Gentlemen! It is gratifying to me to receive this spontaneous welcome. I
was already grateful, during my stay in New York, to receive the
expression of your sentiments, and your generous resolutions. They
become the more beneficial to me, because I am on my way and very near
to Washington City, where the elected of your national confidence stand
in their proud position, as conservators of those lofty interests, which
bind your thirty-one stars of Sovereign States into one mighty
constellation of Freedom, Power, and Right; where the Congress and
Government of this vast Republic watch over the common weal of your
united country, and hereby make you a Power on earth, a fullgrown member
of that great Family of Nations, which, having One Father in heaven, are
brethren, and should act as brethren.
Among the interests intrusted by you to the Congress and Government,
your _foreign policy_ is nearly the most important. This, in a
great and powerful nation, can have no other basis than Eternal Law and
Christian Morality. Even your peculiar interests are, in my belief, best
served, when your foreign policy rests, not on transitory
considerations, but on everlasting principles. Even in private life no
man can entirely cut himself off from others. A man willing to attempt
it would be an exile in his own country, an exile in his own city, an
exile in his family. Just so with nations, which in the larger family of
man are individual members. If a nation seclude itself, it is an exile
in the midst of humanity. No man, ladies and gentlemen, is independent
of his fellow-man; no nation, however powerful, is independent of other
nations. Put the richest, the strongest man for a single week wholly
apart from family, city, country, and he will quickly learn his
essential weakness. In a nation, the consequence of total isolation is
not felt as soon, but it will at length be felt as surely. The
_hours_ of nations are counted by _years_; yet the secluded
nation, self-exiled from mankind, dwindles away. Woe to the people,
whose citizens care only for their own present, and not for the future
of their country! the future, in which they have to live immortally by
children and children's children, with whose glory and happiness and
power they ought now to sympathize. Men or nations secluded are like
the silk-worm, which secretes itself in a self-woven case, and at length
creeps out to die. So will it at length be with the nation which is
wrapped up in self.
It is one of your glories, that some portions of your united republic
are farther from other portions than Hungary is from Baltimore: mere
distance is therefore no reason why you should be unconcerned about our
fate. You are not too far for commercial intercourse with the most
distant coasts of Europe; and especially since the invention of one of
your citizens has been brought to higher perfection, the ocean rather
unites you to us, than separates you. Would you have the
_advantages_ of the connection, without the _duties_ which
spring out of it? Disregard of duty sooner or later kills advantage. I
need not remind you what a link of nature, blood, language, science,
industry, religion, civilization, exists between you and us, and binds
us ever tighter. You cannot help feeling at home our condition in
Europe. Our peace or war, our civilization or barbarism, our freedom or
oppression, our wealth or starvation, progress or retrogression,
_must_ act upon you, just as your condition reacts upon us. The
link between the destinies of Christendom cannot be cut asunder. In
fact, there never yet was a time when Europe more demanded that you
should have _some_ policy towards it; and indifference is none at
all. At this moment it is under universal oppression of _social,
political_, and _religious_ liberty,--the three treasures which
make your glory and happiness. This oppression is ordered by Russia, and
executed by her satellites. The elected President of France has
impiously stabbed the constitution, to make himself Emperor. The
Austrian Ministry has openly declared that the absolutist powers will
maintain him. Thus the impulse of revolution has been given; its
vibration will be felt throughout Europe and in my fatherland. Never
will you have an opportunity more glorious for you, and more favourable
to mankind, for adopting a real policy founded upon principles.
The people of Hungary have abundant motives to risk life for freedom and
independence. Once we had a nationality; now we have none. Once we had a
constitution;--by the blessing of God we succeeded to transform it three
years ago from an aristocratic to a democratic one;--now Hungary has no
constitution at all. For a thousand years we were a free people; we are
now so no longer. Like a flock of sheep, we are appropriated, not by the
Austrian empire, not by the nation, but by a despotic ambitious family.
We had freedom of the press. Not nineteen years ago, I began the
struggle, and endured three years imprisonment for it; but we won that
great right of mankind--free expression of thought. Now there is no
press at all in Hungary; there is only the hangman and martial law. We
established equal protection for every religion; now there is equal
oppression for all. The Protestant Church had its own self-government
for its churches and schools, won by victorious arms and secured by a
hundred laws; now the laws are torn down, and the freedom of church and
school is gone. The Catholic Church had control of its own estates; now,
day by day, the nearly bankrupt Austrian government is overgrowing that
property by the poisonous weeds of a new loan, on which it vegetates, a
curse to every nation on the continent. Such is the condition of the
Catholic Church, concerning which I--a Protestant, not only by birth,
but also by conviction--declare, that during a whole lifetime, when
Hungary was struggling for religious liberty, that Church contended in
the foremost rank for the rights of us Protestants. So much do we value
the freedom of conscience, that the very thought was repugnant to us
all, that there should be unequal rights of citizenship between
Protestants and Catholics and professors of the Faith of Moses. Zeal for
religious freedom will kindle Magyars to struggle, as long as there is
blood in our veins. As during three centuries, so the late war was for
religious independence as well as civil; indeed, still earlier, we were
the barrier of Christendom against the invading Mahommedan. We
succeeded lately in freeing the agriculture of Hungary, and transforming
peasants into freeholders; now the Austrian dynasty is stealthily
bringing back feudal rights. In freeing the peasants, we provided for
indemnification of landlords; Austria taxes the peasants very heavily,
and does not (for she cannot) indemnify the landlords; because her
violence and wastefulness does not know how to turn our public estates
to account. She favours a few landlords only, who are faithful tools of
her oppression. During our struggle, we issued paper-money,--it was
called the Kossuth-bank-note; Austria disavowed it, and commanded its
surrender, yet twenty millions are firmly held by the people, as
valuable after a new revolution. Before we fell under the stroke of
Russian interference, the taxation permitted by our Parliament was only
four and a half millions of dollars; Austria now imposes SIXTY. Our
people burn their tobacco-seed and cut down their vines, rather than
endure her tax. Such are the motives which Austria gives to Hungary
_not_ to make a new revolution! There is not a single interest
which she has not mortally wounded. The mind, the heart, dignity,
conscience, self-esteem, hatred, love, revenge, besides every material
interest of every class, is engaged to the struggle.
The oppression of Hungary has ratified the oppression of all our
continent. Since she has fallen, Italy has been completely crushed, the
moderate freedom of Germany has been put down by Austria with the
support of Russia; lastly, the usurpation of Louis Napoleon has been
made possible. Without the restoration of Hungary Europe cannot be freed
from Russian thraldom; under which nationalities are erased, no freedom
is possible, all religions are subjected to like slavery. Gentlemen! the
Emperor Napoleon spoke a prophetic word, when he said that in fifty
years all Europe would be either republican or Cossack. Hungary once
free, Europe is republican; Hungary permanently crushed, all Europe is
Cossack. And what does Hungary _need_ for freedom? Not that other
nations should fight our proper battle against our immediate oppressor.
We have hearts loving freedom and ready to shed their blood for it; we
have armies fully equal to Austria, we want only "FAIR PLAY." Let the
United States feel itself to be as it is, a Power on earth, bound to aid
in the police of the nations, and in the name of violated right let it
say to the Russian intruder, "Keep back, hands off, let the brave
Magyars fight their own battle, _else_ we must take their part."
For centuries, perhaps, you will have no more glorious opportunity than
now. Hitherto, the word Glory has been connected with conquest and
oppression. Take the New Glory for yours, by assuring to all nations
exemption from the conspiracy of tyrants. That is what I _first_
humbly request and hope.
[Kossuth proceeded, as in former speeches, to explain his other
requests, viz. _secondly_, free commerce with America, whether
Hungary was in war with Austria or not; _thirdly_, that when the
suitable moment arrived, the Government should recognize the legitimate
character of the Declaration of Independence made by Hungary in April,
1849. He added]:--
These requests I have very often explained since I have had the honour
to be in the United States. I explained them yesterday in
Philadelphia--the cradle of your Declaration of Independence. There I
was answered, not only by the unanimous adoption of these resolutions on
the part of the city of Harrisburg the capital of Pennsylvania, but also
by the people of Philadelphia, at a great and important meeting. Nor was
that enough. I received more in Philadelphia. I was told that, besides
the granting of these my humble requests, whenever war breaks out for
Hungary's freedom and independence I shall find brave hearts and stout
arms among the twenty-four millions of the people of the United States
ready to go over to Europe and fight side by side in the great battle
for the freedom and independence of the European continent. I was told
that it was not possible, when the battle for mankind's liberty is
fought, for the sword of Washington to rest in its scabbard. That sword,
which struck the first blow here on this continent for the republican
freedom of this great country, must be present there, where the last
stroke for all humanity will be given. Now, gentlemen, I will not abuse
your kind indulgence and patience, which you have bestowed in your
crowded situation. I will only say, that should this be the generous
will of the people of the United States, in the name of the honour of my
nation I can give the assurance that the Hungarians will be found worthy
to fight side by side with you for civil and political freedom on the
European continent, and to take care, with the sword of Washington, that
no hair of that lock which I received as a present in Philadelphia, and
which I promised to attach to that very standard which I will bear to
decide the victory against despotism--that no hair of that lock shall
fall into the hands of tyrants. And now may the ladies who have honoured
me with their presence graciously allow me to express to them my most
humble thanks and one humble prayer. The destinies of mankind--the
future of humanity--repose in the hands of womanhood. The mark which the
mother imprints upon the brow of the child remains for his whole life.
Ladies of the United States, when the wandering exile passes away from
your presence, take to your kind care the great cause of the liberty of
the world with the tenderness with which a mother takes care of her
child; and when _you_ take care of this great cause, the sympathy
of the people of the United States will not vanish like the passing
emotion of the heart, but will become substantial, active, and
effectual.
The speaker then took his seat, with three times three from the
audience.
Judge Legrand followed and proposed the Harrisburg resolutions, which
were adopted. They are as annexed:--
Resolved,--That the citizens of Harrisburg, the seat of government of
Pennsylvania, in town meeting assembled, hereby approve and endorse the
three propositions promulgated by Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary, in
his great speech before the Mayor and authorities of the city of New
York, viz.:--
"First. That feeling interested in the maintenance of the laws of
nations, acknowledging the sovereign right of every people to dispose of
its own domestic concerns to be one of the laws, and the interference
with this sovereign right to be a violation of these laws of nations,
the people of the United States--resolved to respect and to make
respected these public laws--declares the Russian past intervention in
Hungary to be a violation of these laws, which, if reiterated, would be
a new violation, and would not be regarded indifferently by the people
of the United States.
"Second. That the people of the United States are resolved to maintain
its right of commercial intercourse with the nations of Europe, whether
they be in a state of revolution against their government or not; and
that, with the view of approaching scenes on the continent of Europe,
the people invite the government to take appropriate measures for the
protection of the trade of the people with the Mediterranean.
"Third. That the people of the United States should declare their
opinion in respect to the question of the independence of Hungary, and
urge the government to act accordingly."
Resolved, That the people of Hungary are, and ought to remain a free and
independent nation; that Louis Kossuth is their lawful governor, and
that the Hungarian people should not be prevented from exercising the
rights of freemen by the tyranny of Austria and Russia.
Resolved, That we extend to Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary, and the
Hungarian nation, that has made such a noble stand in the cause of
freedom, that sympathy, aid, and support, which freemen alone know how
to grant.
Resolved, That a committee of fifteen, including the officers of this
meeting, be appointed to repair to Philadelphia, and invite the Governor
of Hungary to visit the capital of Pennsylvania at such times as may
suit his convenience.
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