[_Farewell to Ohio, Feb. 25th_.]
Sir,--I am about to bid an affectionate farewell to Cincinnati, and
through Cincinnati to the commonwealth of Ohio--that bright morning star
of consolation and of hope risen from the West over the gloomy horizon
of Hungary's and of Europe's dark night!
Ohio! how that name thrills through the very heart of my heart, with
inexpressible pleasure, like the first trumpet sound of resurrection in
the ears of the chosen just!
Ohio! how I will cherish that very name, the dearest of my soul, after
the name of my beloved own dear fatherland.
How I long for words of flame to express all the warmth of my heartfelt
gratitude! And still how poor I feel in words, precisely because my
heart is so full; so full, that I can scarcely speak--because every
pulsation of my blood is fervent prayer to God for Ohio's glory and
happiness.
Let me dispense with empty words--let what Ohio _did_, _does_, and _will
do_, for the cause of European freedom, be its own monument!
I have met many a fair flower of sympathy in this great united Republic,
but all Ohio has been to me a blooming garden of sympathy. From the
first step on Ohio's soil to the last,--along all my way up to Cleveland
down to Columbus, and across to Cincinnati, and also beyond the line of
my joyful way,--in every city, in every town, in every village, in every
lonely farm, I have met the same generosity, the same sympathy.
The people, penetrated by one universal inspiration of lofty principles,
told me everywhere that Hungary must yet be free; that the people of
Ohio will not permit the laws of nations, of justice, and of humanity,
to be trampled down by the sacrilegious combination of despotism; that
the people of Ohio takes the league of despots against liberty and
against the principle of national self-government, for an insult offered
to the great republic of the West; that it takes it for an insult which
Ohio will not bear, but will put all the weight of its power into the
political scale. Would that all the United States with equal resolution
might spurn that insult to humanity.
That is the language which Ohio spoke to me through hundreds of
thousands of freemen--that is the language which Ohio spoke to me
through her senators and representatives in their high legislative
capacity--that is the language which Ohio spoke to me through her chief,
whom it has elevated to govern the commonwealth and to execute the
people's sovereign will.
The executive power, the legislature, the people, all united in that
harmony of generous protection to the just cause which I humbly plead;
but that is not all yet. Sympathy and political protection I have met
also everywhere; and have met it as well in the public opinion of the
people as in the executive and legislative departments of several
States, though it is a due tribute of acknowledgment to say, that
nowhere to that extent and in equal universality as in Ohio, but that
is yet not all.
The sympathy of Ohio was rich in fair fruits of substantial aid--from
the hall of the State legislature down to the humble abode of
noble-minded working men--and associations of the friends of Hungary,
spread through that powerful commonwealth, promise a permanent, noble
protection to the cause I plead.
Even the present occasion of bidding farewell to Ohio is of such a
nature as to entitle me, by its very organization to the hope that you
consider your noble task of aiding the cause of Hungary not yet done;
but that you have determined to go on in a practical direction, till
the future, developed by your active protection, proves to be richer yet
in fruit than the present is.
Considering the almost universal pronouncement of public opinion in this
great and prosperous commonwealth--considering the practical character
of the people of the West, the natural efficiency of this organization,
and _who_ are those who with generous zeal have devoted themselves
to carry it out on a large extent,--I may be well excused for
entertaining some expectations of no common success--of a success which
also in other parts of this great Union, may prove decisive in its
effects. No greater misfortune could be met with than disappointment in
such expectations, which we have been by the strongest possible motives
encouraged to conceive. To be disappointed in hopes we have justly
relied on, would be beyond all imagination terrible in its consequences.
I shudder at the very idea of the boundless woes it could not fail to be
attended with, not for myself--I attach not much value to my own
life,--but for thousands, nay for millions of men.
I know, gentlemen, that _here_ the question is entirely matter of
time. But in regard to time, I am permitted to say so much.
The outbreak of the unavoidable, decisive struggle between the two
opposite principles of freedom and despotism is hurried on in Europe by
two great impulses. The first is the insupportability of oppression
connected with the powerfully developed organization of the oppressed,
which by its very progress imposes the necessity of no delay. Be pleased
earnestly to reflect upon what I rather suggest than explain. And be
pleased also to read between the lines. I, of course, speak not of
anything relating to your country. I state simply European fact, of
which every thinking man, the Czars and their satellites themselves, are
fully aware, though the how and the where they cannot grasp.
The second impulse, hurrying events to a decision, is that very combined
scheme of activity which the despots of Europe too evidently display.
They know full well that they are on the brink of an inevitable
retribution; that their crimes have pushed them to the point, where
either their power will cease for ever to exist, or they must risk all
for all. In former times they relied at the hour of danger upon the
generous credulity of nations. By seemingly submitting, when the people
arose irresistible, they conjured the fury of the storm They saved
themselves by promises, and when the danger was over, they restored
their abused power by breaking their oath and by deceiving their
nations. By this atrocious impiety you have seen several victorious
revolutions in Europe deprived of their fruits and sinking to nothing
by having made compromise with royal perjury. I am too honest,
gentlemen, not to confess openly, that I myself shared this error of the
Old World--I myself plead guilty of that fatal European credulity. The
tyrants who by falsehood have gained their end, are aware that they have
no security; that the nations have lost faith in their oaths, and will
never be cheated again.
Hence, gentlemen, a very essential novelty in the present condition of
Europe. Formerly every revolution was followed by some slight progress
in the development of constitutionalism. A little more liberty to the
press, some sort of a trial by jury, a nominal responsibility of
ministers, or a mockery of popular representation in the
Legislature--something of that sort always resulted, momentarily, out of
former revolutions; and then the consciousness of being deceived by vile
mockery led to new revolutions.
But when in 1848 and 1849, our victories in Hungary had shaken to the
very foundation the artificial building of oppression, so that there was
no more hope left to tyranny, but to shelter itself under the wings of
Russia, the Czar told them--well, I accept the part of becoming your
master, ye kings, and I will help you, but _you must be obedient_
You, yourselves have encouraged revolutions, by making concessions to
them. I like not this everlasting resurrection of revolutions; it
disturbs my sleep. I am not sure not to find it at my own home some fine
morning. I therefore will help you, my servants, but under the
condition, that it is not only the bold Hungarians who must be crushed,
it is _revolution_ which must be crushed, its very spirit, in its
very vitality, everywhere; and to come to this aim, you must abandon all
shame as to sworn promises; withdraw every concession made to the spirit
of revolution; not the slightest freedom, no privilege, no political
right, no constitutional aspirations must be permitted; all and
everything must be levelled by the equality of passive obedience and
absolute servitude.
"Look to my Russia; I make no concessions, I rule with an iron rod, and
I am obeyed. All you must do the same and not govern, but domineer by
universal oppression. That is my sovereign will--obey."
Thus spoke the Czar. It is no opinion which I relate. It is a fact, a
historical fact, which the Czar openly proclaimed on several occasions,
particularly in that characteristic declaration, to which the
high-minded General Cass alluded in his remarkable speech on
"_non-intervention_" in the Senate of the United States, on the
10th day of February. The Czar Nicholas, complaining, that
"_insurrection has spread in every nation with an audacity which has
gained new force in proportion to the concessions of the
Governments_" declares that he considers it his divine mission to
crush the _Spirit of Liberty_ on earth, which he arrogantly terms
the spirit of insurrection and of anarchy.
By this you have the definition of what is meant by the words of "war
for what principle shall rule." _The issue must be felt, not only in
Europe, but here also and everywhere_; the issue will not leave a
chance for a new struggle, either to kings or to nations, for a long
time perhaps, and probably for centuries.
In that condition you can see the key of the remarkable fact, that when
I left my Asiatic prison under the protection of the star-spangled
flag--nations of different climates, different languages, different
institutions, different inclinations, united in the pronunciation of
sympathy, expectation, encouragement, and hope around my poor humble
self,--Italians, French, Portuguese, the people of England, Belgians,
Germans, Swiss and Swedes. It was the instinct of common danger, it was
the instinct of necessary union. It was no mere tribute of recognition
paid to the important weight of Hungary in the scale of this intense
universal struggle. It was still more a call of distress, entrusted by
the voice of mankind to my care, to bring it over to free America, as to
the natural and most powerful representative of that "Spirit of Liberty"
against which the leagued tyrants are waging a war of extermination with
inexorable resolution. Yes, it was a call of distress entrusted to my
care, to remind America that there is a tie in the destinies of nations;
and that those are digging a bottomless abyss who forsake the Spirit of
Liberty, when within the boundaries of common civilization half the
world utters in agony the call of universal distress.
That is the mission with which I come to your shores; and believe me,
gentlemen, that is the key of that wonderful sympathy with which the
people of this republic answers my humble appeal. There is blood from
our blood in these noble American hearts; there is the great heart of
mankind which pulsates in the American breast; there is the chord of
liberty which vibrates to my sighs.
Let ambitious fools, let the pigmies who live on the scanty food of
personal envy, when the very earth quakes beneath their feet, let even
the honest prudence of ordinary household times, measuring eternity with
that thimble with which they are wont to measure the bubbles of small
party interest, and, taking the dreadful roaring of the ocean for a
storm in a water glass, let those who believe the weather to be calm
because they have drawn a nightcap over their ears, and, burying their
heads into pillows of domestic comfort, do not hear Satan sweeping in a
hurricane over the earth; let envy, ambition, blindness, and the
pettifogging wisdom of small times, artistically investigate the
question of my official capacity, or the nature of my public authority;
let them scrupulously discuss the immense problem whether I still
possess, or possess no longer, the title of my once-Governorship; let
them ask for credentials, discuss the limits of my commission, as
representative of Hungary. I pity all such frog and mouse fighting.
I claim no official capacity--no public authority--no representation;
boast of no commission, of no written and sealed credentials. I am
nothing but what my generous friend, the Senator of Michigan, has justly
styled me, "a private and banished man." But in that capacity I have a
nobler credential for my mission than all the clerks of the world can
write, the credential that I am a "man,"--the credential that I am "a
patriot"--the credential that I love with all sacrificing devotion my
oppressed fatherland and liberty; the credential that I hate tyrants,
and have sworn everlasting hostility to them; the credential that I feel
the strength to do good service to the cause of freedom; good service as
perhaps few men can do, because I have the iron will, in this my breast,
to serve faithfully, devotedly, indefatigably, that noble cause.
I have the credential that I trust to God in heaven, to justice on
earth; that I offend no laws, but cling to the protection of laws. I
have the credential of my people's undeniable confidence and its
unshaken faith, to my devotion, to my manliness, to my honesty, and to
my patriotism; which faith I will honestly answer without ambition,
without interest, as faithfully as ever, but more skilfully, because
schooled by adversities. And I have the credential of the justice of the
cause I plead, and of the wonderful sympathy, which, not my person, but
that cause, has met and meets in two hemispheres.
These are my credentials, and nothing else. To whom this is enough, he
will help me, so far as the law permits and is his good pleasure. To
whom these credentials are not sufficient, let him look for a better
accredited man.
I have too lively a sentiment of my own modest dignity, ever to
condescend to polemics about my own personal merits or abilities. I
believe my life has been public enough to appertain to the impartial
judgment of history, but it may have perhaps interested you to hear,
how, in a small and inconsiderable circle of the Hungarian emigration,
the idea was started that I must be opposed, because I have declared
against all compromise with the House of Austria, or with royalty, and
because by declaring that my direction will be in every case only
republican, I make every arrangement, without revolution, impossible.
That I should be thus attacked at this crisis, does look like an
endeavour to check a benefit to my country, but I cannot forbear humbly
to beseech you, do not therefore think less favourably of my nation and
of the Hungarian emigration, for which I am sorry that I can do very
little, because I devote myself and all the success I may meet with to a
higher aim--to my country's freedom and independence. Believe me,
gentlemen, that my country and its exiled martyr sons are highly worthy
of your generous sympathy, though some few of the number do not always
act as they should.
They are but few who do so, and it would be unjust to measure all of us
by the faults of some few. Upon the whole, I am proud to say that the
Hungarian emigration was scrupulous to merit generous sympathy, and to
preserve the honour of the Hungarian name. Remember that though you are
Republicans, still here, in the very metropolis of Ohio, a man was found
to lecture for Russo-Austrian despotism, and to lecture with the
astonishing boldness of an immense ignorance.
But that good man I can dismiss with silence, the more because it is
with high appreciation and warm gratitude that I saw an honourable
gentleman, animated with the most generous sentiments of justice and
right, take immediately upon himself the task of refutation. I may
perhaps be permitted to remark, that that learned and honourable
gentleman, besides having nobly advocated the cause of freedom, justice,
and truth, has also well merited of his co-religionaries, who belong
together with himself, _to the Roman Catholic Church_.
Gentlemen, I have but one word yet, and it is a sad one--the word of
farewell. Cincinnati, Ohio, farewell! May the richest blessings of the
Almighty rest upon thee! In every heart, and in the hearts of my people,
thy name will for ever live, a glorious object for our everlasting love
and gratitude.
* * * * *