Sir, if I am not mistaken it is now the 156th time [since I entered
America], I am sure that it is the 34th time since I left Washington on
the 12th of January,--that I have had the honour to address an American
audience in that tongue which I learned from Shakespeare, while confined
in an Austrian prison for having dared to claim the right of a free
press, which now, like the hundred-handed Briareus of old, pours my
words by thousands of channels into the hearts of millions of freemen,
who comprize in their national capacity a mighty Republic, destined to
enforce the Law of Nations, upon which rests the deliverance of the
world from an overwhelming despotism.
The press is nobly recompensing me. The ways of Providence are
wonderful!
May the free press never forget its living principle, "Justice and
Truth." May it always be watchful with its thousand eyes, that the
secret craft of diplomacy may never succeed to degrade one organ of the
American press into an unconscious Russian tool, acted on by blind
animosity or by exclusive predilections.
Sir--after having spoken so often, and so much; and the free press
having conveyed my principles, my arguments, and my prayers, in almost
every homestead of this great Republic; I may be well permitted to
believe, that the stage of speaking is passed, and the stage of
practical action has come.
Almost every packet brings such news of absolutist reaction in Europe,
and almost every new step of the despotic powers is accompanied by such
incidents, that it were indeed unpardonable neglect, if, when Providence
has placed so much influence in my hands by the confidence of nations
bestowed upon me, I should not use all possible energy to circumvent the
influence of evil, to combine the efforts of the good, to check the
plots of vile, and the waywardness of erring or weak characters--often
the unconscious tools of the vile, to direct the action of inconsiderate
friends, and above all, to accomplish those preparations which are
indispensable to meet the exigencies of the future--in short, to attain
that crisis, at which I humbly claim protection for principles from the
people of the United States, in their public capacity, and substantial
aid from their private generosity.
You of course are aware that all these things together present a vast
field, for which every moment of my time would scarcely suffice.
Often am I asked, what are the instrumentalities for this my activity?
But this question cannot be answered publicly, as I am quite unwilling
to let the enemy learn my secrets.
However, so much I may state, that it is not without a definite aim and
clear hope that I devote all that yet remains in me of energy and
strength. If I did not hope,--if under certain conditions I had not an
assurance of success,--I would prefer tranquillity to action, though it
were the tranquillity of the grave.
There are _two_ modes in which free nations may aid the cause of
European Independence,--namely, _politically_ and _privately_.
As to the first, I avow with intense gratitude that the great National
Jury, the PEOPLE, gave and gives incessantly its favourable verdict.
Your State Legislature is pronouncing its vote, and the cause is moved
before the High Court of your national Congress.
In regard to aid by _private funds_ I rejoice to see local
associations clustering round the central one of Northern Ohio, in
Cleveland; but I desire that such efforts may not be delayed until I
come in person: for I can possibly come only to a few.
Already in New York I started the idea of a National Hungarian Loan, in
shares of one, five and ten dollars, with the facsimile of my signature,
and of larger shares of fifty and of a hundred dollars with my
autograph. I prepared the smaller shares for generous men, who are not
rich, yet desire to help the great cause of Freedom. It is a noble
privilege of the richer to do greater good. But remember, it is not a
gift, it is a loan: for either Freedom has no name on earth, or Hungary
has a future yet; and let Hungary be once again independent, and she has
ample resources to pay that small loan, if the people of the United
States, remembering the aid received in their own dark hour, vouchsafe
to me such a loan.
Hungary has no public debt, it has fifteen millions of population, a
territory of more than one hundred thousand square English miles,
abundant in the greatest variety of nature's blessings, if the doom of
oppression be taken from it. The State of Hungary has public landed
property administered badly, worth more than a hundred millions of
dollars, even at the low price, at which it was already an established
principle of my administration to sell it in small shares to suit the
poorer classes.
Hungary has rich mines of gold, silver, copper, quicksilver, antimony,
iron, sulphur, nickel, opal, and other mines. Hungary has the richest
salt mines in the world--where the extraction of one hundred weight of
the purest stone salt, amounts to but little more than one shilling of
your money--and though that is sold by the government at the price of
two to three and a half dollars, and thus the consumption is of course
very restricted, this still yields a net revenue of five millions of
dollars a year--to the Government--but no! there is not government, it
is usurpation now! sucking out the lifeblood of the people, crushing the
spirit of freedom by soldiers, hangmen, policemen, and harassing the
people in its domestic life and the sanctuary of its family with
oppression worse than a free American can conceive.
You see by this, gentlemen, that when Hungary is once free--and free it
will be--she has ample resources to repay your generous loan within a
year without any taxation of the people itself; and pay it well, because
every shilling of your generous aid will faithfully be employed for its
restoration to freedom and independence. I may point to my whole life as
a guarantee to that purpose. I had millions at my disposal, entrusted to
me by my people's confidence, and here I stand penniless and poor, not
knowing what my children will eat to-morrow, if I die to-day; and I am
proud that I am poor, and I pledge my honour to you, that every shilling
of what your generosity gives for Hungary will be employed for Hungary's
benefit. In fact, as I have provided for the contingency of anything
befalling me, so also I am ready, if it be your people's will, to admit
any control, consistent with the necessary conditions of success.
[After this, Kossuth proceeded to speak on the aspect of republicanism
towards Catholicism and the fortunes of Ireland; a subject more fully
treated in other speeches.]
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