[26] τοις μεν ευ πραξασι δικαιως την αιδιου απολαυσιν παρασχοντος, ταις
δε των φαυλων ερασταις την αιωνιον κολασιν απονει μαντος. Και τουτοις
μεν το πυρ ασβεστον διαμενει και ατελευτετον, σκωλεξ δε τις εμπυρος, μη
τελευτων, μηδε σωμα διαφθειρων, απαυστω δε οδυνη εκ σωματος εκβρασσων
παραμενει. Τουτους ουχ υπνος αναπαυσει, ου νυξ παρηγορησει, ου θανατος
της κολασεως απολυσει, ου παρακλησις συγγενων μεσιτευσαντων ονησει. S.
Hippol. adv. Græcos. Fabricii Hipp. Op. p. 222.
[27] Euseb. H. E., VI. 20.
[28] Attributed to him by Neander, Kirch. Geschichte, I. iii. 1150;
and Schwegler, Montanismus, p. 224.
[29] Storr places him at their head, Zweck der Evang. Geschichte, p. 63;
and Eichhorn associates him with them, Einleitung in das N. T., II. 414.
[30] See the notice of the Nestorian Ebed Jesu, in Asseman's Bibl.
Orient. III. i. ap. Gieseler, k. 9, § 63.
[31] On their relation, and the doctrine connected with their names,
see Baur's "Christl. Gnosis," p. 310.
[32] Phot. Biblioth., cod. 48. ὡς και αυτος (i. e. Γαιος) εν τω τελει
του λαβυρινθου διεμαρτυρατο, ἑαυτου ειναι τον περι της του παντος
ουσιας λογον.
[33] Theologische Jahrbücher, 12er Band, I. 1853, p. 154.
[34] Hæret. Fab. II. c. 5. Κατα της τουτων ὁ σμικρος συνεγραφη
λαβυρινθος, ὁν τινες Ωριγενους ὑπολαμβανουσι ποιημα · αλλ ὁ χαρακτηρ
ελεγχει τους λεγοντας.
[35] He also describes its exact relation to the other, when he calls
it a _special_ work (ι δ ι ω ς) in comparison with "The Labyrinth" as
a general one: συνταξαι δε και ἑτερον λογον ιδιως κατα της Αρτεμωνος
αιρεσεως. Cod. 48.
[36] Ibid. ὡσπερ και τον Λαβυρινθον τινες επεγραψαν Ωριγενους.
[37] Biblioth. cod. 48; Lardner's "Credibility," Part II. ch. xxxii.;
Bunsen's Hippolytus, I. p. 150.
[38] Euseb. H. E., III. 28. αλλα και Κηρινθος, ὁ δι αποκαλυψεων ὡς ὑπο
αποστολου μεγαλου γεγραμμενων τερατολογιας ημιν ὡς δι αγγελων αυτω
δεδειγμενας ψευδομενος επεισαγει, λεγων, μετα την αναστασιν επιγειον
ειναι το βασιλειον του Χριστου, και παλιν επιθυμιαις και ἡδοναις εν
Ἱερουσαλημ την σαρκα πολιτευομενην δουλευειν. και εχθρος ὑπαρχων ταις
γραφαις του θεου αριθμον χιλιονταετιας εν γαμω ἑορτης θελων πλαναν λεγει
γινεσθαι. The passage, preserving its obscurities, seems to run thus:
"Cerinthus too, through the medium of revelations written as if by a
great Apostle, has palmed off upon us marvellous accounts, pretending to
have been shown him by angels; to the effect that, after the
resurrection, the kingdom of Christ will be an earthly one, and that the
flesh will again be at the head of affairs, and serve in Jerusalem the
lusts and pleasures of sense. And with wilful misguidance he says,
setting himself in opposition to the Scriptures of God, that a period of
a thousand years will be spent in nuptial festivities." On this
much-controverted passage, Lardner (Cred., P. II. ch. xxxii.) suspends
his judgment, rather inclining to doubt whether our Apocalypse is
referred to; Hug (Einl. § 176), Paulus (Hist. Cerinth., P. I. § 30),
with Twells and Hartwig (whose criticisms we have not seen), deny that
the Apocalypse is meant; while Eichhorn (Einl. in das N. T., VI. v. §
194. 2), De Wette (Lehrbuch der Einl. in d. N. T., § 192 a), Lücke
(Commentar üb. d. Schriften des Ev. Johannes, Offenb. § 33), and
Schwegler (Das nachapost. Zeitalter, 2er B. p. 218), take the other
side. It must be confessed also, that, till the rise of the present
discussion about the "Philosophoumena," Baur agreed with these last
writers. (See his Christl. Lehre v. d. Dreieinigkeit, 1er B. p. 283.) He
now urges, however, that, in a case already so doubtful, the discovery
of a lost book, which we have good reason to ascribe to Caius,
necessarily brings in new evidence, and may turn the scale between two
balanced interpretations. (Theol. Jahrb., p. 157.)
[39] Baur explains the slight treatment of the Montanist heresy in the
"Philosophumena" by the intention which Caius already had of writing a
special book against them: and contends that this intention is
announced expressly in the words (p. 276), περι τουτων αυθις
λεπτομερεστερον εκθησομαι · πολλοις γαρ αφορμη κακων γεγενηται ἡ
τουτων αιρεσις. These words, however, do not refer, as the connection
evidently shows, to the Montanists generally; but only to a certain
class of them who fell in with the patripassian doctrine of Noctus.
The Noctian scheme Caius was going to discuss further on in this very
book: and it is evidently to this later chapter, not to any separate
work against Montanism, that he alludes.
[40] The word is perhaps not allowable in speaking of the earliest
time (the reign of Alexander Severus) assignable for the erection of
separate buildings appropriate to Christian worship.
[41] To Hippolytus and the writers of his period, Dorner ascribes the
latter, preponderantly over the former, side of this alternative;
while Hänell charges their view with Sabellianism. See Dorner's
"Entwickelungsgeschichte der Lehre von der Person Christi," I. p. 611,
_seq._
[42] "Tert. adv. Prax.," c. 3.
[43] Euseb. H. E., V. 28.
[44] See Adolph Schliemann's "Clementinen, nebst den verwandten
Schriften und der Ebionitismus," Cap. III. ii. §§ 8, 9.
[45] M. Bunsen must have some authority which has escaped our memory for
attributing to "the whole school of Tübingen" the opinion "that the
fourth Gospel was written about the year 165 or 170." (I. v.) We cannot
call to mind any criticism which assigns so late a date. Schwegler uses
various expressions to mark the time to which he refers; e. g. "about
the middle of the second century" (Nachapost. Zeitalter, II. 354, and
Montanismus, p. 214); "intermediate between the Apologists and Irenæus"
(II. 369); "previous to the last third of the second century" (II. 348);
"in the second quarter of the second century" (II. 345). Zeller also
fixes on the year 150 as the time when the Gospel may probably have
first appeared. (Zeller's Jahrb., 1845, p. 646.)
[46] The earliest testimony is that of Apollinaris, of Hierapolis in
Phrygia, preserved in the "Paschal Chronicle," probably about A. D.
170-175.
[47] We will give, from this very section on Basilides, and its
subsequent recapitulation, three examples of the irregular mode of
citation to which we refer: (_a_) of the singular verb with plural
subject expressed; (_b_) of plural verb with singular subject expressed;
(_c_) of the mixture of singular and plural subjects in the same
sentence, so that the affirmation belongs indeterminately to either.
(_a_) Ιδωμεν ουν πως καταφανως Βασιλειδης ὁμου και Ισιδωρος και πας ὁ
τουτων χορος, ουχ ἁπλως καταψευδεται μονου Ματθαιου, αλλα γαρ και του
Σωτηρος αυτου. Ην, φησιν, ὁτε ην ουδεν, κ. τ. λ.--p. 230.
(_b_) Βασιλειδης δε και αυτος λεγει ειναι θεον ουκ οντα, πεποιημενον
κοσμον εξ ουκ οντων, ... η ὡς ωον ταου εχον εν ἑαυτω την των χρωματων
ποικιλην πληθυν, και τουτο ειναι φασι το του κοσμου σπερμα, κ. τ.
λ.--p. 320.
(_c_) και δεδοικε τας κατα προβολην των γεγονοτων ουσιας ὁ Βασιλειδης
... αλλα ειπε, φησι, και εγενετο, και τουτο εστιν ὁ λεγουσιν οι ανδρες
ουτοι, το λεχθεν ὑπο Μωσεως, "Γενηθητω φως, και εγενετο φως." Ποθεν,
φησι, γεγονε το φως; ... Γεγονε, φησιν, εξ ουκ οντων το σπερμα του
κοσμου, ὁ λογος ὁ λεχθεις γενηθητω φως, και τουτο, φησιν, εστι το
λεγομενον εν τοις Ευαγγελιοις. "Ην το φως το αληθινον, ὁ φωτιζει παντα
ανθρωπον ερχομενον εις τον κοσμον."--p. 232. Now can any one decide
whether this comment on the "Let there be light, and there was light,"
with its applications to John i. 9, proceeds from "Basilides" or from
"these men"?
[48] Page 528.
[49] Euseb. H. E., V. 28.
[50] "Philosophumena," p. 258.
[51] Iren. Lib. II. c. 39.
[52] I. p. 341.
[53] The words of the author of the "Philosophumena" are these: Τουτυν
εγνωμεν εκ παρθενου σωμα ανειληφοτα και τον παλαιον ανθρωπον δια
καινης πλασεως πεφορηκοτα, εν βιω δια πασης ἡλικιας εληλυθοτα, ινα
παση ἡλικια αυτος νομος γενηθη και σκοπον τον ιδιον ανθρωπον πασιν
ανθρωποις επιδειξη παρων, και δι αυτου ελεγξη ὁτι μηδεν εποιησεν ὁ
θεος πονηρον.--p. 337.