KOSSUTH'S REPLY.

Mr. President--The General Assembly of Ohio, having magnanimously

bestowed upon me the high honour of this national welcome, it is with

profound veneration that I beg leave to express my fervent gratitude for

it.

Were even no principles for the future connected with the honour which I

now enjoy, still the past would be memorable as history, and not fail to

have a beneficial influence, continuously to develop the Spirit of the

Age. Almost every century has had one predominant idea, which imparted a

common direction to the activity of nations. This predominant idea is

the Spirit of the Age, invisible yet omnipresent; impregnable,

all-pervading; scorned, abused, opposed, and yet omnipotent.

The spirit of our age is Democracy. All _for_ the people and all

_by_ the people. Nothing _about_ the people _without_ the

people. That is Democracy, and that is the ruling tendency of the spirit

of our age.

To this spirit is opposed the principle of Despotism, claiming

sovereignty over mankind, and degrading nations from the position of a

self-conscious, self-consistent aim, to the condition of tools

subservient to the authority of ambition.

One of these principles will and must prevail. So far as one

civilization prevails, the destiny of mankind is linked to a common

source of principles, and within the boundaries of a common

civilization community of destinies exists. Hence the warm interest which

the condition of distant nations awakes now-a-days in a manner not yet

recorded in history because humanity never was yet aware of that common

tie as it now is. With this consciousness thus developed, two opposite

principles cannot rule within the same boundaries--Democracy and

Despotism.

In the conflict of these two hostile principles, until now it was not

Right, not Justice, but only Success which met approbation and applause.

Unsuccessful patriotism was stigmatized with the name of crime.

Revolution not crowned by success was styled Anarchy and Revolt, and

the vanquished patriot being dragged to the gallows by victorious

despotism, men did not consider _why_ he died on the gallows; but

the fact itself, that _there_ he died, imparted a stain to his

name.

And though impartial history, now and then, casts the halo of a martyr

over an unsuccessful patriot's grave, yet even this was not always sure.

Tyrants have often perverted history by adulation or by fear. But

whatever that late verdict might have been; for him who dared to

struggle against despotism at the time when he struggled in vain, there

was no honour on earth.--Victorious tyranny marked the front of virtue

with the brand of a criminal.

Even when an existing "authority" was mere violence worse than that of a

pirate, to have opposed it unsuccessfully was sufficient to ensure the

disapproval of all who held any authority. The People indeed never

failed to console the outcast by its sympathy, but Authority felt no

such sympathy, and rather regarded this very sympathy as a dangerous

symptom of anarchy.

When the idea of justice is thus perverted--when virtue is thus deprived

of its fair renown, and honour is thus attacked--when success like that

of Louis Napoleon's is gained through connivance--all this becomes an

immeasurable obstacle to the freedom of nations, which never yet was

achieved but by a struggle,--a struggle, which success raised to the

honour of a glorious revolution, but failure lowered to the reputation

of a criminal outbreak.

Mr. President, I feel proud at the accident, that in my person public

honours have been restored to that on which alone they ought to be

bestowed--righteousness and a just cause; whereas, until now, honours

were lavished only upon success. I consider this as a highly important

_fact_, which cannot fail to encourage the resolution of devoted

patriots, who, though not afraid of death, may be excused for recoiling

before humiliation.

Senators, Representatives of Ohio, I thank you for it in the name of all

who may yet suffer for having done the duty of a patriot. You may yet

see many a man, who, out of your approbation, will draw encouragement to

noble deeds; for there are many on earth ready to meet misfortune for a

noble aim, but not so many ready to meet humiliation and indignity.

Besides, in honouring me, you have approved what my nation has done. You

have honoured all Hungary by it, and I pledge my word to you that we

will yet do what you have approved. The approbation of our conscience we

have--the sympathy of your generous people has met us--and it is no

idle thing, that sympathy of the people of Ohio--it weighs as the

sovereign will of two millions of freemen. You have added to it the

sanction of your authority. Your people's sympathy you have framed into

a law, sacred and sure in its consequences, on which humanity may rely.

But, sir, high though be the value of this noble approbation, it becomes

an invaluable benefit to humanity by these resolutions by which the

General Assembly of Ohio, acknowledging the justice of those principles

which it is my mission to plead in my injured country's name, declares

that the mighty and flourishing commonwealth of Ohio is resolved to

resist the eternal laws of nations to their due sway, too long contemned

by arbitrary power.

It was indeed a sorrowful sight to see how nations bled, and how freedom

withered in the iron grasp of despotisms, leagued for universal

oppression of humanity. It was a sorrowful sight to see that there was

no power on earth ready to maintain those eternal laws, without which

there is no security for any nation on earth. It was a sorrowful sight

to see all nations isolating themselves in defence, while despots

leagued in offence.

The view has changed. A bright lustre is spreading over the dark sky of

humanity. The glorious galaxy of the United States rises upon oppressed

nations, and the bloody star of despotism fading at your very

declaration, will soon vanish from the sky like a meteor.

Legislators of Ohio, it may be flattering to ambitious vanity to act the

part of an execrated conqueror, but it is a glory unparalleled in

history to protect rights and freedom on earth. The time draws near,

when, by virtue of such a declaration as yours, shared by your sister

States, Europe's liberated nations will unite in a mighty choir of

Hallelujahs, thanking God that his paternal cares have raised the United

States to the glorious position of a first-born son of freedom on

earth.

Washington prophesied, that within twenty years the Republic of the

United States would be strong enough to defy any power on earth _in a

just cause_. The State of Ohio was not yet born when the wisest of

men and purest of patriots uttered that prophecy; and God the Almighty

has made the prophecy true, by annexing, in a prodigiously short period,

more stars to the proud constellation of your Republic, and increasing

the lustre of every star more powerfully, than Washington could have

anticipated in the brightest moments of his patriotic hopes.

Rejoice, O my nation, in thy very woes! Wipe off all thy tears, and

smile amidst thy tortures, like the Dutch hero, De Wytt. There is a

Providence which rules. Thou wast, O my nation, often the martyr, who by

thy blood didst redeem the Christian nations on earth. Even thy present

nameless woes are providential. They were necessary, that the

star-spangled banner of America should rise over a new Sinai--the

Mountain of Law for all nations. Thy sufferings were necessary, that the

people of the United States, powerful by their freedom and free by the

principle of national independence, that common right of all humanity,

should stand up, a new Moses upon the new Sinai, and shout out with the

thundering voice of its twenty-five millions--"Hear, ye despots of the

world, henceforward this shall be law, in the name of the Lord your God

and our God.

Ye shall not kill nations.

Ye shall not steal their freedom.

Select Speeches of Kossuth · 第 46 / 84 题