to plant a large circuit of that country, and they have
maintained a Colony of his Majesties subjects there any time those
five years who have builded there faire houses, and done many other
good services, who live there very pleasantly, and they are well
pleased to entertaine upon fit conditions such as wilbe Adventurers
with them." And he quotes from a letter from Captain Wynne of August
17th, 1622: "At the Bristow Plantation there is as goodly rye now
growing as can be in any part of England; they are also well furnished
with swine, and a large breed of goates, fairer by farre than those
that were sent over at the first."
In 1628 Robert Hayman, who accompanied the above-mentioned expedition
of 1610, published a book entitled "Quodlibels, lately come over from
New Britaniola, Old Newfound-Land," etc. Among the "epigrams" are a
number of verses, in which he pays a tribute to leading North American
colonizers, sets out the advantages offered by the new colony, and
makes many apt and wise observations regarding colonization. The
reader will no doubt welcome a few passages, which he may regard--to
use Livy's phrase--as "deverticula amoena" in this account of our
subject.
_To the Worshippful Captaine John Mason, who did wisely and worthily
governe there divers yeeres._
The aire in Newfound-land is wholesome, good;
The fire, as sweet as any made of wood;
The waters, very rich, both salt and fresh;
The earth more rich, you know it is no lesse
Where all are good, fire, water, earth, and aire,
What man made of these foure would not live there?
_To all those worthy women, who have any desire to live in
Newfound-land._
Sweet creatures, did you truely understand
The pleasant life you'd live in Newfound-land,
You would with teares desire to be brought thither:
I wish you, when you goe, faire wind, faire weather:
For if you with the passage can dispence [= bear]
When you are there, I know you'll ne'r come thence.
_In praise of my Newfound-land._
Did some know what contentment I found there,
Alwayes enough, most times somewhat to spare.
With little paines, lesse toyle, and lesser care,
Exempt from tanings, ill newes, lawing, feare....
_To the first Planters of Newfound-land._
What ayme you at in your plantation?
Sought you the honour of our nation?
Or did you hope to raise your owne renowne?
Or else to adde a kingdome to a crowne?
Or Christ's true doctrine for to propagate?
Or drawe salvages to a blessed state?
Or our o're peopled kingdome to relieve?
Or shew poore men where they may richly live?
Or poore mens children godly to maintaine?
Or aym'd you at your owne sweete private gaine?
_To some discreet people who thinke anybody good enough for a
plantation._
When you doe see an idle, lewd, young man,
You say hee's fit for our plantation.
Knowing your selfe to be riche, sober, wise
You set your owne worth at an higher price.
I say, such men as you are, were more fit,
And most convenient for first peopling it:
Such men as you would quickly profit here:
Lewd, lazy lubbers, want wit, grace, and care.
_To the famous, wise and learned sisters, the two Universities of
England, Oxford and Cambridge._
Send forth your sons unto our new plantation;
Yet send such as are holy, wise, and able.
The same writer submitted to Charles I. a remarkable "proposition of
profitt and honour," in which he unsuccessfully called for the King's
help and patronage in regard to the colonization of the island.[27]
In 1637 the Commissioners of Foreign Plantations, who had been
appointed three years before, resolved that the old colonial grants
had lapsed, and transferred them to new patentees, prescribing, under
the new fishing rules made by the Star Chamber (1634), one system and
area of control for settlers, and another for fishermen, and
restricting their respective activities. The first Governor under this
régime was Sir David Kirke, who established himself at Ferryland
(1638) with a number of settlers variously estimated at from thirty to
one hundred persons. His charter was a liberal one, embracing the
whole island, and was the reward of his gallantry in the capture of
Quebec. He introduced the practice of levying rent, imposing licence
fees, and exacting an excise of 5 per 120 fish on alien fishermen. The
convulsions of the Civil War were felt even in Newfoundland, and Kirke
paid for his Royalism by the loss, under the Commonwealth, of his
noble possession (1651).
What has been described as a period of repression in the history of
Newfoundland began with the reign of Charles I. and continued to the
end of the eighteenth century. As a recent writer observes: "In the
fairy story it is the youngest sister, but the eldest sister is the
Cinderella of colonial history. If Newfoundland had experienced only
the healthful neglect under which the other colonies prospered, she
too would have grown into vigorous life. But a strong and influential
class in England was interested in harassing the settlers, in
depreciating the resources of the island, and in throwing every
obstacle in the way of permanent settlement. This policy came in with
Charles I. and continued down to the very commencement of the
nineteenth century. Captain Mason, Sir William Vaughan, and Captain
Whitbourne had written favourably of the island; but from their day
down to 1842, when Sir Richard Bonnycastle wrote his book, every
writer described it as barren; in summer gloomy with perpetual fog,
and in winter given over to excessive cold and blinding snowstorms.
The west country people of England, generation after generation, drew
from the fisheries of Newfoundland enormous profits, upon which
prosperous mercantile establishments and noble families were built up
and sustained in England. They considered and called them 'their'
fisheries, and their interests required that there should be no
resident population to compete in their monopoly, to share the best
fishing rooms, and to grow up to be dangerous rivals in foreign
markets. The influence of this class upon the government was
incessantly exercised in framing regulations and laws to choke the
growth of the colony.
"The confused annals of this period can only be understood by
remembering the existence of two antagonistic parties, the 'planters'
and inhabitants on the one hand, who, being settled there, needed the
protection of a government and police, with administration of justice;
and the 'adventurers' or merchants on the other, who, originally
carrying on the fishery from England, and visiting the island only for
the season, needed no such protection for themselves, and had various
reasons for preventing its being afforded to the others.
"If the Mother Country had only forgotten the island it would have
prospered; but in 1633 the English merchants succeeded in procuring
from the Star Chamber rules and regulations drawn solely to advance
their own private interests, and these rules were supplemented always
in the same direction, by the same oppressive agency."[28]
At this time the resident population of the island cannot have
exceeded a few hundreds, and every step was adopted which a vicious
political economy could suggest to keep the numbers down. It was made
penal for a settler to dwell within six miles of the shore, for a
planter to cut down wood or plant within six miles from the shore, for
any planter or inhabitant to take up the best positions in the
harbours before the arrival of the fishing-fleet in the spring; and
every master who sailed with a crew to Newfoundland was under
bond--lest here and there a permanent settler should filter
through--to return with his exact complement of hands. Their Lordships
of the Committee of Trade and Plantations were not superior to the
prejudices of the day, and they resolved in 1675, "That all
plantations in Newfoundland should be discouraged ... or that the
western charter should from time to time be put in execution; by which
charter all planters were forbid to inhabit within six miles of the
shore from Cape Race to Cape Bonavista." Equally considerate and
attentive were the efforts of the home country to cope with crime in
the island. The Star Chamber ingeniously provided that persons charged
with homicide, or with stealing to the value of 40s., should be
brought home and submitted to the judicial experience of the Mayors
of Southampton, Weymouth, and other specified towns. The
discrimination may also be admired which prohibited stealing _from the
fishing nets_. It must be supposed that time hung heavily on the hands
of the settlers in the intervals of the fishing, for we find at the
period much time and industry wasted on petitions to the Committee of
Trade, who possibly treated them as Grenville's predecessors are said
to have treated the American despatches. The Board of Trade, which
inherited the duties and the incompetence of the Committee, proved
more complaisant, and was indeed prepared to tolerate permanent
settlers to the number of one thousand. A struggle was imminent, if
only they had known it, when the presence of a few thousand resolute
settlers in Newfoundland would be of high moment to the interests of
England.
The life of such as were allowed to remain must have been wild and
strange, alternating between the populous alacrity of the fishing
season and the hand to mouth struggle of the long winter months.
Perhaps the amenities of life were not missed because they can hardly
have been known; but the restrictions on building and the absence of
local authority must early have given rise to bitterness and
discontent. Certainly we must admire the constancy of men who were
content to live, a solitary cluster, on the coast, with an unexplored
interior and savage inhabitants behind them, and with no more secure
prospect of material progress than a process of undetected squatting
on the forbidden ground.
* * * * *
With regard to the plantations that have just been mentioned,
reference may be conveniently made here by way of parenthesis to the
survival in Newfoundland of certain terminology and customs, which
form an interesting connecting-link between the early enterprises and
modern usage and practice. In the words of a writer[29] fully
conversant with the present conditions of the island: "Because of its
early 'plantations,' the word 'planter' is still current in the
insular vocabulary, and the 'supplying system' still prevails, the
solitary links which connect with these bygone days. A 'planter' in
Newfoundland parlance is a fish trader on a moderate scale, the
middleman between the merchant, who ships the cod to market and the
toiler who hauls it from the water. 'Plantations' are yet interwoven
with local tradition, and show on ancient maps and charts. The tenure
of some has never been broken; the names and locations of others are
perpetuated in the existing fishing hamlets which dot the shore line.
Under the 'supplying system' the merchants and planters 'supply' the
fisherfolk each spring with all the essentials for their adequate
prosecution of the industry, and when the season ends, take over their
produce against the advances, made them six months before. The
'merchants' are the descendants of the early 'merchant adventurers'
who exploited the new-found Colony."
* * * * *
FOOTNOTES:
[23] _Op. cit._, p. 42.
[24] Stanford's "Compendium of Geography and Travel" (new issue):
North America: vol. i. Canada and Newfoundland. Edited by H.M. Ami
(London, 1915), p. 1009.
[25] See Rogers, _op. cit._, pp. 59 _seq._
[26] _Ibid._, p. 59.
[27] See article by G.C. Moore Smith, in "English Historical Review,"
vol. xxxiii. (1918), pp. 31 _seq._
[28] Stanford's "Compendium," pp. 1010, 1011.
[29] P.T. M'Grath, "Newfoundland in 1911" (London, 1911), p. 46.