[_Last Speech at Washington_.]
In returning thanks to all the citizens here assembled, and to yourself,
sir, in particular,[*] I beg to add some remarks. That I have not here
been honoured with the same demonstrations of local cordiality as in
other places, I do not, with you, attribute to diplomatic influences. I
know well the skill of Russian diplomacy, which indeed at Moldovarica
instructs all its representatives to marry Moldovarican ladies. But I
also know that the framers of your Constitution wisely discouraged the
development of municipal life in the district of Columbia, lest local
influences and pressure from without on the seat of the central
legislature might unduly sway the national councils. Just so, we have
often known a single street in Paris coerce the deliberations of the
nation. Columbia having, as I understand, by an exceptional arrangement,
no true local self-government, is deficient in local movement.
Nevertheless, I have received _private_ expression of sentiment and
of generous kind sympathy from various parts of this district, and
chiefly from the city of Washington.
[Footnote *: Chancellor Walworth of New York.]
In respect to the declaration which you make as to nonintervention, I
have only to thank you, and to express my earnest hope that all those in
whose name you speak, will proceed to give effect to their principle in
public life.
The second right of nations,--that of mutual commerce--still more
closely touches your domestic interests, regard it as a clear national
right of your citizens to hold commerce with the thirty-five millions of
men oppressed by Austria, if those thirty-five millions desire it,
though to Emperor of Austria, having occupied an immoral position refuse
it to you: and if the people of Hungary, Bohemia, and Italy take arms to
punish his atrocities, that is no good reason why your citizens should
submit to abstain from commerce with these injured nations.
In regard to my third desire, to see the _legitimacy_ of our
declaration of Independence acknowledged by Congress that did not mean
that I (a poor exile!) am _de facto_ Governor of Hungary! You
little conceive how valuable to us it would have been, if your Envoy,
who came to inquire and report, during our struggle, had been authorized
to recognize the legitimacy of our cause and of our proceeding. And even
now, the moral effect would be great; for such an act cannot stand
alone, it points to your future policy towards every other nation.
Moreover, it would enlarge the lawful field of action for private
sympathy, and would enable me to accept many things which I cannot now;
I do not mean titles,--which I value not. I care only for my country's
dignity; but it appertains to its dignity that its solemnly expressed
Will be recognized by your government.
Legislatures of your States (with warm gratitude I acknowledge) have
declared these principles: cities and associations have received them;
so have many eminent persons. But if you wish foreign powers to know
that it is not Mr. A. or Mr. B. but the nation itself which pronounces
them, I venture to suggest that it may be convenient in your various
associations of every kind to make separate declarations to this effect,
as by contributions of money ever so small; and this will really be
_national_ aid. If the United States carry out this determination
with their characteristic energy it will be effectual.
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