[_First Extract: from Kossuth's Speech at the Guildhall, London, Oct.
30th_, 1851.]
The time draws near, when a radical change must take place for the whole
world in the management of diplomacy. Its basis has been secrecy:
therein is the triumph of absolutism, and the misfortune of a free
people. This has won its way not in England only, but throughout the
whole world, even where not a penny of the national property can be
disposed of without public consent. It surely is dangerous to the
interests of the country and to constitutional liberty, to allow such a
secrecy, that the people not only should not know how its interests are
being dealt with, but that after the crisis is passed, the minister
should inform them: "The dinner has been prepared,--and eaten; and the
people has nothing to do, but digest the consequences." What is the
principle of all evil in Europe? The encroaching spirit of Russia.--And
by what power has Russia become so mighty? By its arms?--No: the arms
of Russia are below those of many Powers. It has become almost
omnipotent,--at least very dangerous to liberty,--by diplomatic
intrigues. Now against the secret intrigues of diplomacy there is no
surer safeguard, or more powerful counteraction, than public discussion.
This must be opposed to intrigues, and intrigues are then of no weight
in the destinies of humanity.
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[_Second Extract from a Short Speech in London, May 25th, 1858_.]
I must ask leave to make a remark on the system pursued by your
Government in their Foreign relations. You consider yourselves a
constitutional nation: I fear that in some respects you are not so.
There is a Latin proverb [current in Hungary], _Nil de nobis sine
nobis_,--"nothing that concerns us, without us." This in many things
you make your maxim. You say that none of your money shall be spent
without your knowledge and approval; and in your internal affairs you
carry this out; but I think that the secrecy in which the transactions
of your diplomacy are involved is hardly constitutional. Of that most
important portion of your affairs which concerns your country in its
relations with the rest of Europe, what knowledge have you? If any
interpellation is made about any affair not yet concluded, my Lord the
Secretary of the Foreign Office will reply that _he cannot give any
answer, for the negotiations are still pending_. A little later he
will be able to answer, that _as all is now concluded, all comment
will be superfluous_.
One little fact I will just mention. By the last treaty with Denmark, to
which you became a party, the crown of that kingdom was so settled that
only three lives stand between it and the Czar of Russia. Three lives!
but a fragile barrier, when high political aims are concerned. It is
therefore an allowed fact, that the country which commands entrance to
the Baltic, and which, in the hands of an unfriendly power, would
effectually exclude your commerce from that sea, may pass into the hands
of Russia, whose pretensions in the south of Europe you take so much
pains to check. This your government have done quietly. How many are
there of your people that know and approve it? I hope you will not be
offended, if I say, that I cannot understand how yours can be called in
this respect a constitutional country.
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