[245] Examples are Chaeremon, the teacher of Nero, previously installed

in Alexandria (Suidas, Διονύσιος Ἀλεξανδρεύς; comp. Zeller, _Hermes_,

xi. 430, and above, p. 259); Dionysius, son of Glaucus, at first in

Alexandria, successor of Chaeremon, then from Nero down to Trajan

librarian in Rome and imperial cabinet secretary (Suidas, _l. c._); L.

Julius Vestinus under Hadrian, who, even after the presidency of the

Museum, filled the same positions as Dionysius in Rome (p. 248 note),

known also as a philological author.

[246] The eunuch of Candace, who reads in Isaiah (Acts of the Apostles,

viii. 27) is well known; and a Candace reigned also in Nero’s time

(Plinius, _H. N._ vi. 29, 182).

[247] That the imperial frontier reached to Hiera Sycaminos, is evident

for the second century from Ptolemaeus, v. 5, 74, for the time of

Diocletian from the Itineraries, which carry the imperial roads thus

far. In the _Notitia dignitatum_, a century later, the posts again

do not reach beyond Syene, Philae, Elephantine. In the tract from

Philae to Hiera Sycaminos, the Dodecaschoinos of Herodotus (ii. 29),

temple-tribute appears to have been raised already in early times for

the Isis of Philae always common to the Egyptians and Aethiopians; but

Greek inscriptions from the Lagid period have not been found here,

whereas numerous dated ones occur from the Roman period, the oldest

from the time of Augustus (Pselchis, A.D. 2; _C. I. Gr._ n. 5086),

and of Tiberius (_ib._ A.D. 26, n. 5104, A.D. 33, n. 5101), the most

recent from that of Philippus (Kardassi, A.D. 248, n. 5010). These do

not prove absolutely that the place where the inscription was found

belonged to the empire; but that of a land-measuring soldier of the

year 33 (n. 5101), and that of a _praesidium_ of the year 84 (Talmis,

n. 5042 f.), as well as numerous others certainly presuppose it. Beyond

the frontier indicated no similar stone has ever been found; for the

remarkable inscription of the _regina_ (_C. I. L._ iii. 83), found

at Messaurât, to the south of Shendy (16° 25′ lat., 5 leagues to the

south of the ruins of Naga), the most southern of all known Latin

inscriptions, now in the Berlin Museum, has been set up, not by a

Roman subject, but presumably by an envoy of an African queen, who was

returning from Rome, and who spoke Latin perhaps only in order to show

that he had been in Rome.

[248] The _tropaea Niliaca, sub quibus Aethiops et Indus intremuit_, in

an oration probably held in the year 296 (Paneg. v. 5), apply to such a

_rencontre_, not to the Egyptian insurrection; and the oration of the

year 289 speaks of attacks of the Blemyes (Paneg. iii. 17).--Procopius,

_Bell. Pers._ i. 19, reports the cession of the “Twelve-mile-territory”

to the Nubians. It is mentioned as standing under the dominion, not

of the Nubians, but of the Blemyes by Olympiodorus, _fr._ 37, Müll.

and the inscription of Silko, _C. I. Gr._ 5072. The fragment recently

brought to light of a Greek heroic poem as to the victory of a late

Roman emperor over the Blemyes is referred by Bücheler (_Rhein. Mus._

xxxix. 279 f.) to that of Marcianus, in the year 451 (comp. Priscus,

_fr._ 27).

[249] Juvenal (xi. 124) mentions the elephant’s teeth, _quos mittit

porta Syenes_.

[250] According to the mode in which Ptolemy (iv. 5, 14, 15) treats of

this coast, it seems, just like the “Twelve-mile-land,” to have lain

outside of the division into nomes.

[251] Our best information as to the kingdom of Axomis is obtained from

a stone erected by one of its kings, beyond doubt in the better period

of the empire, at Adulis (_C. I. Gr._ 5127 _b_), a sort of writing

commemorative of the deeds of this apparent empire-founder in the style

of that of Darius at Persepolis, or that of Augustus at Ancyra, and

fixed on the king’s throne, before which down to the sixth century

criminals were executed. The skilful disquisition of Dillmann (_Abh.

der Berliner Akademie_, 1877, p. 195 f.), explains as much of it as

is explicable. From the Roman standpoint it is to be noted that the

king does not name the Romans, but clearly has in view their imperial

frontiers when he subdues the Tangaites μέχρι τῶν τῆς Αἰγύπτου ὁρίων,

and constructs a road ἀπὸ τῶν τῆς ἐμῆς βασιλείας τόπων μέχρι Αἰγύπτου,

and further, names as the northern limit of his Arabian expedition

Leuce Come, the last Roman station on the Arabian west coast. Hence it

follows further, that this inscription is more recent than the Periplus

of the Red Sea written under Vespasian; for according to this (c. 5)

the king of Axomis rules ἀπὸ τῶν Μοσχοφάγων μέχρι τῆς ἄλλης Βαρβαρίας,

and this is to be understood exclusively, since he names in c. 2 the

τύραννοι of the Moscophages, and likewise remarks in c. 14, that beyond

the Straits of Bab el Mandeb there is no “king,” but only “tyrants.”

Thus at that time the Axomitic kingdom did not reach to the Roman

frontier, but only to somewhere about Ptolemais “of the chase,” just as

in the other direction not to Cape Guardafui, but only as far as the

Straits of Bab el Mandeb. Nor does the Periplus speak of possessions

of the king of Axomis on the Arabian coast, although he on several

occasions mentions the dynasts there.

[252] The name of the Aethiopians was associated in the better period

with the country on the Upper Nile, especially with the kingdoms of

Meroe and Nabata (p. 275), and so with the region which we now call

Nubia. In later antiquity, for example by Procopius, the designation

is referred to the state of Axomis, and hence in more recent times is

frequently employed for Abyssinia.

[253] Hence the legend that the Axomites were Syrians settled by

Alexander in Africa, and still spoke Syrian (Philostorgius, _Hist.

Eccl._ iii. 6).

[254] This is the _praefectus praesidiorum et montis Beronices_ (_C.

I. L._ ix. 3083), _praefectus montis Berenicidis_ (Orelli, 3881),

_praefectus Bernicidis_ (_C. I. L._ x. 1129), an officer of equestrian

rank, analogous to those adduced above (p. 249), as stationed in

Alexandria.

[255] The letter, which the emperor Constantius in the year 356 directs

to Aeizanas, the king of the Axomites at that time, is that of one

ruler to another on an equal footing; he requests his friendly and

neighbourly assistance against the spread of the Athanasian heresy, and

for the deposition and delivering up of an Axomitic clergyman suspected

of it. The fellowship of culture comes here into the more definite

prominence, as the Christian invokes against the Christian the arm of

the heathen.

[256] Inland lay the primeval Teimâ, the son of Ishmael of Genesis,

enumerated by the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pilesar in the eighth century

before Christ among his conquests, named by the prophet Jeremiah

together with Sidon, around which gather in a remarkable way Assyrian,

Egyptian, Arabian relations, the further unfolding of which, after

bold travellers have opened up the place, we may await from Oriental

research. In Teimâ itself Euting recently found Aramaic inscriptions of

the oldest epoch (Nöldeke, _Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie_,

1884, p. 813 f.). From the not far distant place Medâin-Sâlih (Hijr)

proceed certain coins modelled after the Attic, which in part replace

the owl of Pallas by that image of a god which the Egyptians designate

as Besa the lord of Punt, _i.e._ of Arabia (Erman, _Zeitschrift für

Numismatik_, ix. 296 f.). We have already mentioned the Nabataean

inscriptions just found there (p. 148, note 3). Not far from thence,

near ’Ola (el-Ally) inscriptions have been found, which correspond

in the writing and in the names of gods and kings to those of the

South-Arabian Minaeans, and show that these had a considerable

station here, sixty days’ journey from their home, but on the

frankincense-route mentioned by Eratosthenes, from Minaea to Aelana;

and alongside of these others of a cognate but not identical South-Arabian

stock (D. H. Müller in the _Berichte der Wiener Akademie_ of

17th December 1884). The Minaean inscriptions belong beyond doubt to

the pre-Roman period. As on the annexation of the Nabataean kingdom by

Trajan these districts were abandoned (p. 152), from that time another

south-Arabian tribe may have ruled there.

[257] The accounts connected with the trade in frankincense in

Theophrastus († 287 B.C.; _Hist. plant._ ix. 4) and more fully in

Eratosthenes († 194 B.C.); in Strabo (xvi. 4, 2, p. 768) of the four

great tribes of the Minaeans (Mamali Theophr.?) with the capital Carna;

the Sabaeans (Saba Theophr.) with the capital Mariaba; the Cattabanes

(Kitibaena Theophr.) with the capital Tamna; the Chatramotitae

(Hadramyta Theophr.) with the capital Sabata, describe the very circle

out of which the Homerite kingdom developed itself, and indicate

its beginnings. The much sought for Minaei are now pointed out with

certainty in Ma’in in the interior above Marib and Hadramaut, where

hundreds of inscriptions have been found, and have yielded already no

fewer than twenty-six kings’ names. Mariaba is even now named Marib.

The region Chatramotitis or Chatramitis is Hadramaut.

[258] The remarkable remains of this structure, executed with the

greatest precision and skill, are described by Arnaud (_Journal

Asiatique_, 7 série, tome 3, for the year 1874, p. 3 f. with plans;

comp. Ritter, _Erdkunde_, xii. 861). On the two sides of the

embankment, which has now almost wholly disappeared, stand respectively

two stone structures built of square blocks, of conical almost

cylindrical form, between which a narrow opening is found for the

water flowing out of the basin; at least on the one side a canal lined

with pebbles leads it to this outlet. It was once closed with planks

placed one above another, which could be individually removed, to carry

the water away as might be needed. The one of those stone cylinders

bears the following inscription (according to the translation, not

indeed quite certain in all its details, of D. H. Müller, _Wiener

Sitzungsberichte_, vol. xcvii, 1880, p. 965): “Jata’amar the glorious,

son of Samah’alî the sublime, prince of Saba, caused the Balap

(mountain) to be pierced (and erected) the sluice-structure named

Rahab for easier irrigation.” We have no secure basis for fixing the

chronological place of this and numerous other royal names of the

Sabaean inscriptions. The Assyrian king Sargon says in the Khorsabad

inscription, after he has narrated the vanquishing of the king of Gaza,

Hanno, in the year 716 B.C.: “I received the tribute of Pharaoh the

king of Egypt, of Shamsiya the queen of Arabia, and of Ithamara the

Sabaean; gold, herbs of the eastern land, slaves, horses, and camels”

(Müller, _l. c._ p. 988; Duncker, _Gesch. des Alterthums_, ii.^5 p.

327).

[259] Sallet in the _Berliner Zeitschrift für Numismatik_, viii. 243;

J. H. Mordtmann in the _Wiener Numism. Zeitschrift_, xii. 289.

[260] Pliny, _H. N._ xii. 14, 65, reckons the cost of a camel’s load of

frankincense by the land-route from the Arabian coast to Gaza at 688

denarii (= £30). “Along the whole tract fodder and water and shelter

and various custom-dues have to be paid for; then the priests demand

certain shares and the scribes of the kings; moreover the guards and

the halberdiers and the body-guards and servants have their exactions;

to which our imperial dues fall to be added.” In the case of the

water-transport these intervening expenses were not incurred.

[261] The chastising of the pirates is reported by Agatharchides in

Diodorus, iii. 43, and Strabo, xvi. 4, 18, p. 777. But Ezion-Geber in

Palestine, on the Elanitic gulf, ἣ νῦν Βερενίκη καλεῖται (Josephus,

_Arch._ viii. 6, 4), was so called certainly not from an Egyptian

princess (Droysen, _Hellenismus_, iii. 2, 349), but from the Jewess of

Titus.

[262] This (προσοικειοῦσθαι τούτους--τοὺς Ἄραβας--ἢ καταστρέφεσθαι:

Strabo, xvi. 4, 22, p. 780; εἰ μὴ ὁ Συλλαῖος αὐτὸν--τὸν

Γάλλον--προὐδίδου, κἂν κατεστρέψατο τὴν Εὐδαίμονα πᾶσαν: _ib._ xvii.

1, 53, p. 819) was the proper aim of the expedition, although also the

hope of spoil, just at that time very welcome for the treasury, is

expressly mentioned.

[263] The account of Strabo (xvi. 4, 22 f., p. 780) as to the Arabian

expedition of his “friend” Gallus (φίλος ἡμῖν καὶ ἑταῖρος, Strabo,

ii. 5, 12, p. 118), in whose train he travelled in Egypt, is indeed

trustworthy and honest, like all his accounts, but evidently accepted

from this friend without any criticism. The battle in which 10,000 of

the enemy and two Romans fell, and the total number of the fallen in

this campaign, which is seven, are self-condemned; but not better is

the attempt to devolve the want of success on the Nabataean vizier

Syllaeos by means of a “treachery,” such as is familiar with defeated

generals. Certainly the latter was so far fitted for a scapegoat, as

he some years afterwards was on the instigation of Herod brought to

trial before Augustus, condemned and executed (Josephus, _Arch._ xvi.

10); but although we possess the report of the agent who managed this

matter for Herod in Rome, there is not a word to be found in it of this

betrayal. That Syllaeos should have had the design of first destroying

the Arabians by means of the Romans, and then of destroying the latter

themselves, as Strabo “thinks,” is, looking to the position of the

client-states of Rome, quite irrational. It might rather be thought

that Syllaeos was averse to the expedition, because the commercial

traffic through the Nabataean land might be injured by it. But to

accuse the Arabian minister of treachery because the Roman transports

were not fitted for navigating the Arabian coast, or because the Roman

army was compelled to carry water with it on camels, to eat durra and

dates instead of bread and flesh, and butter instead of oil; to bring

forward the deceitfulness of the guidance as an excuse for the fact

that 180 days were employed for the forward march over a distance

overtaken on the return march in 60 days; and lastly, to criticise the

quite correct remark of Syllaeos that a march by land from Arsinoe

to Leuce Come was impracticable, by saying that a caravan route went

thence to Petra, only shows what a Roman of rank was able to make a

Greek man of letters believe.

[264] The sharpest criticism of the campaign is furnished by the

detailed account of the Egyptian merchant as to the state of the

Arabian coast from Leuce Come (el-Haura to the north of Janbô, the

port of Medina) to the Catacecaumene island (Jebel Taik near Lôhaia).

“Different peoples inhabit it, who speak languages partly somewhat

different, partly wholly so. The inhabitants of the coast live in pens

like the ‘fish-eaters’ on the opposite coast” (these pens he describes,

c. 2, as isolated and built into the clefts of the rocks), “those of

the interior in villages and pastoral companies; they are ill-disposed

men speaking two languages, who plunder the seafarers that drift out

of their course and drag the shipwrecked into slavery. For that reason

they are constantly hunted by the viceroys and chief kings of Arabia;

they are called Kanraites (or Kassanites). In general navigation

on all this coast is dangerous, the shore is without harbours and

inaccessible, with a troublesome surf, rocky and in general very bad.

Therefore, when we sail into these waters, we keep to the middle and

hasten to get to the Arabian territory at the island Catacecaumene;

from thence onward the inhabitants are hospitable, and we meet with

numerous flocks of sheep and camels.” The same region between the Roman

and the Homeritic frontiers, and the same state of things are in the

view of the Axomite king, when he writes: πέραν δὲ τῆς ἐρυθρᾶς θαλάσσης

οἰκοῦντας Ἀρραβίτας καὶ Κιναιδοκολπίτας (comp. Ptolemaeus vi. 7, 20),

στράτευμα ναυτικὸν καὶ πεζικὸν διαπεμψάμενος καὶ ὑποτάξας αὐτῶν τοὺς

βασιλέας, φόρους τῆς γῆς τελεῖν ἐκέλευσα καὶ ὁδεύεσθαι μετ’ εἰρήνης καὶ

πλέεσθαι, ἀπό τε Λευκῆς κώμης ἕως τῶν Σαβαίων χώρας ἐπολέμησα.

[265] These walls, built of rubble, form a circle of a mile in

diameter. They are described by Arnaud (_l.c._, comp. p. 287, note 1).

[266] That the Oriental expedition of Gaius had Arabia as its goal, is

stated expressly by Pliny (particularly _H. N._ xii. 14, 55, 56; comp.

ii. 67, 168; vi. 27, 141, c. 28, 160; xxxii. 1, 10). That it was to set

out from the mouth of the Euphrates, follows from the fact that the

expedition to Armenia and the negotiations with the Parthians preceded

it. For that reason the Collectanea of Juba as to the impending

expedition were based upon the reports of the generals of Alexander as

to their exploring of Arabia.

[267] Our only information as to this remarkable expedition has been

preserved to us by the Egyptian captain, who about the year 75 has

described his voyage on the coasts of the Red Sea. He knows (c. 26)

the Adane of later writers, the modern Aden, as a village on the

coast (κώμη παραθαλάσσιος), which belongs to the realm of Charibael,

king of the Homerites, but was earlier a flourishing town, and was

so termed (εὐδαίμων δ’ ἐπεκλήθη πρότερον οὖσα πόλις) because before

the institution of the direct Indo-Egyptian traffic this place served

as a mart: νῦν δὲ οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ τῶν ἡμετέρων χρόνων Καῖσαρ αὐτὴν

κατεστρέψατο. The last word can here only mean “destroy,” not, as

more frequently, “subdue,” because the conversion of the town into a

village is to be accounted for. For Καῖσαρ Schwanbeck (_Rhein. Mus.

neue Folge_, vii. 353) has proposed Χαριβαήλ, C. Müller Ἰλασάρ (on

account of Strabo, xvi. 4, 21, p. 782): neither is possible--not the

latter, because this Arabian dynast ruled in a far remote district and

could not possibly be presumed as well known; not the former, because

Charibael was a contemporary of the writer, and there is here reported

an incident which occurred before his time. We shall not take offence

at the tradition, if we reflect what interest the Romans must have

had in setting aside the Arabian mart between India and Egypt, and in

bringing about direct intercourse. That the Roman accounts are silent

as to this occurrence is in keeping with their habit; the expedition,

which beyond doubt was executed by an Egyptian fleet and simply

consisted in the destruction of a presumably defenceless place on the

coast, would not be from a military point of view of any importance;

about great commercial dealings the annalists gave themselves no

concern, and generally the incidents in Egypt came still less than

those in the other imperial provinces to the knowledge of the senate

and therewith of the annalists. The naked designation Καῖσαρ, in which

from the nature of the case the ruler then reigning is excluded, is

probably to be explained from the circumstance that the reporting

captain, while knowing doubtless the fact of the destruction by the

Romans, knew not its date or author.--It is possible that to this the

notice in Pliny (_H. N._ ii. 67, 168) is to be referred: _maiorem

(oceani) partem et orientis victoriae magni Alexandri lustravere usque

in Arabicum sinum, in quo res gerente C. Caesare Aug. f. signa navium

ex Hispaniensibus naufragiis feruntur agnita_. Gaius did not reach

Arabia (Plin. _H. N._ vi. 28, 160); but during the Armenian expedition

a Roman squadron may very well have been conducted by one of his

sub-commanders to this coast, in order to pave the way for the main

expedition. That silence reigns elsewhere respecting it cannot surprise

us. The Arabian expedition of Gaius had been so solemnly announced and

then abandoned in so wretched a way, that loyal reporters had every

reason to obliterate a fact which could not well be mentioned without

also reporting the failure of the greater plan.

[268] The Egyptian merchant distinguishes the ἔνθεσμος βασιλεύς of

the Homerites (c. 23) sharply from the τύραννοι, the tribal chiefs

sometimes subordinate to him, sometimes independent (c. 14), and as

sharply distinguishes these organised conditions from the lawlessness

of the inhabitants of the desert (c. 2). If Strabo and Tacitus had had

eyes as open for these things as that practical man had, we should have

known somewhat more of antiquity.

[269] The war of Macrinus against the _Arabes eudaemones_ (_vita_, 12)

and their envoys sent to Aurelian (_vita_, 33), who are named along

with those of the Axomites, would prove their continued independence at

that time, if these statements could be depended on.

[270] The king names himself, about the year 356 (p. 284, note 2), in

a document (_C. I. Gr._ 5128) βασιλεὺς Ἀξωμιτῶν καὶ Ὁμηριτῶν καὶ τοῦ

Ῥαειδὰν (castle in Sapphar, the capital of the Homerites; Dillmann,

_Abh. der Berl. Akad._ 1878, p. 207) ... καὶ Σαβαειτῶν καὶ τοῦ Σιλεῆ

(castle in Mariaba, the capital of the Sabaeans; Dillmann, _l.c._).

With this agrees the contemporary mission of envoys _ad gentem

Axumitarum et Homerita[rum]_ (_C. Th._ xii. 12, 2). As to the later

state of things comp. especially Nonnosus (_fr. hist. Gr._ iv. p. 179,

Müll.) and Procopius, _Hist. Pers._ i. 20.

[271] Aristides (_Or._ xlviii. p. 485, Dind.) names Coptos the Indian

and Arabian entrepôt. In the romance of Xenophon the Ephesian (iv. 1),

the Syrian robbers resort to Coptos, “for there a number of merchants

pass through, who are travelling to Aethiopia and India.”

[272] Hadrian later constructed “the new Hadrian’s road” which led from

his town Antinoopolis near Hermopolis, probably through the desert

to Myos Hormos, and from Myos Hormos along the sea to Berenice, and

provided it with cisterns, stations (σταθμοί), and forts (inscription

in _Revue Archéol._ N. S. xxi. year 1870, p. 314). However there is

no mention of this road subsequently, and it is a question whether it

continued to subsist.

[273] This is nowhere expressly said, but it is clearly evident

from the Periplus of the Egyptian. He speaks at numerous places of

the intercourse of the non-Roman Africa with Arabia (c. 7, 8), and

conversely of the Arabians with the non-Roman Africa (c. 17, 21, 31;

and after him Ptolemaeus, i. 17, 6), and with Persia (c. 27, 33), and

India (c. 21, 27, 49); as also of that of the Persians with India (c.

36), as well as of the Indian merchantmen with the non-Roman Africa (c.

14, 31, 32), and with Persia (c. 36) and Arabia (c. 32). But there is

not a word indicating that these foreign merchants came to Berenice,

Myos Hormos, or Leuce Come; indeed, when he remarks with reference to

the most important mart of all this circle of traffic, Muza, that these

merchants sail with their own ships to the African coast outside of the

Straits of Bab El Mandeb (for that is for him τὸ πέραν), and to India,

Egypt cannot possibly be absent by accident.

[274] In Bâmanghati (district Singhbhum) westward from Calcutta, a

great treasure of gold coins of Roman emperors (Gordian and Constantine

are named) is said to have come to light (Beglar, in Cunningham’s

_Archaeological Survey of India_, vol. xiii. p. 72); but such an

isolated find does not prove that regular intercourse extended so far.

In Further India and China Roman coins have very seldom been found.

[275] The designation _Afer_ does not belong to this series. So far as

we can follow it back in linguistic usage, it is never given to the

Berber in contrast to other African stocks, but to every inhabitant of

the Continent lying over against Sicily, and particularly also to the

Phoenician; if it has designated a definite people at all, this can

only have been that, with which the Romans here first and chiefly came

into contact (comp. Suetonius, _vita Terent._). Reasons philological

and real oppose themselves to our attempt in i. 162 {i. 154} to trace

back the word to the name of the Hebrews; a satisfactory etymology has

not yet been found for it.

[276] A good observer, Charles Tissot, (_Géogr. de la province romaine

de l’Afrique_, i. p. 403) testifies that upwards of a third of the

inhabitants of Morocco have fair or brown hair, and in the colony of

the inhabitants of the Riff in Tangier two-thirds. The women made the

impression on him of those of Berry and of Auvergne. _Sur les hauts

sommets de la chaîne atlantique, d’après les renseignements qui m’ont

été fournis, la population tout entière serait remarquablement blonde.

Elle aurait les yeux bleus, gris ou “verts, comme ceux des chats,”

pour reproduire l’expression même dont s’est servi le cheikh qui me

renseignait._ The same phenomenon meets us in the mountain masses of

Grand Kabylia and of the Aures, as well as on the Tunisian island Jerba

and the Canary Islands. The Egyptian representations also show to us

the Libu not red, like the Egyptians, but white, and with fair or brown

hair.

[277] Cyprian, _Quod idola dii non sint_, c. 2: _Mauri manifeste

reges suos colunt nec ullo velamento hoc nomen obtexunt_. Tertullian,

_Apolog._ 24: _Mauretaniae (dei sunt) reguli sui_. _C. I. L._ viii.,

8834: _Iemsali L. Percenius L. f. Stel. Rogatus v. (s. l. a.)_, found

at Thubusuptu in the region of Sitifis, which place may well have

belonged to the Numidian kingdom of Hiempsal. Thus the inscription also

of Thubursicum (_C. I. L._ viii. n. 7* comp. _Eph. epigr._ v. p. 651,

n. 1478) must have rather been badly copied than falsified. Still,

in the year 70, it was alleged that in Mauretania a pretender to the

throne had ascribed to himself the name of Juba (Tacitus, _Hist._ ii.

58).

[278] This is attested for the year 705 {49 B.C.} as regards both by

Dio, xli. 42 (comp. Suetonius, _Caes._ 54). In the year 707 {47 B.C.}

Bogud lends assistance to the Caesarian governor of Spain (_Bell.

Alex._ 59, 60), and repels an incursion of the younger Gnaeus Pompeius

(_Bell. Afric._ 23). Bocchus, in combination with P. Sittius, in the

African war makes a successful diversion against Juba and conquers

even the important Cirta (_Bell. Afr._ 23; Appian, ii. 96; Dio, xliii.

3). The two obtained in return from Caesar the territory of the prince

Massinissa (Appian, iv. 54). In the second Spanish war Bogud appears

in the army of Caesar (Dio, xliii. 36, 38); the statement that the son

of Bocchus had served in the Pompeian army (Dio, _l. c._) must be a

confusion, probably with Arabio the son of Massinissa, who certainly

went to the sons of Pompeius (Appian, _l. c._). After Caesar’s death

Arabio possessed himself afresh of his dominion (Appian, _l. c._),

but after his death in the year 714 {40 B.C.} (Dio, xlviii. 22) the

Caesarian arrangement must have again taken effect in its full extent.

The bestowal on Bocchus and Sittius is probably to be understood to

the effect that, in the western part of the former Numidian kingdom

otherwise left to Bocchus, the colony of Cirta to be founded by

Sittius was to be regarded as an independent Roman town, like Tingi

subsequently in the kingdom of Mauretania.

[279] If, according to Dio, xl. 43, Caesar in the year 721 {33

B.C.} after the death of Bocchus, nominates no successor, but makes

Mauretania a province, and then (li. 15) in the year 724 {30 B.C.},

on occasion of the end of the queen of Egypt, there is mention of

the marriage of her daughter with Juba and his investiture with his

father’s kingdom, and, lastly (liii. 26), under the year 729 {25 B.C.}

there is reported Juba’s investiture with a portion of Gaetulia instead

of his hereditary kingdom, as well as with the kingdoms of Bocchus and

Bogud; only the last account confirmed by Strabo, xvii. 3, 7, p. 828,

is correct. The first is at least incorrect in its way of apprehending

the matter, as Mauretania evidently was not made a province in 721

{33 B.C.}, but only the investiture was held in abeyance for the time

being; and the second partly anticipates, since Cleopatra, born before

the triumph about 719 (_Eph. epigr._ i., p. 276), could not possibly be

married in 724, and is partly mistaken, because Juba certainly never

got back his paternal kingdom as such. If he had been king of Numidia

before 729, and if it had been merely the extent of his kingdom that

then underwent a change, he would have counted his years from the first

installation and not merely from 729.

[280] That Balbus carried on this campaign as proconsul of Africa,

is shown in particular by the triumphal Fasti; but the consul L.

Cornelius of the year 732 must have been another person, since Balbus,

according to Velleius ii. 51, obtained that consular governorship, _ex

privato consularis_, _i.e._ without having filled a curule office.

The nomination, therefore, cannot have taken place according to the

usual arrangement by lot. To all appearance he fell into disgrace

with Augustus for good reasons on account of his Spanish quaestorship

(Drumann ii. 609), and was then, after the lapse of more than twenty

years, sent, as an extraordinary measure, to Africa, on account of his

undoubted aptitude for this specially difficult task.

[281] The tribes whom Tacitus names in his account of the war, far

from clear, as always, in a geographical point of view, may be in some

measure determined; and the position between the Leptitanian and the

Cirtensian columns (_Ann._ iii. 74) points for the middle column to

Theveste. The town of Thala (_Ann._ iii. 20) cannot possibly be sought

above Ammaedara, but is probably the Thala of the Jugurthan war in the

vicinity of Capsa. The last section of the war has its arena in western

Mauretania about Auzia (iv. 25), and accordingly in Thubuscum (iv. 24)

there lurks possibly Thubusuptu or Thubusuctu. The river Pagyda (_Ann._

iii. 20) is quite indefinable.

[282] Ptolemaeus, iv. 3, 23, puts the Musulamii southward from the

Aures, and it is only in accord therewith that they are called in

Tacitus ii. 52, dwellers beside the steppe and neighbours of the

Mauri; later they are settled to the north and west of Theveste (_C.

I. L._ viii. 270, 10667). The Nattabutes dwelt according to Ptolemaeus

_l. c._ southward of the Musulamii; subsequently we find them to the

south of Calama (_C. I. L._ viii. 484). In like manner the _Chellenses

Numidae_, between Lares and Althiburus (_Eph. epigr._ V. n. 639), and

the _conventus (civium Romanorum et) Numidarum qui Mascululae habitant_

(_ib._ n. 597), are probably Berber tribes transplanted from Numidia to

the proconsular province.

[283] In the year 70 the troops of the two Mauretanias amounted

together, in addition to militia levied in large numbers, to 5 alae

and 19 cohortes (Tacitus, _Hist._ ii. 58), and so, if we reckon on

the average every fourth as a double troop, to about 15,000 men. The

regular army of Numidia was weaker rather than stronger.

[284] Inscription _C. I. L._ viii. 8369 of the year 129: _Termini

positi inter Igilgilitanos, in quorum finibus kastellum Victoriae

positum est, et Zimiz(es), ut sciant Zimizes non plus in usum se habere

ex auctoritate M. Vetti Latronis pro(curatoris) Aug(usti) qua(m) in

circuitu a muro kast(elli) p(edes)_ D. The _Zimises_ are placed by the

Peutingerian map alongside of Igilgili to the westward.

[285] If the praefect of a cohort doing garrison duty in Numidia held

the command at the same time over six Gaetulian tribes (_nationes_, _C.

I. L._ v. 5267), men that were natives of Mauretania were employed as

irregulars in the neighbouring province. Irregular Mauretanian horsemen

frequently occur, especially in the later imperial period. Lusius

Quietus under Trajan, a Moor and leader of a Moorish troop (Dio lxviii.

32), no Λίβυς ἐκ τῆς ὑπηκόου Λιβύης, ἀλλ’ ἐξ ἀδόξου καὶ ἀπῳκισμένης

ἐσχατιᾶς (Themistius, _Or._ xvi p. 250 Dind.), was without doubt a

Gaetulian sheikh, who served with his followers in the Roman army.

That his home was formally independent of the empire, is not affirmed

in the words of Themistius; the “subject-territory” is that with Roman

organisation, the ἐσχατιά its border inhabited by dependent tribes.

[286] To the inscriptions, which prove this (_C. I. L._ viii. p. xviii.

747), falls now to be added the remarkable dedication of the leader of

an expeditionary column from the year 174, found in the neighbourhood

of Géryville (_Eph. epigr._ v. n. 1043).

[287] The _tumultus Gaetulicus_ (_C. I. L._ viii. 6958) was rather an

insurrection than an invasion.

[288] Ptolemy certainly takes as boundary of the province of Caesarea

the line above the Shott, and does not reckon Gaetulia as belonging to

it; on the other hand he extends that of Tingis as far as the Great

Atlas. Pliny v. 4, 30, numbers among the subject peoples of Africa “all

Gaetulia as far as the Niger and the Ethiopian frontier,” which points

nearly to Timbuctoo. The latter statement will accord with the official

conception of the matter.

[289] Already in Nero’s time Calpurnius (_Egl._ iv. 40) terms the

shore of Baetica _trucibus obnoxia Mauris_.--If under Pius the Moors

were beaten off and driven back as far as and over the Atlas (_vita

Pii_, 5; Pausanias viii. 43), the sending of troops at that time from

Spain to the Tingitana (_C. I. L._ iii. 5212-5215) makes it probable

that this attack of the Moors affected Baetica, and the troops of the

Tarraconensis marching against these followed them over the straits.

The probably contemporary activity of the Syrian legion at the Aures

(p. 320) suggests moreover that this war extended also to Numidia.--The

war with the Moors under Marcus (_vita Marci_, 21, 22; _vita Severi_,

2), had its scene essentially in Baetica and Lusitania.--A governor of

Hither Spain under Severus had to fight with the “rebels” by water and

by land (_C. I. L._ ii. 4114).--Under Alexander (_vita_, 58) there was

fighting in the province of Tingi, but without mention of Spain in the

case.--From the time of Aurelian (_vita Saturnini_, 9) there is mention

of Mauro-Spanish conflicts. We cannot exactly determine the time of a

sending of troops from Numidia to Spain and against the Mazices (_C. I.

L._ viii. 2786), where presumably not the Mazices of the Caesariensis

but those of the Tingitana on the Riff (Ptolem. iv. 1, 10), are meant;

perhaps with this is connected the fact that Gaius Vallius Maximianus,

as governor of Tingitana, achieved in the province Baetica (according

to Hirschfeld, _Wiener Stud._ vi. 123, under Marcus and Commodus) a

victory over the Moors and relieved towns besieged by them (_C. I. L._

ii. 1120, 2015); these events prove at least that the conflicts with

the Moors on the Riff and the associates that flocked to them from

the country lying behind did not cease. When the Baquates on the same

coast besieged the pretty remote Cartenna (Tenes) in the Caesariensis

(_C. I. L._ viii. 9663), they perhaps came by sea. Where the wars with

the Moors under Hadrian (_vita_, 5, 12) and Commodus (_vita_, 13) took

place is not known.

[290] More information than in the scanty accounts of Victor and

Eutropius is supplied as to this war by the inscribed stones,

_C. I. L._ viii. 2615, 8836, 9045, 9047. According to these the

_Quinquegentiani_ may be followed out from Gallienus to Diocletian. The

beginning is made by the Baquates who, designated as _Transtagnenses_,

must have dwelt beyond the Shott. Four “kings” combine for an

expedition. The most dreaded opponent is Faraxen with his _gentiles

Fraxinenses_. Towns like Mileu in Numidia not far from Cirta and Auzia

in the Caesariensis are attacked, and the citizens must in good part

defend themselves against the enemy. After the end of the war Maximian

constructs great magazines in Thubusuctu not far from Saldae. These

fragmentary accounts give in some measure an insight into the relations

of the time.

[291] Apart from the coins this is proved also by the inscriptions.

According to the comparison, for which I am indebted to Herr Euting,

the great mass of the old Punic inscriptions, that is, those written

probably before the destruction of Carthage, falls to Carthage

itself (about 2500), the rest to Hadrumetum (9), Thugga (the famous

Phoenico-Berber one), Cirta (5), Iol-Caesarea (1). The new Punic occur

most numerously in and around Carthage (30), and generally they are

found not unfrequently in the proconsular province, also in Great

Leptis (5) and on the islands of Girba (1) and Cossura (1); in Numidia,

in and near Calama (23), and in Cirta (15); in Mauretania hitherto only

in Portus Magnus (2).

[292] The coining in Africa ceases in the main after Tiberius, and

thereafter, since African inscriptions from the first century after

Christ are before us only in very small numbers, for a considerable

period documents fail us. The coins of Babba in the Tingitana, going

from Claudius down to Galba, have exclusively Latin legends; but the

town was a colony. The Latin-Punic inscriptions of Great Leptis, _C.

I. L._ viii. 7, and of Naraggara, _C. I. L._ viii. 4636, may doubtless

belong to the time after Tiberius, but as bilingual tell rather for

the view that, when they were set up, the Phoenician language was

already degraded.

[293] From the expression in the epitome of Victor, that the emperor

Severus was _Latinis litteris sufficienter instructus, Graecis

sermonibus eruditus, Punica eloquentia promptior, quippe genitus apud

Leptim_, we may not infer a Punic course of rhetoric in the Tripolis of

that time; the late and inferior author has possibly given a scholastic

version of the well-known notice.

[294] On the statement of the younger Arnobius, writing about 460

(_ad Psalm._ 104, p. 481 Migne: _Cham vero secundus filius Noe a

Rhinocoruris usque Gadira habens linguas sermone Punico a parte

Garamantum, Latino a parte boreae, barbarico a parte meridiani,

Aethiopum et Aegyptiorum ac barbaris interioribus vario sermone numero

viginti duabus linguis in patriis trecentis nonaginta et quattuor_), no

reliance is to be placed, still less upon the nonsense of Procopius,

_de bello Vand._ ii. 10, as to the Phoenician inscription and language

in Tigisis. Authorities of this sort were hardly able to distinguish

Berber and Punic.

[295] In a single place on the Little Syrtis the Phoenician may still

have been spoken in the eleventh century (Movers, _Phön._ ii. 2, 478).

[296] More clearly than by the Latin inscriptions found in Africa,

which begin too late to illustrate the state of things before

the second century A.D., this is shown by the four contracts of

_patronatus_ from the time of Tiberius, quoted in next note, concluded

by two small places of the proconsular province Apisa maius and Siagu,

and two others nowhere else mentioned, probably adjacent, Themetra and

Thimiligi; according to which the statement of Strabo (xvii. 3, 15, p.

833) that at the beginning of the last war the Carthaginian territory

numbered 300 towns, appears not at all incredible. In each of those

four smaller places there were sufetes; even where the old and new

Punic inscriptions name magistrates, there are regularly two sufetes.

That these are comparatively frequent in the proconsular province, and

elsewhere can only be pointed out in Calama, serves to show how much

more strongly the Phoenician urban organisation was developed in the

former.

[297] The contracts of _patronatus_ from the time of Caesar (_C. I.

L._ viii. 10525), of Augustus (_ib._ 68 comp. 69), and Tiberius (_C.

I. L._ v. 4919-4922), concluded by the _senatus populusque_ of African

communities (_civitates_) of peregrine rights with Romans of rank,

appear to have been entered into quite after the Roman fashion by the

common council, which represents and binds the community.

[298] On the coin undoubtedly struck under Caesar (Müller _Num. de

l’Afr._ ii. 149) with _Kar(thago) Veneris_ and _Aristo Mutumbal Ricoce

suf(etes)_, the first two names are probably to be taken together as

a Graeco-Phoenician double name, such as elsewhere is not rare (comp.

_C. I. L._ v. 4922: _agente Celere Imilchonis Gulalsae filio sufete_).

Since on the one hand sufetes cannot be assigned to a Roman colony, and

on the other hand the conducting of such a colony to Carthage itself is

well attested, Caesar himself must either have subsequently changed the

form of founding the city, or the founding of the colony must have been

carried into effect by the triumvirate as a posthumous ordinance of the

dictator (as is hinted by Appian, _Pun._ 136). We may compare the fact

that Curubis stands in the earlier time of Caesar under sufetes (_C.

I. L._ viii. 10525), in the year 709 U.C. as a Caesarian colony under

duoviri (_ib._ 977); yet the case is different, since this town did

not, like Carthage, owe its existence to Caesar.

[299] For Africa and Numidia Pliny (_H. N._, v. 4, 29 f.) numbers in

all 516 communities, among which are 6 colonies, 15 communities of

Roman burgesses, 2 Latin towns (for the _oppidum stipendiarium_ must,

according to the position which is given to it, have been also of

Italian rights), the rest either Phoenician towns (_oppida_), among

which were 30 free, or else Libyan tribes (_non civitates tantum, sed

pleraeque etiam nationes iure dici possunt_). Whether these figures

are to be referred to Vespasian’s time or to an earlier, is not

ascertained; in any case they are not free from errors, for, besides

the six colonies specially adduced, six are wanting (Assuras, Carpi,

Clupea, Curubi, Hippo Diarrhytos, Neapolis), which are referable,

partly with certainty partly with probability, to Caesar or Augustus.

[300] Pliny, v. 1, 2, says indeed only of Zulil or rather Zili _regum

dicioni exempta et iura in Baeticam petere iussa_, and this might be

connected with the transfer of this community to Baetica as _Iulia

Traducta_ (Strabo, iii. 1, 8, p. 140). But probably Pliny gives this

notice in the case of Zili alone, just because this is the first colony

laid out beyond the imperial frontier which he names. The burgess of a

Roman colony cannot possibly have had his forum of justice before the

king of Mauretania.

[301] Frontinus in the well-known passage, p. 53 Lachm., respecting

processes between the urban communities and private persons, or, as

it may be, the emperor, appears not to presuppose state-districts _de

iure_ independent and of a similar nature with urban territories--such

as are incompatible with Roman law--but a _de facto_ refractory

attitude of the great land-owner towards the community which makes him

liable, _e.g._ for the furnishing of recruits or compulsory services,

basing itself on the allegation that the piece of land made liable is

not within the bounds of the community requiring the service.

[302] The technical designation _gens_ comes into prominence

particularly in the fixed title of the _praefectus gentis Musulamiorum,

etc._; but, as this is the lowest category of the independent

commonwealth, the word is usually avoided in dedications (comp. _C. I.

L._ viii. p. 1100) and _civitas_ put instead, a designation, which,

like the _oppidum_ of Pliny foreign to the technical language (p.

331, note), includes in it all communities of non-Italian or Greek

organisation. The nature of the _gens_ is described by the paraphrase

(_C. I. L._ viii. 68) alternating with _civitas Gurzensis_ (_ib._ 69):

_senatus populusque civitatium stipendiariorum pago Gurzenses_, that

is, the “elders and community of the clans of tributary people in the

village of Gurza.”

[303] When the designation _princeps_ (_C. I. L._ viii. p. 1102) is

not merely enunciative but an official title, it appears throughout in

communities which are neither themselves urban communities nor parts

of such, and with special frequency in the case of the _gentes_. We

may compare the “eleven first” (comp. _Eph. epigr._ v. n. 302, 521,

533) with the _seniores_ to be met with here and there. An evidence

in support of both positions is given in the inscription _C. I. L._

viii. 7041: _Florus Labaeonis f. princeps et undecimprimus gentis

Saboidum_. Recently at Bu Jelîda, a little westward of the great road

between Carthage and Theveste, in a valley of the Jebel Rihan, and so

in a quite civilised region, there have been found the remains of a

Berber village, which calls itself on a monument of the time of Pius

(still unprinted) _gens Bacchuiana_, and is under “eleven elders”;

the names of gods (_Saturno Achaiaei [?] Aug[usio]_), like the names

of men (_Candidus Braisamonis fil._), are half local, half Latin. In

Calama the dating after the two sufetes and the _princeps_ (_C. I. L._

viii. 5306, comp. 5369) is remarkable; it appears that this probably

Libyan community was first under a chief, and then obtained sufetes

without the chief being dropped. It may readily be understood that our

monuments do not give much information upon the _gentes_ and their

organisation; in this field doubtless little was written on stone.

Even the Libyan inscriptions belong, at least as regards the majority,

to towns in part or wholly inhabited by Berbers; the bilingual

inscriptions found at Tenelium (_C. I. L._ viii. p. 514), in Numidia

westward from Bona in the Sheffia plain, the same place that has

furnished till now most of the Berber stone inscriptions, show indeed

in their Latin part Libyan names, _e.g._ _Chinidial Misicir_ f. and

_Naddhsen Cotuzanis_ f., both from the clan (_tribu_) of the _Misiciri_

or _Misictri_; but one of these people, who has served in the Roman

army and has acquired the Roman franchise, names himself in the Latin

text _in civitate sua Tenelio flamen perpetuus_, according to which

this place seems to have been organised like a town. If, therefore,

success should ever attend the attempt to read and decipher the Berber

inscriptions with certainty, they would hardly give us sufficient

information as to the internal organisation of the Berber tribes.

[304] That the Gaetulian purple is to be referred to Juba is stated by

Pliny, _H. N._ vi. 31, 201: _paucas (Mauretaniae insulas) constat esse

ex adverso Autololum a Iuba repertas, in quibus Gaetulicam purpuram

tinguere instituerat_; by these _insulae purpurariae_ (_ib._ 203) can

only be meant Madeira. In fact the oldest mention of this purple is

that in Horace, _Ep._ ii. 2, 181. Proofs are wanting as to the later

duration of this manufacture, and, as the Roman rule did not extend to

these islands, it is not probable, although from the _sagum purpurium_

of the tariff of Zarai (_C. I. L._ viii. 4508) we may infer Mauretanian

manufactures of purple.

[305] The tariff of Zarai set up at the Numidian customs-frontier

towards Mauretania (_C. I. L._ viii. 4508) from the year 202 gives a

clear picture of the Mauretanian exports. Wine, figs, dates, sponges,

are not wanting; but slaves, cattle of all sorts, woollen stuffs

(_vestis Afra_), and leather wares play the chief part. The Description

of the earth also from the time of Constantius says, c. 60, that

Mauretania _vestem et mancipia negotiatur_.

[306] According to an epitaph found in Mactaris in the Byzacene (_Eph.

epigr._ v. n. 279), a man of free birth there, after having been

actively engaged in bringing in the harvests far around in Africa,

first throughout twelve years as an ordinary reaper and then for another

eleven as a foreman, purchased for himself with the savings of his pay

a town and a country house, and became in his turn a member of council

and burgomaster. His poetical epitaph shows, if not culture, at least

pretensions to it. A development of life of this sort was in the Roman

imperial period doubtless not so rare as it at first may seem, but

probably occurred in Africa more frequently than elsewhere.

[307] How far our Latin texts of the Bible are to be referred to

several translations originally different, or whether, as Lachmann

assumed, the different recensions have proceeded from one and the

same translation as a basis by means of manifold revision with the

aid of the originals, are questions which can scarcely be definitely

decided--for the present at least--in favour of either one or the

other view. But that both Italians and Africans took part in this

work--whether of translation or of correction--is proved by the famous

words of Augustine, _de doctr. Christ._ ii. 15, 22, _in ipsis autem

interpretationibus Itala ceteris praeferatur, nam est verborum tenacior

cum perspicuitate sententiae_, over which great authorities have been

perplexed, but certainly without reason. Bentley’s proposal, approved

afresh of late (by Corssen, _Jahrb. für protestant. Theol._ vii. p.

507 f.), to change _Itala_ into _illa_ and _nam_ into _quae_, is

inadmissible alike philologically and in substance. For the twofold

change is destitute of all external probability, and besides _nam_

is protected by the copyist Isidorus, _Etym._ vi. 4, 2. The further

objection that linguistic usage would require _Italica_, is not borne

out (_e.g._ Sidonius and Iordanes as well as the inscriptions of later

times, _C. I. L._ x. p. 1146, write _Italus_ by turns with _Italicus_),

and the designation of a single translation as the most trustworthy

on the whole is quite consistent with the advice to consult as many

as possible; whereas by the change proposed an intelligent remark is

converted into a meaningless commonplace. It is true that the Christian

Church in Rome in the first three centuries made use throughout of

the Greek language, and that we may not seek _there_ for the _Itali_

who took part in the Latin Bible. But that in Italy outside of Rome,

especially in Upper Italy, the knowledge of Greek was not much more

diffused than in Africa, is most clearly shown by the names of

freedmen; and it is just to the non-Roman Italy that the designation

used by Augustine points; while we may perhaps also call to mind the

fact that Augustine was gained for Christianity by Ambrosius in Milan.

The attempt to identify the traces of the recension called by Augustine

_Itala_ in such remains as have survived of Bible translations before

Jerome’s, will at all events hardly ever be successful; but still

less will it admit of being proved that Africans only worked at the

pre-Hieronymian Latin Bible texts. That they originated largely,

perhaps for the most part, in Africa has certainly great probability.

The contrast to the one _Itala_ can only in reason have been several

_Afrae_; and the vulgar Latin, in which these texts are all of them

written, is in full agreement with the vulgar Latin, as it was

demonstrably spoken in Africa. At the same time we must doubtless not

overlook the fact that we know the vulgar Latin in general principally

from African sources, and that the proof of the restriction of any

individual linguistic phenomenon to Africa is as necessary as it

is for the most part unadduced. There existed side by side as well

vulgarisms in general use as African provincialisms (comp. _Eph.

epigr._ iv. p. 520, as to the cognomina in _-osus_); but that forms

like _glorificare_, _nudificare_, _justificare_, belong to the second

category, is by no means proved from the fact that we first meet with

them in Africa, since analogous documents to those which we possess,

_e.g._ for Carthage in the case of Tertullian, are wanting to us as

regards Capua and Milan.

[308] The arguments of Mr. B. W. Henderson (_English Hist. Review_,

1903, 1-23) for a different advance seem to me to be based on a

misconception of some of the evidence. Thus, there is no tile of

Leg. ix. at Leicester, nor any trace yet noted of Leg. ii. Aug. at

Cirencester or Gloucester.

INDEX

Abdagaeses, ii. 44.

Abgarus, of Edessa, ii. 46 (under Claudius), 68 (under Trajan),

78 (under Severus).

Abrinca, rivulet, i. 119 _n._

Achaeans, diet, i. 264.

Achaemenids, dynasty, ii. 2, 3, 10;

“seven houses,” 6.

Achaia, province, i. 255 f. _n._;

under the emperors, 260.

Acraephia, inscription, i. 265 _n._, 273 _n._

Actiads, i. 296 _n._

Actian games, i. 296 _n._

Adane, ii. 288 f.;

destroyed, 293 f. _n._

Adiabene, ii. 68, 78 _n._, 88.

_Adiabenicus_, ii. 78 _n._

Adminius, i. 174.

Adrianopolis, i. 307.

Adulis, ii. 280, 281, 282, 296.

Aedemon, ii. 313.

Aegium, diet of, ii. 264 _n._

Aeizanas, ii. 284 _n._

Aelana, ii. 288.

Aemilianus, Marcus Aemilius, i. 241.

Aemilianus, Egyptian tyrant, ii. 251.

Aethiopia and Aethiopians, ii. 275-278;

traffic, 278.

_Afer_, ii. 304 _n._

Africa, North, ii. 303;

Berber stock, 303-305;

Phoenician immigration, 306;

government of republic, 306 f.;

Caesar’s policy, 307 f.;

extent of Roman rule, 308 f.;

no strict frontier, 309;

province of, 310;

two Mauretanian kingdoms, 310 f.;

physical conformation, 314;

Africano-Numidian territory, 316 f.;

war against Tacfarinas and later conflicts, 317-320;

Roman civilisation in Mauretania, 320 f.;

continuance of Berber language, 325 f.;

of Phoenician, 326 f.;

coinage, 327 _n._;

Latin language, 329;

Phoenician urban organisation, 329;

transformed into Italian, 331;

number of towns, 331 _n._;

Italian colonists, 332;

large landed estates, 333 f.;

husbandry, 336;

corn supplied to Rome, 337;

oil and wine, 337 f.;

manufactures and commerce, 338 f.;

prosperity, 339;

roads, 339 f.;

introduction of camels, 340;

character and culture of people, 340 f.;

scholasticism, 342;

Christian literature, 343-345;

Latin Scriptures, 343 f. _n._

Agonistic institutes, i. 289 _n._

_Agonothesia_, i. 347 _n._, 348 _n._

Agricola, Gnaeus Julius, i. 182-184, 194.

Agrippa;

_see_ Herod Agrippa.

Agrippa, M. Vipsanius, in command on the Danube, i. 22;

transference of Ubii, 25;

combats in Gaul, 80.

Agrippa, Marcus Fonteius, i. 218.

Agrippina (Cologne), i. 119.

Ahenobarbus, Lucius Domitius, expedition to Elbe, i. 31;

dyke between Ems and Lower Rhine, 34.

Ahuramazda, ii. 10 f., 84.

Alamanni, war with, i. 161 f., 163;

raids, 166 f.

Alani, ii. 62 _n._, 64, 73, 74 _n._

Albani, ii. 72 f.

Alexander the Great, basing his empire on towns, not on tribes, ii. 120.

Alexander II. of Egypt, testament, ii. 232.

Alexander, son of Cleopatra, ii. 24, 25, 26;

installed king of Armenia, 33.

Alexander Severus, purchases peace in Germany, i. 162;

murder, 162; ii. 91;

character, 89 f.;

war with Ardashir, 90 _n._;

nicknamed “chief Rabbi,” 263.

Alexander of Abonoteichos, i. 350.

Alexander, Tiberius Julius, ii. 168, 204, 242 _n._, 246 _n._

Alexandria, in Egypt, under the Palmyrenes, ii. 107, 108 _n._, 250;

number and position of Jews, 165 _n._, 200 _n._, 267;

Jew-hunt, 192, 193 _n._;

deputations to Gaius, 193 f.;

“Greek city,” 235 f.;

chief priest of, 238;

exemptions and privileges, 240 _n._;

libraries, 246, 271;

chief officials, 248 _n._;

distribution of corn, 251 _n._;

Italian settlement in, 257;

mariners’ guilds, 257 _n._;

comparison with Antioch, 262;

Alexandrian Fronde, 263;

nicknames, 263;

tumults frequent and serious, 264 _n._, 265;

worship, 265 f., 266 _n._;

old cultus retaining its hold, 267;

learned world, 267 f.;

physicians and quacks, 268;

scholar-life, 269 f.;

Museum, 271 f., 272;

labours of erudition, 271 f.;

“jointure” of Greek science, 273;

camp in suburb of Nicopolis, 274.

Alexandria, in Troas, i. 326 f.

Alexandropolis, ii. 15.

Aliso, fortress, i. 34 f., 36;

defence by Caedicius, 48.

Allegorical interpretation, Jewish, ii. 168 f.

Allobroges, i. 87, 88 _n._, 91.

Alps, subjugation, i. 15;

military districts, 17 f.;

roads and colonies, 19.

Amasia, i. 331.

Amâzigh, ii. 303.

_Ambubaia_, ii. 133.

Amida, ii. 115.

Amisus, i. 331 f.

Amphictiony remodelled by Augustus, i. 254 _n._, 255 _n._

Amsivarii, i. 124.

Amyntas, i. 335 _n._; ii. 24, 37.

Ananias, ii. 102 f.

Ancyra, i. 341 _n._, 342 _n._

Anthedon, ii. 210.

Antigonea, ii. 127 _n._

Antigonus, son of Hyrcanus, ii. 175-178.

Antinoopolis, ii. 236, 237 _n._, 297 _n._

Antioch, earthquake at, ii. 68;

capture by the Persians (260), 101, 132;

and by Aurelian, 109;

creation of monarchic policy, 127;

capital of Syria, 127;

Daphne, 128;

water supply, and lighted streets, 129 _n._;

poverty of intellectual interests, 130;

paucity of inscriptions, 132;

exhibitions and games, 132;

races, 132 _n._;

immorality, 133;

dissolute cultus, 134;

fondness for ridicule, 134 f.;

support of pretenders, 134;

reception of, and capture by Nushirvan, 135;

Jew-hunt at, 219.

Antioch in Pisidia, i. 336 f.

Antiochus of Commagene, ii. 49, 53;

tomb of, 125;

his buildings at Athens, i. 278.

Antiochus Epiphanes, ii. 196.

Antipater the Idumaean, ii. 174-177.

Antoninus Pius: wall from Forth to Clyde, i. 187 _n._;

conflicts in Britain under, 188 _n._

Antonius, Marcus, ii. 22 f.;

position in 38 B.C., 23 f.;

his army, 24;

his aims, 24 f.;

children by Cleopatra, 26 _n._;

preparations for Parthian war, 26 f.;

temperament, 27;

Parthian war, 27 f.;

resistance in Atropatene, 29;

retreat, 30, 31;

last years in the East, 32;

dismisses Octavia seeking reconciliation, 33;

punishes those blamed for his miscarriage, 33;

attempt on Palmyra, 93;

government in Alexandria, 232.

Apamea in Phrygia, i. 327.

Apamea in Syria, ii. 136, 141.

Aper, Marcus, i. 113.

Apharban, ii. 114.

Apion, ii. 193, 194 _n._

Apocalypse of John: conception of Roman and Parthian empires as standing

side by side, ii. 1 _n._;

pseudo-Nero of, 64 f.;

directed against the worship of the emperors, 196, 197-199 _n._

Apollinaris, Gaius Sulpicius, ii. 342.

Apollo, Actian, i. 295 f.

Apollonia, i. 201 f., 299.

Apollonius of Tyana, i. 350.

Appian, historian, ii. 221 f., 223.

Appuleius of Madaura, ii. 341, 342.

Appuleius, Pseudo-, Dialogue of the gods quoted, ii. 266 _n._

Apri, i. 306.

Apronius, Lucius, i. 125.

Apulum, i. 228.

Aquae Sextiae, i. 78, 81.

Aquileia, i. 197 f., 231, 233.

Aquincum, i. 228;

contra-Aquincum, 249.

Aquitania, wars, i. 64, 80;

coins, 79 _n._;

province, 88;

cantons of, 96.

Arabia, ii. 13;

Roman, what it included, 143 f.;

institution of province by Trajan, 152;

west coast of, 284 f.;

Homerites, 286 f.;

Felix, 285, 289;

policy of Augustus, 290;

expedition of Gallus, 290 f.;

state of the coast, 291 _n._;

expedition of Gaius, 293 _n._;

injury to its commerce, 293.

Arachosia, ii. 13, 15.

Aradus, ii. 138 _n._

Aramaic language, ii. 164.

Arbela, ii. 4, 88.

Archaism, Greek, i. 282 _n._

Archelaus of Cappadocia, ii. 41.

Archelaus, son of Herod the Great, ii. 183 f.

Architecture, Syrian, ii. 156 f.

Ardashir (Artaxares), ii. 81 _n._, 83 _n._, 84, 85, 89 _n._, 91.

Arelate, i. 86, 89;

amphitheatre, 106.

Aretas, ii. 148 _n._, 149 f. _n._, 150 f.

Argentoratum, i. 119, 147, 159.

Ariarathes of Cappadocia, ii. 33.

Ariobarzanes, ii. 38, 39.

Aristobulus, of Chalcis, ii. 49.

Aristobulus, prince of Judaea, ii. 175 f.

Aristotle’s recommendation to Alexander, ii. 241.

Armenia, ii. 6, 19, 20, 33, 34, 35, 36, 40 f.;

Parthian appanage for second son, 51, 60;

Roman policy as to, 50-52;

subdued by Corbulo, 53 f.;

under Parthian prince vassal to Rome, 60 f.;

Roman province under Trajan, 67 f., 70 f.;

becomes again vassal-state, 72;

Parthian invasion, 74 f., 80 _n._, 89 f., 92, 102, 104, 112 _n._,

113, 114 _n._, 115 _n._

Arminius, i. 43;

defeat of Varus, 46 f.;

combats with Germanicus, 54;

attack on Maroboduus, 60 f.;

desertion of Inguiomerus, 61;

civil war and end, 62.

Arnobius, ii. 345.

Arrianus, Flavius, ii. 20 _n._, 73 _n._

Arsaces, founder of Parthian dynasty, ii. 3, 4, 6.

Arsaces, son of Artabanus, ii. 42.

Arsacids and their rule, ii. 3-12 _el._

Arsamosata, ii. 56, 59.

Arsinoe, ii. 280, 291 f.

Art, constructive, in Gaul, i. 115;

in Syria, ii. 156 f.

Artabanus (III.), king of the Parthians, ii. 40-45.

Artabanus (IV.), ii. 87 f.

Artageira, ii. 40.

Artavazdes of Armenia, ii. 28-33.

Artavazdes of Atropatene, ii. 28, 29, 32.

Artaxares;

_see_ Ardashir.

Artaxata, ii. 48, 53 f., 75.

Artaxes, ii. 33-38.

Artaxias of Armenia, ii. 42 f.

Asander, i. 312, 313 _n._

Ascalon, ii. 212.

Asia Minor: natives and colonists, i. 320;

Hellenism, 321 f.;

formation of new centres, 322;

provinces of, 323;

territories added to empire, 323 f.;

senatorial and imperial government, 323 f.;

changes in boundaries of provinces and vassal-states, 324 _n._;

municipal vanity, 328 _n._;

honorary Hellenism, 344;

leagues of Hellenism, 343, 344 _n._;

representatives, 344 _n._;

land-diets and land festivals, 344 f.;

provincial priests and Asiarchs, 345 f.;

superintendence of emperor-worship, 348;

system of religion, 350;

public safety, 350;

occupying force, 350 f.;

justice in, 352 _n._;

constitution of towns, 352 f.;

clubs, 353;

free autonomous communities, 354;

urban life, 354 f.;

prosperity, 354 f.;

defects of municipal administration, 357;

roads, 358 _n._;

trade, 359 f.;

commerce, 360;

supplies teachers and physicians to Italy, 361, 365;

literary activity, 362;

instruction, 362;

sophistic system, 362-366.

Asia, Roman: extent of province, i. 325;

coast-towns, 325 f.;

inland townships, 326 f.;

position under Romans, 327;

urban rivalries, 329 f.;

legions in, ii. 63.

Asiarchs, i. 345-347 _n._

Asklepios, i. 350.

Asoka, ii. 13, 14 _n._

Astarte, ii. 331.

Astingi, i. 237.

Astures, i. 65, 71.

Asturica Augusta, i. 66.

Athens: privileged position, i. 254, 258;

administration, 276 f.;

possessions, 277;

Hadrian’s grants, 277 f.;

street-riots, 279;

state of the language, 281, 282 _n._

Atropatene, ii. 6, 19, 28 f., 33 f., 38.

Attalia, i. 334.

Augusta Emerita, i. 64 _n._

Augusta Praetoria (Aosta), i. 19 f.

Augusta Vindelicorum, i. 19, 20, 154, 196 f.

Augustamnica, ii. 298.

Augustan History, falsification as to Postumus, i. 164 _n._

Augustodunum, seat of Gallic studies, i. 112 f.

Augustinus, Aurelius, picture of Carthage, ii. 341;

_Itala_, 343 _n._;

_Confessions_, 345.

Augustus, the Emperor: expedition against Alpine tribes, i. 16;

monument to, above Monaco, 17;

roads or colonies in Alps, 19 f.;

visit to Germany, 26;

German policy and motives for changing it, 56-59;

visits Spain, 64;

organisation of towns there, 68 f.;

organisation of the three Gauls, 84 f.;

restricted franchise of Gauls, 98;

altar at Lugudunum, 94;

altar for Germanic cantons, 35, 97, 118;

discharge of Batavian guards, 121;

project of connecting Rhine and Danube, 148;

projects as to Britain not carried out, 172;

reasons for and against its occupation, 172;

conviction of its necessity, 173 f.;

arrangements on the Danubian frontier, 195 f.;

Illyricum subdued, 201;

settlement of veterans in Dalmatia, 202;

his Amphictiony, 254 f.;

dealings with Greece, 261;

treatment of Athens, 277;

insurrection at, 279;

foundation and privileges of Nicopolis, 294 f.;

colonies in Macedonia, 301;

pacification of Cilicia and Pisidia, 335 f.;

diets and festivals for, in Asia Minor, 345;

cancels debtors’ claims there, 357;

decorum of, ii. 26 _n._;

first arrangements in East, 34 f.;

policy open to him, 36;

inadequate measures, 36 f.;

in Syria (20 B.C.), 37 f.;

mission of Gaius to East, 39;

Nicolaus Damascenus on his youth, 168;

treatment of the Jews, 171 f.;

dealing with Herod’s testament, 182, 184;

attitude towards Jewish worship, 187;

annexation of Egypt, 232 f., 239;

Egyptian titles, 244;

policy as to south-western Arabia, 290;

expedition of Gallus, 290 f.;

of Gaius, 293;

repression of piracy in Red Sea, 298;

colonisation in Mauretania, 333;

death, i. 50.

Aurelianus, defeats the Juthungi, i. 166;

combats with the Goths on Danube, 248 f.;

against the Palmyrenes, ii. 108 f.;

battle of Hemesa, 109 _n._, 110 _n._;

destruction of Palmyra, 111 _n._

Aurelius Antoninus, Marcus, Germany under, i. 160;

Chattan war, 161;

Roman wall in Britain attacked, 188;

Marcomanian war, 229 f.;

his qualities, 232;

progress of war, 232 f.;

takes name of Germanicus, 234;

terms laid down for the vanquished, 234;

second war, 235;

death, 235;

Parthian war under Marcus and Verus, ii. 74 f.;

embassy to China, 302.

Aures, ii. 317, 318, 320.

Ausonius, i. 109, 113, 114 _n._

Autonomy, idea of, ii. 120.

Autricum, i. 91.

Auzia, ii. 319, 325.

Aventicum, i. 129.

Avestâ, ii. 10.

Axidares, ii. 66 _n._

Axomis, kingdom of, ii. 281 _n._;

extent and development, 282 f.;

Rome and the Axomites, 284;

envoys to Arvidian, 284;

relation to piracy, 298.

Azania, ii. 289.

Bactra, ii. 14, 15 _n._, 18.

Bactro-Indian empire, ii. 14, 16 _n._

Baetica, i. 67;

towns with burgess-rights, 68;

exemption from levy, 73;

Moors in, ii. 324.

Bagradas, ii. 336.

Balbus, Lucius Cornelius, ii. 315 _n._

Ballomarius, i. 230 _n._

Bâmanghati, coins found at, ii. 301 _n._

Baquates, ii. 324, 325 _n._

Bar-Kokheba, Simon, ii. 224 _n._

Barley-wine, i. 108 _n._

Barsemias of Hatra, ii. 78.

Barygaza, ii. 16 _n._, 300.

Basil of Caesarea, i. 333.

Bassus, Caecilius, ii. 21 f.

Bassus, Publius Ventidius, ii. 23, 27.

Bastarnae, i. 12, 217, 238.

Batanaea, ii. 144;

_see_ Haurân.

Batavi, i. 26, 43, 97 _n._;

settlements and privileges, 120;

rising of Batavian auxiliaries, 129 f.;

Civilis, 130;

progress of the movement, 130 f.;

its consequences, 143 f.;

later attitude, 145.

Bato, the Dalmatian, i. 39, 41.

Bato, the Pannonian, i. 39-42.

Beads, glass, ii. 255.

Beer, i. 108.

Belatucadrus (Mars), i. 193.

Belgica, i. 85;

division of command, 118 _n._

Belus, ii. 266.

Berbers, ii. 302 f.;

type, 304, 305 _n._;

language, 325 f.;

organisation of _gentes_, 334 f.

Berenice, sister of Agrippa II., ii. 219.

Berenice, Trogodytic, ii. 280, 284 _n._, 286, 288, 297.

Beroe, i. 240.

Berytus, ii. 121;

Latin island in the East, 130;

factories in Italy, 139 _n._

Bescera, ii. 319.

Bessi, i. 12, 209 _n._

Bether, ii. 225.

Betriacum, i. 130, 143.

Biriparach, ii. 80.

Bithynia, i. 323, 324, 330;

Greek settlements in, 330 f.;

Hellenism of, 330 f.;

place in literature, 331;

Gothic raids, 245.

Bithyniarch, i. 346.

Blaesus, Quintus Junius, ii. 318.

Blemyes, ii. 250 _n._, 277 _n._, 278.

Bocchus, ii. 309, 310, 311 _n._

Boeotian league, i. 259, 265.

Bogud, ii. 308 f., 310, 311 _n._

Borani, i. 243, 245.

Bosporan kingdom, i. 242;

Greek towns of, 244, 312;

kings, 314 _n._;

extent of, 314 f.;

coins, 317 _n._, 318;

titles, 316 _n._;

military position, 316 f.;

court, 318;

trade and commerce, 319.

Bostra, ii. 95;

plain around, 144 f.;

legionary camp at, 153;

importance of, 155;

Hellenic basis, 155.

Boudicca, i. 179, 181.

Boule, the, in Egyptian cities, ii. 236 _n._

Bracara, i. 16.

Breuci, i. 23.

Brigantes, i. 178, 181, 182, 188.

Brigetio, i. 228.

Britain, Caesar’s expedition, i. 170;

designs of Augustus, 171;

reasons for and against occupation, 172 f.;

conviction of its necessity, 173 f.;

occasion for the war, 174;

arrangements for occupation, 174 _n._;

its course, 175 f.;

Roman towns, 176 f.;

resistance in West Britain, 177 f.;

national insurrection, 179 f.;

subjugation of the West, 180 f.;

of the North, 182;

Caledonia abandoned, 184;

grounds for this policy, 184 f.;

diversities of race, 185;

fortifying of northern frontier, 186 f.;

wars in second and third centuries, 188 f.;

Roman fleet, 189;

garrison and administration, 190;

taxation and levy, 190 f.;

communal organisation, 191;

prosperity, 192;

roads, 192;

Roman manners and culture, 193;

country houses, 194;

scholastic training, 194.

Brixia, i. 191.

Bructeri, i. 36, 51, 133, 145.

Burdigala, i. 113.

Burebista, i. 10, 216, 220, 309 f.

Burgundiones, i. 167.

Buri, i. 221, 224.

Burnum, i. 203.

Burrus, ii. 206.

Busiris, ii. 251.

Buthrotum, i. 295.

Byzacene, ii. 336.

Byzantium, i. 246, 292, 305, 306 _n._, 308.

Cabinet-secretary, imperial, ii. 272 f.

Cadusians, ii. 88 _n._

Caecina, Aulus, governor of Moesia, i. 40 f.;

march to the Ems, and retreat, 52 f.

Caedicius, Lucius, defence of Aliso, i. 48.

Caesar, Gaius Julius, measures for Dalmatian war, i. 7 f.;

Romanising of southern Gaul, 86;

policy as to cantons of Gaul, 92 f.;

Britannic expedition and aims, 170;

project of crossing Euphrates, ii. 22;

arrangements as to Judaea, 175 f.;

African policy, 307 f.;

Italian colonists in Africa, 332.

Caesar, Gaius, mission to East, ii. 38 f.;

meeting with Phraataces, 39;

early death, 40.

Caesaraugusta, i. 68.

Caesarea in Cappadocia, i. 332; ii. 101 f.

Caesarea (Iol), province of, ii. 313, 314, 321.

Caesarea Paneas, ii. 65, 147, 151.

Caesarea Stratonis, ii. 182, 186 f.;

insurrection, 205 f., 209 f.;

obtains Roman organisation, 218.

Caesarion, ii. 25 _n._, 26 _n._

Caesian Forest, i. 124.

Calama, ii. 319 _n._, 329 _n._, 335 _n._

Calceus Herculis, ii. 319.

Caledonia abandoned, i. 184;

probable grounds for this policy, 184 f.;

under Severus, 189.

Caligula, Gaius Caesar, incapable of serious plans, i. 172;

declines “great number” of statues, 291;

the East under, ii. 45;

pardons Aretas, 151;

treatment of Jews, 191 f.;

Jewish deputations to, 193 f.;

orders his effigy to be set up in the Temple, 195;

death, 195.

Callaecia, Roman, i. 63 f.;

separated from Lusitania, 65.

Callistus, ii. 102 _n._, 103.

Calybe, i. 303, 305 _n._

Camalodunum, i. 170, 171, 175, 176, 180, 192 f.

Camels in Africa, ii. 340.

Camunni, i. 15 f.

_Canabae_, i. 168.

Canal, Egyptian, ii. 279, 280, 297 f.

Canatha, ii. 147;

temple of Baalsamin, 156;

“Odeon,” 157.

Candace, ii. 275 _n._, 276, 277.

Cane, ii. 296.

Canius Rufus, i. 76.

Cannenefates, i. 36, 97 _n._, 121, 126 f., 131, 139, 141.

Canopus, ii. 258 _n._;

decree of, 260.

Cantabri, i. 65, 66, 67.

Cantonal system of Spain, i. 71, 72 _n._;

of Gaul, 90 f.;

influence of, 94;

cantons represented in diet, 95 _n._, 96 _n._;

in Britain, 191.

Cappadocia, i. 323, 324;

inland, 332;

division into praefectures, 332;

Greek accent of, 333; ii. 19, 41, 63.

Caracalla, Severus Antoninus, campaign against Alamanni, i. 162;

named _Geticus_, 139;

Parthian war, ii. 87;

assassinated, 88;

treatment of Alexandria, 263;

uniting the vices of three races, 126, 340.

Caratacus, i. 175 f., 178.

Caravans, Palmyrene, ii. 98 _n._

Carên, ii. 6, 46, 84.

Carnuntum, i. 23, 198, 206.

Carnutes, i. 91.

Carpi, i. 238 f.

Carrhae, ii. 21, 22, 23, 77, 114.

Carteia, i. 68.

Carthage, ii. 307, 330, 331, 341.

Carthage, New, i. 68.

Cartimandus, i. 182 f.

Carus, Marcus Aurelius, Persian war, ii. 112 f.;

death, 113.

Caspian gates, ii. 62 _n._

Cassius, Avidius, ii. 75 _n._, 262.

Cassivellannus, i. 170.

Castra Regina, i. 197.

Cattigara, ii. 302.

Catualda, i. 61, 215.

Caucasian tribes, ii. 35, 36, 61, 68, 72 _n._, 73, 91 _n._

Cavalry recruited mainly from Gaul, i. 107.

Celtic inscriptions, i. 100 _n._;

divinities, 104 f.;

language;

_see_ Gaul.

Cenomani, i. 91.

Census of Gaul, i. 84.

Cerialis, Quintus Petillius, i. 140 f., 142, 180, 183.

Cernunnos, i. 104.

Chaeremon, ii. 259, 273 _n._

Chaeronea in the civil wars, i. 267.

Chalcedon, i. 245.

Chalcidian peninsula, i. 300.

Chandragupta, ii. 13.

Charax Spasinu, ii. 68, 98 _n._

Charibael, ii. 294 _n._

Chariomerus, i. 146.

Chastisement, corporal, in Egypt, ii. 240 _n._

Chatramotitis, ii. 286, 290, 295.

Chatti, i. 27, 28, 29, 51, 133;

take the lead, 149;

Chattan wars, 150 _n._;

under Domitian, 151 _n._, 158;

under Marcus, 161, 197, 230 f.

Chauci, i. 28, 29;

renewed rising, 36, 43;

settlements and attitude, 121;

revolt, 125.

_Chemi_, ii. 251.

Chemmis, ii. 235.

Cherusci, i. 27, 28, 29;

rising, 36;

under Arminius, 43, 52, 60;

later position, 146.

China, embassy to, ii. 302.

Chosroes, ii. 66.

Chosroes Nushirvan, ii. 135.

Chrestus, ii. 199 _n._

Christianity in Syria, ii. 126;

Syriac Christian literature, 124;

Christian symbols, 141;

effect on Christians of destruction of Jerusalem, 220 f.;

Christians not, like Jews, a nation, 226 _n._;

Christianity and Judaism, 229 f.;

Christians and the imperial cultus, i. 348;

conception of the persecutions of the Christians, ii. 198 _n._

Chrysogonus, i. 245.

Cidamus, ii. 316.

Cilicia, i. 323, 324;

piracy in, 334;

becomes province, 334.

Cimbri, i. 37.

Cinithii, ii. 317.

Circesium, ii. 91, 95 _n._

Circumcision, ii. 224;

prohibited, 228 _n._, 229.

Cirta, ii. 310, 311 _n._, 319, 332, 342.

Civilis, i. 130 f.;

siege of Vetera, 133 f.;

capitulation of Romans, 138;

last struggles, 141 f.

Classieus, Julius, i. 137 f., 139.

Claudius I., emperor, a true Gaul, i. 98;

cancels restriction of Gallic franchise, 99;

rising of Chauci, 125;

directs withdrawal from right bank of Rhine, 125;

occupation of Britain, 172, 175 f.;

Jazyges under, 216;

re-establishes old arrangement in Greece, 276;

policy of Claudius in the East, ii. 45;

death, 49;

policy towards the Jews, 199 f.;

directs his works to be read publicly, 271.

Claudius Gothicus, Gothic victories of, i. 247 f.;

renewed fortifying of Danubian frontier, 248.

Cleopatra, ii. 25 _n._, 27, 178 f.

Clitae, i. 336.

Clubs, i. 353, 354 _n._, 356.

Cnidus, appeal to the Emperor from, 352 _n._

Cogidumnus, i. 176.

Colonate, i. 237.

Columella, i. 76.

Column of Trajan, i. 124 f.

Commagene, ii. 19;

annexed, 41;

kingdom revived by Gaius, 45;

province, 63 _n._, 118.

Commodus, conflicts in Britain under, i. 188;

frontier-regulation in Dacia, 228;

character, 236;

peace with Marcomani, 236.

Concordia, coemeterium of, ii. 140.

Coptic, ii. 244.

Coptos, ii. 251, 280, 288, 297 _n._

Corbulo, Gnaeus Domitius, reduces Frisians, i. 125;

directed to withdraw from right bank of Rhine, 125;

sent to Cappadocia, ii. 49;

character of troops, 50;

offensive against Tiridates, 52;

in Armenia, 53 _n._;

capitulation of Paetus, 57 _n._, 58 _n._;

conclusion of peace, 58-60;

partiality of Tacitus’s account, 57 _n._, 58 _n._, 60 _n._

Corduba in Latin literature, i. 75.

Corinth, treatment of, i. 257;

Caesar’s atonement, 260 f.

Corn drawn from Egypt, ii. 239 f.

_Correctores_, i. 279 f.

Corycus, epitaphs of Christians at, i. 359 _n._, 361 _n._

Costoboci, i. 242.

Cottius of Segusio, i. 16, 18.

Cotys, i. 210 _n._

Cragus-Sidyma, i. 355 f.

Cremna, i. 335, 337, 338.

Crete, i. 323, 324, 343.

Ctesiphon, ii. 3, 8, 28, 77, 79, 83, 113.

Cugerni, i. 33, 124 _n._

Cunobelinus, i. 171 _n._, 174, 175.

Cyprian, ii. 345.

Cyprus, i. 323, 324, 343;

Jews in, ii. 221 f., 223, 226.

Cyrene, i. 323 f.;

Pentapolis, 343;

“peasants,” 343;

categories of population, ii. 165 _n._;

Jewish rising in, 221, 223, 234 _n._

Cyzicus, i. 330, 348.

Dabel, ii. 149 _n._, 151.

Daci and Dacia: preparations for Dacian war, i. 10;

internal troubles, 11;

raid to Apollonia, 13;

war of Lentulus, 42;

Dacian language, 208;

Daci under Tiberius, 217;

war under Domitian, 219;

chronology of it, 220 _n._;

war under Trajan, 221 f.;

second war, 222 f.;

Dacia an advanced position, 228 f.;

loss of Dacia, 241.

Daesitiatae, i. 38 f., 41.

Dalmatia, war, i. 8 f.;

towns with Roman franchise, 10;

Dalmato-Pannonian rising, 38 f.;

Italian civilisation, 201;

ports, 202;

state of interior, 203;

prosperity under Diocletian, 203 f.

Damascus, environs of, ii. 144;

Greek, 146;

under Nabataean protection, 148 _n._;

relation to Aretas, 149 _n._;

Jews in, 167;

Jews put to death, 209.

Danava, ii. 95, 153.

Danube, region of, i. 21 f.;

boundary of empire, 23, 195 f.;

fleet, 205;

army, 218 f.;

military position after Trajan, 225;

primacy of Danubian armies, 250.

Daphne, ii. 109;

pleasure-garden, 128, 129 _n._

Dardani, i. 9, 12, 299.

Decapolis, ii. 146 _n._

Decebalus, i. 220 f., 223.

Decianus, i. 76.

Decianus Catus, i. 180.

Decius Traianus proclaimed emperor, i. 240;

conflicts with Goths and relief of Nicopolis, 240;

death, 241.

Declamations in Gaul, i. 114.

_Decumates_ (_agri_), i. 152 _n._, 196 f.

Deiotarus, i. 339 f.

Dellius, ii. 32 _n._

Delminium, i. 203.

Delos, i. 258, 269;

Delian inscriptions, ii. 257 f.

Dentheletae, i. 12.

Deultus, i. 307.

Deva, camp of, i. 178, 193.

Dexippus, i. 239 _n._, 241 _n._, 243 _n._, 246 _n._, 247 _n._, 281.

Diegis, i. 221.

Dio of Prusa, i. 268 f., 274, 293 _n._, 366 f.;

address to Rhodians, i. 270 f.

Diocletianus: favour for Dalmatia and Salonae, i. 203 f.;

Sarmatian victories, 250;

Persian war under, ii. 110 f.;

terms of peace, 115;

revolt in Egypt, 251;

edict, as to grain, 251 f.;

as to linen, 254 _n._;

resolves to cede the Dodecaschoinos to Nubians, 277 f.

Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria, ii. 250 _n._

Dionysius, cabinet secretary, ii. 273 _n._

Dionysos, Thracian shrine of, i. 14, 24;

Thracian god, 209.

Dioscorides, island of, ii. 289, 296.

Dioscurias, i. 242.

Dmêr, ii. 149, 153.

Dodecaschoinos, ii. 274 _n._, 277 _n._, 278 _n._

Dodona, i. 297 _n._

Dolabella, Publius Cornelius, ii. 318.

Domitianus: careful administration, i. 108;

restricts number of vines, 108 f.;

wars with the Chatti, 150 f.;

construction of the “Flavian altars,” 153;

Dacian war, 219 f.;

defeated by Marcomani, 221;

gives urban rights to Philippopolis, 307.

Domitius Afer, Gnaeus, i. 111.

Double names in Egypt, ii. 244.

Drobetae, bridge at, i. 222.

Druids and Druidism in Gaul, i. 104 f.;

prohibited by Tiberius and Claudius, 105;

schools of priests, 112;

in Anglesey, 185.

Druidesses, i. 106.

Drusus, Nero Claudius: victory over Raeti, i. 16, 17;

sent to the Rhine, 22;

German war, 26 f.;

expedition to North Sea, 28;

death of, 29 f.;

character, 26, 30;

German tribes subdued, 123 f.

Dubnovellaunus, i. 171 _n._

Durocortorum, i. 89, 90.

Durostorum, i. 227, 309.

Dusaris, ii. 153;

Dusaria, 153 _n._

Dyarchy not applied in Egypt, ii. 233.

Dyme, letter of governor to, i. 237 _n._, 260 _n._

Dynamis, i. 313.

Dyrrachium, i. 201, 299, 301.

Earthquakes in Asia Minor, i. 358.

Eburacum, i. 183, 186, 193, 194.

Ecbatana, ii. 4, 28.

Edessa, ii. 68 f., 76, 77, 79, 100, 102, 125 _n._

Education in Gaul, i. 112 f.;

in Asia Minor, 362 f.;

in Africa, ii. 341 f.

Egypt: annexation, ii. 232 f.;

exclusively an imperial possession, 233 f.;

twofold nationality, 234;

land-districts and Greek cities, 235 f.;

coinage, 237 _n._;

absence of land-diet, 238;

government of Lagids, 238 f.;

imperial administration financially, 239 f.;

revenues, 239 f.;

privileged position of Hellenes, 240 f.;

personal privileges in Roman period, 242;

native language, 243;

titles of Augustus in, 244 _n._;

abolition of resident court, 244 f.;

officials, general and local, 246-248;

insurrections, 249;

in the Palmyrene period (ii. 107 f.), 249 f.;

revolt under Diocletian, 251;

opposition emperors, 251;

agriculture, 251;

granary of Rome, 252 f.;

revenue from imperial domains, 253 _n._, 254;

trades, 254;

linen, 254;

papyrus, 255;

building materials, 256;

navigation of Mediterranean, 257 f.;

population, 258;

manners, 258 f.;

religious customs, 259 f.;

sorcery, 261;

other abuses connected with the cultus, 261;

revolt of the “Herdsmen,” 261 f.;

Alexandria, 262-273;

strength of occupying army, 273 f.;

recruited from camp-children, 274;

task of the troops, 274;

east coast and general commerce, 278 f.;

canal, 279 f.;

sea-route to India, 279;

eastern ports, 280;

relations with west coast of Arabia, 284 f.;

land-routes and harbours, 297;

piracy repressed, 298;

active traffic to the east, 298 f.

Eirenarchs, i. 351 _n._, 353.

Elagabalus, origin of name, ii. 123.

Elateia, i. 242.

Eleazar, ii. 207, 208, 214, 215.

Eleazar of Modein, ii. 224 _n._

Elegeia, battle of, ii. 74.

Elentherolacones, i. 260.

Elis, i. 261;

flax of, 292.

Elymais, ii. 7.

Emmaus, ii. 212 f., 218.

Emona, i. 10, 20, 198, 206.

Ephesus, i. 329, 360, 361.

Epictetus, i. 273.

_Epidaphne_, a blunder of Tacitus, ii. 128 _n._

Epirus, i. 294 f.;

northern, i. 297.

Equestrian offices in Egypt, ii. 233 _n._, 242 _n._, 246, 247, 249.

Eratosthenes, ii. 241 _n._

Esus, i. 104.

Ethnarch of the Jews in Alexandria, ii. 193 _n._

Euergetes, title of, ii. 238.

Eumolpidae, i. 281.

Eupatorids, i. 314.

Euphorion, librarian to Antiochus the Great, ii. 130.

Euphrates, frontier of the, ii. 1;

Romano-Parthian frontier-regions, 19;

recognised as boundary, 21;

customs-district, 70 f., 97 _n._;

Romans on left bank, 77;

need of watch, 118 f.;

as route for commerce, 278 f.

Europus, battle at, ii. 76.

Eurycles, i. 283.

_Exegetes_ in Alexandria, ii. 248 _n._

Eziongeber, ii. 288 _n._

Ezra, ii. 161.

Fadus, Cuspius, ii. 204.

Faustinopolis, i. 333.

Favorinus, polymath, i. 110 f.

Felix, Antonius, ii. 202, 204.

_Filosofi locus_, ii. 342.

Firmus in Egypt, ii. 111 _n._

Flaccus, Avillius, ii. 192 _n._, 193.

“Flavian altars,” i. 153 _n._

Floras, Gessius, ii. 206.