[_Castle Garden, New York, Dec. 6th_.]
After apologies for his weakness through the effects of the sea, Kossuth
continued:--
Citizens! much as I want some hours of rest, much as I need to become
acquainted with my ground, before I enter publicly on matters of
business, I yet took it for a duty of honour to respond at once to your
generous welcome. I have to thank the People, the Congress, and the
Government of the United States for my liberation. I must not try to
express what I felt, when I,--a wanderer,--but not the less the
legitimate official chief of Hungary,--first saw the glorious flag of
the stripes and stars fluttering over my head--when I saw around me the
gallant officers and the crew of the _Mississippi_ frigate--most of
them worthy representatives of true American principles, American
greatness, American generosity. It was not a mere chance which cast the
star-spangled banner around me; it was your protecting will. The United
States of America, conscious of their glorious calling as well as of
their power, declared by this unparalleled act their resolve to become
the protectors of human rights. To see a powerful vessel of America,
coming to far Asia, in order to break the chains by which the mightiest
despots of Europe fettered the activity of an exiled Magyar, whose name
disturbed their sleep--to be restored by such a protection to freedom
and activity--you may well conceive, was intensely felt by me; as indeed
I still feel it. Others _spoke_--you _acted_; and I was free!
You acted; and at this act of yours tyrants trembled; humanity shouted
out with joy; the Magyar nation, crushed, but not broken, raised its
head with resolution and with hope; and the brilliancy of your stars was
greeted by Europe's oppressed millions as the morning star of liberty.
Now, gentlemen, you must be aware how great my gratitude must be. You
have restored me to life--in restoring me to activity; and should my
life, by the blessing of the Almighty, still prove useful to my
fatherland and to humanity, it will be your merit--it will be your work.
May you and your country be blessed for it!
Your generous part in my liberation is taken by the world for the
revelation of the fact, that the United States are resolved not to allow
the despots of the world to trample on oppressed humanity. That is why
my liberation was cheered from Sweden to Portugal as a ray of hope. Even
those nations which most desire my presence in Europe now, have said to
me, "Hasten on, hasten on, to the great, free, rich, and powerful people
of the United States, and bring over its brotherly aid to the cause of
your country, so intimately connected with European liberty;" and here I
stand to plead the cause of common human rights before your great
Republic. Humble as I am, God the Almighty has selected me to represent
the cause of humanity before you. My warrant hereto is written in the
sympathy and confidence of all who are oppressed, and of all who, as
your elder sister the British nation, sympathize with the oppressed. It
is written in the hopes and expectations you have entitled the world to
entertain, by liberating me out of my prison. But it has pleased the
Almighty to make out of my humble self yet another opportunity for a
thing which may prove a happy turning-point in the destinies of the
world. I bring you a brotherly greeting from the people of Great
Britain. I speak not in an official character, imparted by diplomacy
whose secrecy is the curse of the world, but I am the harbinger of the
public spirit of the people, which I witnessed pronouncing itself in the
most decided manner, openly--that the people of England, united to you
with enlightened brotherly love, as it is united in blood--conscious of
your strength as it is conscious of its own, has for ever abandoned
every sentiment of irritation and rivalry, and desires the brotherly
alliance of the United States to secure to every nation the sovereign
right to dispose of itself, and to protect that right against
encroaching arrogance. It desires to league with you against the league
of despots, and with you to stand sponsor at the approaching baptism of
European liberty.
Now, gentlemen, I have stated my position. I am a straightforward man. I
am a republican. I have avowed it openly in monarchical but free
England; and am happy to state that I have lost nothing by this avowal
there. I hope I shall not lose here, in republican America, by that
frankness, which must be one of the chief qualities of every republican.
So I beg leave openly to state the following points: FIRST that I take
it to be duty of honour and principle not to meddle with any
party-question of your own domestic affairs. SECONDLY, I profess my
admiration for the glorious principle of union, on which stands the
mighty pyramid of your greatness. Taking my ground on this
constitutional fact, it is not to a party, but to your united people
that I will confidently address my humble requests. Within the limits
of your laws I will use every honest exertion to gain your effectual
sympathy, and your financial material and political aid for my country's
freedom and independence, and entreat the realization of the hopes which
your generosity has raised. And, therefore, THIRDLY, I frankly state
that my aim is to restore my fatherland to the full enjoyment of her own
independence, which has been legitimately declared, and cannot have lost
its rightfulness by the violent invasion of foreign Russian arms. What
can be opposed to it? The frown of Mr. Hulsemann--the anger of that
satellite of the Czar, called Francis-Joseph of Austria! and the
immense danger (with which some European and American papers threaten
you), lest your minister at Vienna receive his passports, and Mr.
Hulsemann leave Washington, should I be received in my official
capacity? Now, as to your Minister at Vienna, how you can reconcile the
letting him stay there with your opinion of the cause of Hungary, I do
not know; for the present absolutist atmosphere of Europe is not very
propitious to American principles. But as to Mr. Hulsemann, do not
believe that he would be so ready to leave Washington. He has extremely
well digested the caustic words which Mr. Webster has administered to
him so gloriously. I know that your public spirit would never allow any
responsible depository of the executive power to be regulated in its
policy by all the Hulsemanns or all the Francis-Josephs in the world.
But it is also my agreeable conviction that the highminded Government of
the United States shares warmly the sentiments of the people. It has
proved it by executing in a ready and dignified manner the resolution of
Congress on behalf of my liberation. It has proved it by calling on the
Congress to consider how I shall be received, and even this morning I
was honoured by the express order of the Government with an official
salute from the batteries of the United States, in a manner in which,
according to the military rules, only a high official personage can be
greeted.
I came not to your glorious shores to enjoy a happy rest--I came not to
gather triumphs of personal distinction, but as a humble petitioner, in
my country's name, as its freely chosen constitutional leader, to
entreat your generous aid. I have no other claims than those which the
oppressed principle of freedom has to the aid of victorious liberty. If
you consider these claims not sufficient for your active and effectual
sympathy, then let me know at once that the hopes have failed, with
which Europe has looked to your great, mighty, and glorious
Republic--let me know it at once that I may hasten back and say to the
oppressed nations, "Let us fight, forsaken and single-handed, the battle
of Leonidas; let us trust to God, to our right, and to our good sword;
for we have no other help on earth." But if your generous Republican
hearts are animated by the high principle of freedom and of the
community in human destinies,--if you have the will, as undoubtedly you
have the power, to support the cause of freedom against the sacrilegious
league of despotism, then give me some days of calm reflection, to
become acquainted with the ground upon which I stand--let me take kind
advice as to my course--let me learn whether any steps have been already
taken in favour of that cause which I have the honour to represent; and
then let me have a new opportunity to expound before you my humble
request in a practical way.
I confidently hope, Mr. Mayor, the Corporation and Citizens of THE
EMPIRE CITY will grant me a second opportunity. If this be your generous
will, then let me take this for a boon of happier days; and let me add,
with a sigh of thanksgiving to the Almighty God, that Providence has
selected your glorious country to be the pillar of freedom, as it is
already the asylum to oppressed humanity.
I am told that I shall have the high honour to review your patriotic
militia. My heart throbs at the idea of seeing this gallant army
enlisted on the side of freedom against despotism. The world would then
soon be free, and you the saviours of humanity. Citizens of New York, it
is under your protection that I place the sacred cause of freedom and
the independence of Hungary.
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