Whereas it is understood that Louis Kossuth, the illustrious Hungarian
patriot and exile, is about seeking an asylum upon our shores; and
whereas it is believed that the city of Baltimore, in common with the
whole people of the United States, feel a deep and abiding interest in
the cause of freedom wherever it is assailed, and entertain the most
sincere regret for the unfortunate condition of Hungary; and whereas, in
the reception of Kossuth, an opportunity is offered of expressing our
sympathy for the cause of Hungarian independence--of recording our
detestation of the unholy coalition by which that gallant people have
been crushed, and of evincing our admiration of the noble conduct of the
Turkish Sultan in refusing to deliver to the despots of Europe that
illustrious exile and patriot whom it is about to be our privilege and
pride to receive, as it befits the chosen people of liberty to receive
one who has so nobly battled and suffered in that sacred cause;
therefore--
_Resolved_, By the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore, that we
look to the arrival of Kossuth upon our shores with mingled feelings of
satisfaction and regret--satisfaction that we are enabled to afford a
safe asylum to an illustrious patriot--regret that the cause of liberty
should give birth to such necessity.
_Resolved_, That we sympathize fully with the Hungarians in their
important struggles for Independence, but mindful of that Providence
which crowned our own efforts for liberty with success, trust yet to
behold that glorious future which their noble leader so eloquently
predicts for his beloved country.
_Resolved_, That we regard the alliance with Russia and Austria for
the purpose of crushing the spirit of liberty in Hungary as a fit
accompaniment in the annals of time for the infamous partition of
unfortunate Poland by the same tyrannical powers, each alike worthy of
the execration of the civilized world.
_Resolved_, That we cordially welcome Kossuth and his exiled
companions to the full enjoyment of American liberty and an asylum
beyond the reach of European despotism.
_Resolved_, further, That a Joint Committee of five from each
branch of the City Council be appointed, whose duty it shall be, in
conjunction with the Mayor, in the event of their arrival in our city,
to tender to them appropriate public tokens of our esteem and admiration
for their gallant conduct, as well as of our sympathy for their
sufferings and their cause.
Committee under the last resolution--First Branch: Henry P. Brooke, John
Dukehart, J. Hanson Thomas, David Blanford, John Thomas Morris.
Second Branch: Jacob J. Cohen, W. B. Morris, Hugh A. Cooper, James C.
Ninde, Geo. A. Lovering.
JOHN H. J. JEROME, Mayor.
JOHN S. BROWN, President of First Branch.
HUGH BOLTON, President of Second Branch.
City of Baltimore, State of Maryland, United States of America, Oct. 28,
A.D. 1851.
[After hearing several other--complimentary addresses, Kossuth in a few
minutes replied. He began with apologies, and then proceeded]:--
Permit me to say, that in my opinion the word "glory" should be blotted
out from the Dictionary in respect to individuals, and only left for use
in respect to nations. Whatever a man can do for his country, even
though he should live a long life, and have the strongest faculties,
would not be too much: for he ought to use his utmost exertions, and his
utmost powers, in return for the gifts he receives. Whatever a man can
do on behalf of his country and of humanity, would never be so much as
his duty calls upon him to do, still less so much as to merit the use of
the word "glory" in regard to himself. Once more, I say, that duty
belongs to the man and glory to the nation. When an honest man does his
duty to his own country, and becomes a patriot, he acts for all
humanity, and does his duty to mankind.
You have bestowed great attention upon the cause of Hungary, and the
subject is here well understood generally, which is a benefit to me. I
declare to you all, that I find more exact knowledge of the Hungarian
cause here, than in any other place I have been. Yet I am astonished to
see in a report of the proceedings of the United States Senate, that a
member rose and said that we were not struggling for the principle of
Freedom and of Liberty, but rather for the support of our ancient
Charter. This, gentlemen, is a misrepresentation of our cause. There is
a truth in the assertion that we were struggling for our _ancient
rights_, for the right of self-government is an ancient right. The
right of self-government was ours a thousand years ago, and has been
guaranteed to us by the coronation oaths of more than thirty of our
kings. I say that this right was guaranteed to us, yet it had become a
dead letter in the course of time. Before the Revolution of 1848 we were
long struggling to enforce our notorious but often invaded rights; but
the whole people were not interested in them: for although they were
constitutional rights, they were restricted in ancient times, not to a
particular _race_, but to a particular _class_, called Nobles.
These did not belong to the Magyars alone, but to all the races that
settled in the country, to the Sclaves, to the Wallachians, the Serbs,
and to others, whatever their race or their extraction. Yet none but the
_Nobles_ were privileged. We saw that for one class only to be
interested in these rights was not enough, and we wished to make them a
benefit to every man in the country, and to replace the old Constitution
by one which should give a common and universal right to all men to
vote, without regard to the tongue they speak or the Church at which
they pray. I need not enter further into the subject than to say, that
we established a system of practically universal suffrage, of equality
in representation, a just share in taxation for the support of the
State, and equality in the benefits of public education, and in all
those blessings which are derived from the freedom of a free people.
It has been asked by some, why I allowed a treacherous general to ruin
our cause. I have always been anxious not to assume any duty for which I
might be unsuited. If I had undertaken the practical direction of
military operations, and anything went amiss, I feared that my
conscience would torture me, as guilty of the fall of my country, as I
had not been familiar with military tactics. I therefore entrusted my
country's cause, thus far, into other hands; and I weep for the result.
In exile, I have tried to profit by the past and prepare for the future.
I believe that the confidence of Hungary in me is not shaken by
misfortune nor broken by my calumniators. I have had all in my own hands
once; and if ever I am in the same position again, I will act. I will
not become a Napoleon nor an Alexander, and labour for my own ambition;
but I will labour for freedom and for the moral well-being of man. I do
but ask you to enforce your own great constitutional principles, and not
permit Russia to interfere.
* * * * *