[_Columbus, Feb. 7th, to the Association of Friends of Hungary_.]
On Feb. 7th was held the first regular meeting of the Ohio Association
of the Friends of Hungary, in the City Hall of Columbus. Governor Wood
addressed the Association, as its President; and in the course of his
speech said:--
This is a cause in which the people of the United States feel much
interest. Much has been said on the doctrine of intervention and
non-intervention. There was a time when if I ventured to speak a word on
any question in this State it was received with authority. The opinions
I now express have been formed with the same deliberation as those I
expressed with authority in another capacity. There has seemed to be a
combined effort on the part of despots in Europe to put down free
institutions. It is the duty of freemen to oppose this effort--to resist
the principle that every civic community has not a right to regulate its
own affairs. Whenever one nation interferes with the internal concerns
of another, it is a direct insult to all other nations.
There is a combined effort in Continental Europe to overthrow all free
and liberal institutions. This accomplished, what next?--The efforts of
tyrants will be directed to our institutions. It will be their aim to
break us down. Must not we prevent this event--_peaceably if we
can--forcibly if we must?_ No power will prevail with tyrants and
usurpers but the power of gunpowder or steel.
Kossuth in reply, turning to Governor Wood, said: Before addressing the
assembly, I humbly entreat your excellency to permit me to express, out
of the very heart of my heart, my gratitude and fervent thanks for those
lofty, generous principles which you have been pleased now to pronounce.
I know those principles would have immense value even if they were only
an individual opinion; but when they are expressed by him who is the
elect of the people of Ohio, they doubly, manifoldly increase in weight.
The restoration of Hungary to its national independence is my aim, to
which I the more cheerfully devote my life, because I know that my
nation, once master of its own destiny, can make no other choice, in the
regulation of its institutions and of its government, than that of a
Republic founded upon democracy and the great principle of municipal
self-government, without which, as opposed to centralization, there is
no practical freedom possible.
Other nations enjoying a comparatively tolerable condition under their
existing governments--though aware of their imperfections, may shrink
from a revolution of which they cannot anticipate the issue, while they
know that in every case it is attended with great sacrifices and great
sufferings for the generation which undertakes the hazard of the change.
But that is not the condition of Hungary. My poor native land is in such
a condition that all the horrors of a revolution, when without the hopes
of happiness to be gained by it, are preferable to what it lives to
endure now. The very life on a bloody battle-field, where every
whistling musket-ball may bring death--affords more security, more ease,
and is less alarming than that life which the people of Hungary has to
suffer now. We have seen many a sorrowful day in our past, We have been
by our geographical position, destined as the breakwater against every
great misfortune, which in former centuries rushed over Europe from the
East. It is not only the Turks, when they were yet a dangerous,
conquering race, which my nation had to stay, by wading to the very lips
in its own heroic blood. No. The still more terrible invasion of Batu
Khan's (the Mongol) raging millions, poured down over Europe from the
Steppes of Tartary,--who came not to conquer but to destroy, and
therefore spared not nature, not men, not the child in its mother's
womb. It was Hungary which had to stay its flood from devouring the rest
of Europe. Nevertheless, all which Hungary has ever suffered is far
less than it has to suffer now from the tyrant of Austria, himself in
his turn nothing but the slave of ambitious Russia.
Oh! it is a fair, beautiful land, my beloved country, rich in nature's
blessings as perhaps no land is rich on earth. When the spring has
strewn its blossoms over it, it looks as the garden of Eden may have
looked, and when the summer ripens nature's ocean of crops over its
hills and plains, it looks like a table dressed for mankind by the Lord
himself; and still it was here in Columbus that I read the news that a
terrible dearth, that famine is spreading over the rich and fertile
land. How should it not? Where life-draining oppression weighs so
heavily, that the landowner offers the use of all his lands to the
government, merely to get free from the taxation--where the vintager
cuts down his vineyards and the gardener his orchard, and the farmer
burns his tobacco seed to be rid of the duties, and their
vexations--there of course must dearth prevail, and famine raise its
hideous head. Yet the tyrant adds calumny to oppression, by attributing
the dearth to a want of industry, after having created it by oppression.
There exists no personal security of property. Nor is the verdict "not
guilty," when pronounced by an Austrian court, sufficient to ensure
security against prison, nay, against death by the executioner--through
a new trial ordered to find a man guilty at any price. Poor Louis
Bathyanyi was thus treated. Even now persecution is going on--hundreds
are arrested secretly and sent to prison and their property confiscated,
though they were already acquitted by the very Haynaus. _Even to whisper
that a man or woman was arrested in the night is considered a crime_,
and punished by prison, or if the whisperer be a young man, by sending him
to the army, there to taste, when he dares to frown, the corporal's
stick. _No man knows what is forbidden, what not_, because there
exists no law but the arbitrary will of martial courts--no protecting
institution--no public life--free speech forbidden--the press
fettered--complaint a crime,--When we consider all this, indeed it is
not possible not to arrive at the conviction, that, come what may, a new
war of revolution in Hungary is not a matter of choice, but a matter of
unavoidable necessity, because all that may come is not by far so
terrible as that which is!
But I am often asked,--"What hope has Hungary should she rise again?"
Pardon me, gentlemen, for saying, that I cannot forbear to be surprized
as often as I hear this question. Why! The Emperor of Austria, fresh
with his bloody victories over Italy, Vienna, Lemberg, Prague, attacked
us in the fulness of his power, when we had no expectation, and were
least in the world prepared to meet it. We were assaulted on several
sides; our fortresses were in the hands of traitors, we had as yet no
army at all. We were secluded from all the world--forsaken by all the
world--without money--without arms--without ammunition--without
friends--having nothing for us but the justice of our cause and the
people burning with patriotism--men who went to the battlefield almost
without knowing how to cock their guns; but still, within less than six
months, we beat all the force of Austria,--we crushed it to the dust,
and in despair, the proud tyrant fled to the feet of the Czar, begging
his assistance for his sacrilegious purpose, and paying him by the
sacrifice of honour, independence, and all his future!
In contemplating these facts, who can doubt that we are now a match for
Austria. Then we had no army--now we have 120,000 brave Magyars, who
fought for freedom and motherland, enlisted in the ranks of Austria,
forming their weakness and our strength. Then hostile nations were
opposed to us, now they are friendly, and are with us. Then no
combination existed between the oppressed nations--now the combination
exists. Then our oppressor took his own time to strike--when he was best
and we were worst prepared:--now we will take our time and strike the
blow when it is best for us and worst for him. In a word, then every
chance was against us, and we almost in a condition that the stoutest
hearts faltered; and we only took up the gauntlet because our very soul
revolted against the boundless treachery;--now every chance is for us,
and it is the native which throws the gauntlet into the tyrant's face.
Our very misfortune ensures our success--because then we had some
something to lose, now we have nothing. We can only gain--for I defy
the sophistry of despotism to invent anything of public or private
oppression which is not already inflicted upon us.
But I was upon the question of success.--When I moot that
question--upon what reposes the success of Hungary, it always occurs to
my mind that the last Administration of the United States sent a
gentleman over to Europe during the Hungarian struggle, _not_ with
orders to recognize the independence of Hungary, but just to look to
what chance of success we had. Now, suppose that the United States,
taking into consideration the right of every nation to dispose of
itself, and true to that policy which it has always followed to take
established facts as they are, and not to investigate what chances there
might or might not be for the future, but always recognize every new
Government everywhere--suppose that it had sent that gentleman with
such an instruction to Hungary: what would have been the consequence? If
the government of Hungary which existed then and indeed existed very
actively, for it had created armies, had beaten Austria, and driven her
last soldier from Hungarian territory,--If that government had been
recognized by the United States, of course commercial intercourse with
the United States, in every respect, would have been lawful, according
to your existing international laws. The Emperor of Austria, the Czar of
Russia, because they are recognized powers, have full liberty to buy
your cannons, gunpowder, muskets--everything. That would have been the
case with Hungary. That legitimate commerce with the people of the
United States with Hungary, of course would have been protected by the
navy of the United States in the Mediterranean. Now, men we had
enough--but arms we had none. That would have given us arms, and having
beaten Austria already, we would have beaten Russia, and I, instead of
having now the honour of addressing you here, would perhaps have
dictated a peace in Moscow. But the gentleman was sent to _investigate
the chances_ of success. Upon his investigation Hungary perished.
Let me entreat you, friends of Hungary, do not much hesitate about
success. While Rome deliberated, Saguntum fell. I fear that by too long
investigating what chances we have, the chances of success will be
compromised, which by speedy help could have been ensured.
Well, I am answered--"there is no doubt about it.--Hungary is a match
for Austria. You have beaten Austria, it is true; but Russia--there is
the rub." Precisely, because there is the rub, I come to the United
States, relying upon the fundamental principles of your great Republic,
to claim the protection and maintenance of the law of nations against
the armed interference of Russia.
That is precisely what I claim. That accorded, no intervention of Russia
can take place; the word of America will be respected, not out of
consideration for your dignity, but because the Czar and the cabinet of
Russia, atrocious and unprincipled as they are, are no fools, and will
not risk their existence. Therefore your word will be respected.
You have an act of Congress, passed in 1818, by which the people of the
United States are forbidden by law to take any hostile steps against a
power with which the United States are at amity. Well, suppose Congress
pronounces such a resolution--that in respect to any power which
violates the laws of nations we recall this neutrality law and give full
liberty to follow its own will. (Applause.) Now, in declaring this,
Congress has prevented a war, because it has been pointed out to the
people in what way that pronunciation of the law of nations is to be
supported, and the enterprizing spirit of the people of the United
States is too well known as its sympathy for the cause of Hungary is
too decidedly expressed, not to impart a conviction to the Czar of
Russia that though the United States do not wish to go to war, so the
law of nations will be enforced, _peaceably if possible_ (turning
to Governor Wood) _forcibly if necessary_.
But as I again and again meet the doubt whether your protest even with
such sanction will be respected, I farther answer--let me entreat you to
try. It costs nothing. You are not bound to go farther than you
will;--try. _Perhaps_ it will be respected, and if it be, humanity
is rescued, and freedom on earth reigns where despotism now rules. It is
worth a trial.
Besides, I beg to remind you of my second and third requests, either of
which might bring a practical solution of this doubt. At present,
whoever will may sell arms to Austria, but you forbid your own citizens
to sell arms to Hungary; and this, though the rule of Austria has no
legitimate basis, but rests on unjust force; while you have avowed the
cause of Hungary to be just. Such a state of your law is not neutrality,
and is not righteous towards _us_ nor is it fair towards your
_own people_. If Venice were to-day to shake off the yoke of
Austria, Austria will forthwith forbid all of you to buy and sell with
Venice. Well: I say that is not fair towards your own citizens, any more
than to the Venetians. True; you have not the right to open any market
by force, towards a nation which is unwilling to deal with you, but you
have a clear right to deal with one which desires it, in spite of any
belligerent who chooses to forbid you. How could the fact of Hungary or
Venice rising up against their oppressor justify Austria in damaging the
lawful commerce of America with those nations? On this turns my second
principle, which I consider of high importance for the coming struggle;
that the United States would declare their resolve to uphold their
commercial intercourse with every nation which is ready to accept it.
Thirdly, I claimed that you would recognize the Hungarian Declaration of
Independence as having been legitimate. My enemies have misrepresented
this, as if I desired to be recognized as _de facto_ the Governor
of Hungary. This is mere absurdity. That is not the question--_am_
I governor or not governor? The question is--_was_ the Declaration
of Independence of Hungary, in the judgment of the people of the United
States, a legitimate one, to which my nation had a right--or was it not?
I believe America cannot answer no, because your very existence rests on
a similar act. And if that declaration is made, what will be the
consequence of it? What will be the practical result? Why, that very
moment when I or whoever else, upon the basis of this declaration,
recognized to be legitimate by your republic, shall take a stake upon
Hungarian independence, and issue a proclamation declaring that a
national government exists, that very moment the existence of the
government will be recognized, and the gentleman who will be sent to
Europe will not be sent to investigate what chances we have of success,
but into what diplomatic relation we shall come. And what will be the
consequence? A legitimate commercial intercourse of America. Then I can
fit out men of war--steamers and everything--and your laws will not
prevent me. The government of Hungary will then be a friendly power, and
therefore according to your laws everything might be done for the
benefit of my country--and who knows what a benefit it might secure to
yourselves?
As regards my use of any pecuniary aids, I declare that I will respect
the laws of every nation where I have the honour even temporarily to be.
I will employ that aid, which the friends of Hungary may place at my
disposal, for the benefit of my country, to be sure, but only in such a
way as is not forbidden by, or contrary to, your laws. Now, to make an
armed expedition against a friendly power--that is forbidden. But if
Hungary rises upon the basis of a recognized, legitimate independence,
then what is necessary for it to prepare for coming into that position
is lawful. I have taken the advice of the highest authorities in that
respect. I was not so bold as to become the interpreter of your laws,
but I have asked, Is that lawful, or is it not? from the highest
authorities in law matters of the United States.
Now to return to Hungary. In what condition is it! In the beginning of
my talking I mentioned the invasion of Tartarian hordes. Then the wild
beasts spread over the land, and caused the few remnants of the people
to take refuge in some castles, and fortresses, and fortified places and
in the most remote and sterile ground. The wild beasts fed on human
blood. Now again the wild beasts are spreading terribly; and why?
Because to have a single pistol, to have a sword, or a musket, is a
crime which is punished by several years' imprisonment. Such is now the
condition of Hungary! Therefore, you may now see that the country is
disarmed, and of what importance is it for that success, about which I
hear now and then doubts, to have arms prepared in a convenient lawful
manner.
[After this, Kossuth spoke in some detail concerning the pecuniary
contributions; and closed with complaints of his painfully over-worked
chest, which had much impeded his speech.]
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