DEATH OF RICHARD'S FATHER AND BROTHER AT THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD
In October 1460, the Duke and Duchess of York, with young Edmund Earl
of Rutland, reached London. The Duke's superior right to the crown, as
representative of the second son of Edward III. while Henry VI. only
derived from the third son, was recognised and declared by Act of
Parliament. But, in consideration of the reverence felt for his father
and of his own long tenure, it was enacted that Henry should retain the
throne for life, provided that he acknowledged the Duke as
heir-apparent. This Act of Settlement received the royal assent and
became law, all opposing statutes being repealed. On November 9, the
Duke of York was solemnly declared Heir-Apparent and Lord Protector
during Henry's life.
But Queen Margaret and her partisans refused to be bound by the acts of
the King, her husband, in Parliament. She fled to Scotland, and the
Lancastrians raised a formidable army in Yorkshire. It is probable
that the Duke of York was not fully aware of the numbers opposed to
him, though he may have foreseen that the Lancastrian army would become
larger if time was allowed to slip away. There was {10} also some
danger from the machinations of the Tudors[1] in Wales. Arrangements
to counteract these evils were promptly made. The Duke assembled a
small force to advance northwards and confront the Lancastrian army.
The Duke of Norfolk, who was warmly attached to the House of York, and
the Earl of Warwick were to remain in London until Christmas, and then
to follow with reinforcements. The young Earl of March advanced to the
Welsh borders to collect forces, disperse the Tudor rising, and then
join his father in Yorkshire.
On December 1, 1460, the Duke of York was with his wife and children at
Baynard's Castle for the last time. He bade farewell to his loving
Duchess and the children; little Richard was a child of eight, Margaret
and George a few years older. The gallant young Edmund Earl of Rutland
was nearly eighteen, well able to fight by his father's side, and he
accompanied the Duke. On December 2, the Duke of York set out with his
brother-in-law the Earl of Salisbury and the Earl of Rutland.
Salisbury had with him his son, Sir Thomas Nevill, and the force,
barely numbering 5,000 men, was led by other experienced captains.
Chief among them was old Sir David Hall, the Duke's faithful friend and
adviser in all military affairs. Sir John and Sir Hugh Mortimer,
illegitimate brothers of the ill-fated Earl of March, rallied to their
nephew's standard with many Yorkist knights, such as Sir Thomas Parr,
Sir Edward Bourchier, and Sir James Pickering. The force included a
company of Londoners under the {11} command of the Warden of the
Mercers' Company, stout John Harrow.
The Duke of York advanced by easy marches, for he did not reach his
castle of Sandal, about a mile south of Wakefield, until Christmas Eve.
Here he halted while a summons was sent out to assemble his Yorkshire
tenants and adherents. It is said that Lord Nevill, a kinsman of the
Duchess of York, came to Sandal as a friend of the Duke, and induced
him to grant a commission to raise men; and that when he had raised
about 8,000, he treacherously brought them to swell the ranks of the
Lancastrian army.[2]
At this time the Duke's eldest son Edward was at Shrewsbury. The poor
Duchess and her young children anxiously waited for news at Baynard's
Castle. Henry VI., with the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Warwick,
observed the festival of Christmas in the palace of the Bishop of
London, in St. Paul's Churchyard. Afterwards the King went to enjoy a
few days' hunting at Greenwich and Eltham. Queen Margaret and her son
were in Scotland. The Lancastrian leaders were assembled with a great
army at Pomfret.
Edward III. had granted Sandal and Conisborough Castles to his son
Edmund, the Duke's grandfather. The Duke himself had frequently
resided at Sandal, sometimes with his wife and family. The castle
stood on a grassy knoll, steep on one side, with a gentle slope to the
south. It is a little less than a mile from the bridge which spans the
river Calder at the town of Wakefield, the intervening space sloping
gently from Sandal. It was then partly wooded. Leland tells us the
bridge was of stone, with nine arches, and that it had on it 'a right
goodly chapel of our Lady.' It led to the {12} market place whence two
streets, called Norgate and Wrengate,[3] formed communications with
gates on the northern side of the town. The houses were then nearly
all of timber, but there was a handsome parish church consecrated in
1322, with a tower and spire 228 feet high. From the bridge one road
went south by Sandal to Barnsley and Sheffield; another branched off to
the eastward, and divided again into two, one leading to Doncaster, the
other to Pomfret. To the westward the river Calder flanked the fields
between Sandal and Wakefield Bridge. Near the castle is the fine
cruciform church of Sandal Magna, where there was a chantry belonging
to the castle.
There are scarcely any remains of Sandal Castle, which was razed by
order of the Long Parliament in 1648. But fortunately a drawing was
made in 1560 and preserved in the office of the Duchy of Lancaster. It
is engraved in the 'Vetusta Monumenta.' A lofty donjon, with flanking
round towers, stood on the verge of the steep descent to the
north-east, and two smaller square towers, connected by a wall, formed
the western face. The principal gate, protected by a barbican, was in
the centre of the southern face; and on this side the _enceinte_
consisted merely of a wall without towers. An arcade or cloister led
from the gate to the main entrance of the donjon, and the roofs of
various buildings appear above the parapet of the southern wall. On
the north-western side of the inner courtyard a flight of steps led to
a covered archway opening on a semicircular stone pulpit supported by a
single pillar. The castle was surrounded by a moat, and the ground it
covered was about forty yards square. We {13} gather these details
from the drawing. The existing ruins consist of part of the gatehouse,
three arches of the arcade leading to the keep, bits of wall on the
west side, and the great mound covering the ruins of the keep.
Sandal Castle was built on a natural hill of sandstone, and in those
days it must have presented an imposing appearance from Wakefield
Bridge, with its lofty towers rising over the trees. There were
extensive views in every direction from the castle walls. Northward is
Wakefield and the rich valley of the Calder. To the west were the
woods stretching away until the view is bounded by Woolley Edge. The
woods and lake of Chevet are to the south, and a wide extent of country
was visible to the east, with Nostell Priory and Walton Manor hidden
among the trees. But, although Sandal commanded extensive views, yet,
owing to the wooded character of the country, an enemy might approach
without his force being fully known to the garrison.
The Duke of York kept his Christmas in Sandal Castle, with his son
Edmund Earl of Rutland, his brother-in-law the Earl of Salisbury, old
Sir David Hall his trusty military adviser, many other captains, and
5,000 men. Sir David knew that the enemy was near in overwhelming
numbers. He anticipated a siege until relief could come from the
south, and he, therefore, sent out foraging parties to bring in
supplies.
The Lancastrian chiefs at Pomfret received news of the arrival of the
Duke at Sandal on Christmas Day. They were engaged for three days in
collecting their forces. On the 30th they began their march from
Pomfret, a distance of eight miles. Lord Clifford, with his Yorkshire
friends, led the van, so as to become {14} the right wing in forming
the battle, resting on the river Calder. The Dukes of Somerset and
Exeter and Earls of Devon and Northumberland were in the centre. The
rear, which would form the left wing in wheeling into line, was under
the command of the Earl of Wiltshire. Sir Andrew Trollope was the
principal military adviser and chief of the staff.
On the last day of the year the division under Lord Clifford came in
sight of the towers of Sandal, and attacked a foraging party which
appears to have been returning from Wakefield. This was seen from the
castle. The Duke determined to come to the rescue with his whole
force. He probably believed that Clifford was considerably in advance
of the main body of the enemy. Sir David Hall thought otherwise, and
strongly represented the danger of running such a risk. But the
chivalrous Duke spurned the idea of leaving his foraging party to be
destroyed without making an effort at their rescue.
The Lancastrians under Clifford were between the castle and Wakefield
Bridge, and the great gate faced to the south. It was, therefore,
necessary for the Yorkist force, barely 5,000 strong, to march out with
their backs to the enemy, and to deploy round the castle hill, before
forming line to attack. This was done, and a brilliant charge was made
on the field between Sandal and Wakefield--a Balaclava charge. The
Duke himself, rightful heir to the throne, and his trusty
brother-in-law, the Earl of Salisbury, led this forlorn hope. Near
them was the gallant young Prince Edmund in the flower of his age,
about to flesh his maiden sword. There, too, was old David Hall,
knowing that all was lost, but resolved to fight for his beloved master
to the end. Success must have {15} attended on the reckless bravery
which Hall deplored, if Clifford's force, about equal in numbers, had
been unsupported. But the main body of the Lancastrians arrived during
the thick of the fight with overwhelming numbers, while their left
wing, under the Earl of Wiltshire, cut off the retreat to the castle.
There was nothing left but to die bravely. The Duke of York fell,
fighting to the last. Camden says that there was a small space hedged
round enclosing a stone cross, on the spot where the Duke fell. His
faithful knights fell around him. Among them were his uncles John and
Hugh Mortimer, Sir David Hall the tried and trusty councillor, his
wife's nephew Sir Thomas Nevill, Sir Edward Bourchier, Sir Eustace
Wentworth, Sir James Pickering, Sir John Gedding, Sir Thomas Harington,
Sir Hugh Hastings, Captains Fitzjames, Baume, Digby and Ratford. Two
gallant brothers, William and Thomas Parr, fought steadily beside their
master. William was slain, but Thomas escaped, surviving to be the
grandsire of Queen Catherine Parr. Sir Walter Lymbricke, Sir Ralph
Stanley, Captain Hanson and John Harrow, the loyal mercer of London,
were wounded and taken prisoners.
When all hope was gone young Prince Edmund, with a few followers,
perhaps with the Harry Lovedeyne whose service was 'right agreeable' to
him and his brother in the happy days of their childhood, fought his
way through the encircling foe and reached Wakefield Bridge. But they
were closely pursued by some of Clifford's men, perhaps by Clifford
himself. Leland tells us that the prince 'was overtaken a little above
the bars beyond the bridge, going up a clyming ground'; that is in the
street leading up to the market place from the bridge. He and his few
followers turned at bay, and {16} we may be sure that young Edmund
Plantagenet did not die before his enemies had been made to pay dearly
for his life.[4]
No quarter was given to the defeated soldiers by the Lancastrians,
2,000 were slaughtered in the field or during the flight, and the
prisoners were all killed. The Earl of Salisbury escaped from the
battle, but was taken prisoner the same night by a servant of Sir
Andrew Trollope and conveyed to Pomfret, where he was put to death.
The Lancastrian leaders took counsel after the {17} battle, and decided
on the perpetration of an inhuman piece of folly. The bodies of the
Duke of York and of the Earls of Rutland and Salisbury were buried at
Pomfret. But their heads were ordered to be stuck on the gates of
York. The Duke's head was placed upon Micklegate Bar, with a paper
crown on it by way of insult. The heads of the Earls of Salisbury and
Rutland, of Sir Thomas Nevill, Sir Edward Bourchier, Sir Thomas
Harington, Sir William Parr, Sir James Pickering and John Harrow were
also ordered to be stuck on the different gates of York.
As soon as Queen Margaret received the news in Scotland, she came to
York and joined the victorious army. It was resolved to march direct
to London, and the northern soldiers were bribed by permission to
pillage the whole country. This they did for fifteen miles on either
side of their track; attacking churches, taking away vessels, books and
vestments, and even the sacramental pyx after shaking out the
eucharist, and killing the priests who resisted. Reaching St. Albans
they continued the work of pillage, and defeated the troops sent out
from London to oppose them. They even recovered the person of Henry
VI. But here their successes ended. The gates of London were closed,
provisions ran short, and the Lancastrian marauders retreated into
Yorkshire.[5]
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When the dreadful news of the battle of Wakefield reached London, the
Duchess of York was plunged into grief at the loss of her noble husband
and gallant young son, and she was terrified for the safety of her
children. The two little boys, George and Richard, were put on board a
vessel in the Thames and sent to Holland. There, under the protection
of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, they were established at Utrecht
with suitable tutors. The Duchess of York, with her little daughter
Margaret, remained in London awaiting events.
The age of Edward Earl of March was then only eighteen years and eight
months. He was at Shrewsbury when the terrible blow fell upon him. It
spurred him into resolute action. He had collected a good force, with
which he turned upon the Tudors and crushed them at Mortimer's Cross.
There was a parhelion when the victory was decided. Edward adopted the
sun in splendour as his special cognizance. He then advanced to London
by rapid marches, and was proclaimed king as Edward IV.
Richard was thus hurried away to Holland. He {19} was but eight years
old when he saw his father and brother Edmund mount their horses at the
gate of Baynard's Castle; and when the sad news came that they were
slain, and that he would see them no more. In after years Richard took
part in the pious act of the children of the Duke of York. They
re-endowed the beautiful chapel on Wakefield Bridge, which was built in
the reign of Edward III.,[6] and dedicated it to the memory of their
brother Edmund.
[1] Owen Tudor, a Welsh squire, had three sons by Catharine, the widow
of Henry V.; Edmund and Jasper created by Henry VI. Earls of Richmond
and Pembroke, and Owen a monk at Westminster. They were half-brothers
of Henry VI.
[2] Stow's _Chronicle_, p. 412.
[3] An abbreviation of Warenne-gate. The Earls of Warenne and Surrey
were Lords of Wakefield for more than two centuries.
[4] Of all the baseless fabrications of the Tudor chroniclers, Hall's
story of the death of Edmund Earl of Rutland is the most absurd. Hall
says that the prince was scarcely twelve years of age, that his tutor
and schoolmaster, named Robert Apsall, secretly conveyed the little boy
out of the field, that they were espied and taken by Lord Clifford,
that the child knelt on his knees demanding mercy; that the
schoolmaster made a speech; that Clifford gave a truculent reply; and
that Clifford then struck the child to the heart with a dagger.
This fable rests on there being a child. If there was no child nothing
of the sort happened.
The contemporary evidence is simply that after the battle Lord Clifford
killed the Earl of Rutland on or near Wakefield Bridge. William of
Worcester says:--'_et in fugiendo post campum super pontem apud
Wakefelde Dominus de Clyfforde occidit Dominum Edmondum comitem de
Rutlande, filium Ducis Eborum_.' William of Worcester also gives the
birthdays of all the children of the Duke of York. Edmund was born at
Rouen on May 17, 1443. He was in his eighteenth year, and not a child.
It was George, born on October 21, 1449, in Ireland, who was in his
twelfth year when the battle of Wakefield was fought; but he was left
in London with his mother, as any child of that age was sure to have
been. Even if the Duke had brought a child to Sandal, he would have
been left in the castle, not taken into the thick of a desperate
battle. Edmund was old enough to accompany his father, and doubtless
acquitted himself manfully. These facts also relieve the gallant
Clifford's name from a vile calumny. Holinshed and Shakespeare follow
Hall, and all later historians have continued to repeat the absurd
story without taking the trouble to ascertain Rutland's age at the time
of the battle of Wakefield.
[5] The weight of authority is decisively against the Duke of York
having been taken prisoner, and in favour of his having been killed in
the battle. William of Worcester says: '_Ubi occubuerunt in campo Dux
Eborum, Thomas Nevill_,' &c. The Croyland chronicler, Fabyan, Polydore
Virgil, Hall, and Stow concur. Hall says, '_He, manfully fighting,
within half an hour was slain and dead_.' But Whethamstede states that
the Duke was taken prisoner and grossly insulted: that he was set upon
an ant-hill, a crown of woven grass was put on his head, and that the
soldiers bowed their heads before him, saying in derision: 'Hail, King
without a kingdom!' Whethamstede adds, '_non aliter quam Judaei coram
Domino_.' But this John Bostock of Whethamstede was Abbot of St.
Albans, and violently prejudiced against the Lancastrians for their
marauding and pillaging in his neighbourhood. It is generally stated
that Queen Margaret took part in the barbarities of her adherents.
Stow, for instance, says that Lord Clifford cut off the Duke's head,
put a paper crown on it, stuck it on a pole, and presented it to the
Queen, who 'was not lying far from the field.' But there is clear
proof that the Queen was actually in Scotland when the battle of
Wakefield was fought. William of Worcester says: '_Dicto bello finito
Regina Margareta venit ab Scotia Eboraco_.' This is confirmed by the
Croyland chronicler, who says, '_Inpartibus borealibus morabatur_.'
Margaret had nothing to do with the Lancastrian barbarities, except
that she allowed the heads to remain on the gates of York. She was
forced to tolerate the deeds of her savage adherents.
[6] See _The Chapel of Edward III. on Wakefield Bridge_, by N.
Scatcherd (1843).
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