CHAPTER XXVII.

The plan that I proposed for encountering Amyr Hussyn, was this, seeing

that my chiefs were unanimous in their determination to oppose Amyr

Hussyn, and that they were firmly attached to me. In a fortunate hour I

sought for an omen in the Korān, and this verse came forth; “you cannot

better testify your gratitude to him, (Muhammed) than by doing good to

his relations;” the (Oulemā) prelates said, “the meaning of this verse

is, that you should consider the descendants of the Prophet as of your

own tribe and friends, and in obedience to this order it is incumbent on

your Highness to come forth, for from this expedition, much benefit will

arise to the descendants of his holiness.” This prediction of theirs was

verified, when, during the war with Hussyn, I took possession of Termūz;

the very illustrious and venerable prelate, Abū al Berkāt, who was the

chief Syed of that city, came out to meet me, and presented me the drum

and standard of Amyr Hussyn, saying, “by the command of the Prophet,

whom I have seen in a dream, I have brought you this drum and standard:”

I was much pleased by the arrival of Syed Abū al Berkāt, considering it

a most auspicious event, and therefore conferred great favours and

honours on all the posterity of the Prophet, who dwelt in the city. I

made him sit by me, consulted him on all occasions, and did not deviate

in the smallest degree from his instructions; nay, I even considered

him, as one of the many favours received from Providence, reposed all my

confidence in him, both spiritual and temporal, and made him my constant

companion, either while marching or halting, and whenever any difficulty

occurred, I referred the business to him, and he solved the difficulty.

When he brought me the drum and standard of Amyr Hussyn, which were the

insignia of his royalty, the news soon spread through the country, in

consequence of which, several of Hussyn’s enemies joined me; the first

of these was Shykh Muhammed Seldūz, who having deserted from Amyr

Hussyn, was wandering about the desert; when he heard of my opposition

to that Prince, he came over to me with all his horde, but as the smoke

of vanity had mounted into his brain, he conceived himself one of the

greatest of my nobles, and when he was joined by all his horde and

partizans, his pride became excessive, he was in short a light-headed

man, and a great talker. On the very day that he joined me, he asked me

to give him the district of Khutelān, and I gave it to him: but at this

time, Amyr Ky Khuserū Khutelāny, whose brother had been put to death by

Hussyn, in consequence of which he had deserted, and for some time

wandered about the country, at length entered and took possession of

Khutelān, and having collected a great number of followers, wrote to me,

“if you are determined in your opposition to Hussyn, I will join you:” I

sent him an answer,[96] in which I recapitulated every circumstance of

Hussyn’s unprincipled conduct towards me, and concluded by saying, “that

I had taken the field with a firm resolution of defeating his projects,

and trusted that the Korān by which he had sworn, would avenge his

perfidy.”

When Ky Khuserū received my letter, he was much delighted, and joined me

with all his troops; when he came into my presence, I took him in my

arms, and assured him of my support. I then ordered the drum of march to

be beaten, and leaving Termūz, I kept along the bank of the river till I

came to Hissarabād, where I halted. At this place, Aljaitū, who was

governor of Kundūz, on the part of Hussyn, came and joined me with his

troops, and said, “I trust that by the good fortune of your Highness, I

shall be delivered for ever from the grasp of this tyrant.”

At this time, I also received a letter from Muhammed Shāh, the (Valy)

ruler of Badukhshān, replete with complaints against Amyr Hussyn; I sent

him an answer, in which I stated, “that my injuries from Amyr Hussyn,

far exceeded his, that I now considered that tyrant as an unbeliever,

and that I was determined to ruin him, therefore if he would join me,

(please God) his complaints should soon be converted into

thanksgivings.”

As soon as Muhammed Shāh received my letter, he marched from Badukhshān

with a large force, and paid his respects to me.

The people of Badukhshān, and the hordes of Maveralnaher, also sent me

petitions full of complaints against Hussyn, and entreating me to send

some person to take the command of them. In compliance with their

request, I sent Amyr Jakū to them, and every person who was discontented

with Hussyn, assembled round my officer.

When all these valiant chiefs had joined my standard, I considered this

assistance as sent to me by the Prince of Prophets, Muhammed, (on whom

be blessings) and exulting in the presence of the holy Syed Abū al

Berkāt, I sought in the Korān for an omen, and this verse opened,

“verily God intends to take away impurity from your house, and to render

you pure,” which the learned expounded to me, as relating to the family

of the Prophet, whose spirits were purified from the defilement of

associating with idolaters and unbelievers, the instant they quitted the

body. And that it was applicable to my situation, as I should soon be

freed from the impurity of my enemies and adversaries; this circumstance

encreased my affection and friendship for the posterity of Muhammed, and

I considered the arrival of the holy Syed Abū al Berkāt, as one of the

greatest blessings of Providence, and resolved in future, that the Korān

and the Syed should be my constant companions, so that in every

important transaction, I might consult with them, and ever regulate my

conduct by the commands and prohibitions of God.

When I found myself surrounded by a numerous army, consisting of natives

of various countries, and by different tribes, I summoned the principal

chiefs to council, and laid before them my apprehension that Amyr Hussyn

would doubtless endeavour to escape from this desert of difficulties, by

some of his innumerable artifices and intrigues, and that I was

distrustful of the people of the hordes as being easily alarmed or

deceived, and instanced to them the case of Amyr Musā, who from some

apprehension, deserted and went back to Samerkund; that it was therefore

advisable to summon a general assembly, and let us conjointly take the

oath of animosity to Amyr Hussyn, and confirm it on the Korān; the

measure was agreed to, and all the chiefs of the hordes and clans, being

collected, again took the oath required of them.

The whole of the chiefs of the tribes and hordes having thus bound round

them the girdle of fealty to me, the first thing I did was to send off

Shykh Behader Aly with a number of warriors, as an advance guard, for at

this time I received information that Amyr Hussyn had despatched an

army, under the command of Chubān Serbedal, to oppose my progress.

My advanced guard soon fell in with the enemy, and in the first charge,

broke and put them to flight, I therefore beat the drum of march, and

having crossed the skirts of the mountain of Shadmān, and keeping close

to the river, entered the valley of Guz, and encamped near the fort of

Azburg.

At this place, I was informed that Amyr Hussyn had sent letters to

various of my chiefs, to excite them to mutiny, saying to them, “that

they had deviated from the custom and manners of the Tūrks, and of the

ancient chiefs of the hordes, clans, and tribes, by paying obedience to

any person but their legitimate Sovereign, and according to the Tūrkish

canons, our lawful monarch (Khān) must be a descendant of Kubūl and

Jengyz Khān, this conduct of yours is an act of injustice to the

posterity of these Princes.” When I heard of this circumstance, I

immediately summoned all the chiefs, and said to them, “my only object

in engaging in a war with Amyr Hussyn, is for the ease and comfort of

the Muselmāns, and my other subjects, who are all dissatisfied with him;

and with respect to the canons and rules of the Turks, have we not the

Prince Syurghumtumush as our Khān, therefore how can any person venture

to say that we have deviated from the laws and customs of our

ancestors.” I then issued the orders for immediately marching against

Amyr Hussyn, in order to put a stop to his attempts of seducing my

people.

About this time, Shykh Behader Aly, to whom I had given the charge of my

advanced guard, brought bound neck and hand to me, Chubān Serbedāl, the

commander of Hussyn’s advance guard, whom he had taken prisoner. I was

also joined by Muhammed Khuajē with his troops. I then resolved to move

rapidly and attack the city of Balkh, so that if Amyr Hussyn should come

out and meet me in the plain, I could not wish for any thing better, but

if he should fortify the place and stand a siege, God would soon render

it an easy business, in consequence of his breaking of his oath on the

Korān.

Soon after this time, I received information that Amyr Hussyn had come

out of the fort into the plain; I therefore ordered my chiefs to advance

rapidly, and attack his army; I also sent my son Omer Shaikh (then only

sixteen years of age) to assault the walls of the town, he advanced so

close to the place, that an arrow pierced his foot, and entered the side

of his horse; notwithstanding this severe wound, the Prince continued

the attack, till Hussyn being alarmed, took refuge in the citadel, and

ordered the gates to be barred. My courageous son, in spite of his

wound, rode up to the gate of the fort, struck it with an axe, and

returned exultingly; the warriors were all delighted with this proof of

his courage, and devoted their lives to him.

The next morning I placed my foot in the stirrup, and having drawn out

my army, made an attack on the walls of the town; Amyr Hussyn came to

the top of the citadel, and displayed his standard, he then resolved to

oppose me, and sent out a body of troops to engage me; a severe contest

took place, and many brave men were killed on both sides; but Hussyn

kept himself like the stone of a ring safe within his enclosure, and

beheld from a distance, his defeat and disgrace; he however continued

the battle till night, but as soon as it was dark, he sent me the

following letter; “from the day that I bound round my loins the girdle

of enmity to thee, I have never enjoyed a moment of happiness, and I am

convinced that all opposition to thee will only increase my misfortunes;

experience has proved that you are aided by Providence, and that good

fortune and prosperity attend you, while calamity and misfortune have

seized me by the neck, and drag me towards you, forgive me, and let me

quit this country, to go on a pilgrimage to Mecca.”

I consented to his request, and wrote to him to send one of his sons,

who might enable me to satisfy the minds of all the chiefs of the hordes

and tribes that he had injured and disgusted, and that I might exact a

promise from them not to injure or molest him. He did send out his

eldest son, and I promised the young man, in the presence of all the

chiefs, that if Hussyn would come out of the fort, and depart for the

sacred territory, I would furnish him with every thing requisite for the

journey, and protect him by a guard.

Hussyn would not listen to my advice or promise, but having tied his

most valuable jewels in his girdle, he resolved to escape from the

fortress in the dress of a (Kulender) pilgrim, and try to reach some

place of safety. He therefore, without acquainting his family, changed

his dress, and unknown to his servants, came out: at this time the

morning dawned, and being afraid of detection, he entered a mosque, and

concealed himself in the cupola of the minaret; soon after the (Muazin)

crier mounted the minaret, in order to call the people to the first

prayers, and as soon as his eyes fell on the Prince, he recognized him;

Hussyn offered the Muazin a string of pearls if he would not divulge his

secret: the crier being afraid of scandal or suspicion, came to my tent

and proclaimed the (Azin) hour of prayer; I ordered him to be brought

before me, when he entered, he told me all the circumstances, and shewed

me the string of pearls which had been offered to him as a bribe to keep

the secret:[97] I desired the crier to return to Amyr Hussyn, and tell

him to conceal himself in the best manner he could, till he might find

an opportunity of going away wherever he chose. Hussyn fearing for his

life, came down and hid himself in a room under the tower, but his

enemies having heard of his retreat, surrounded the mosque, and having

found him, brought him to the (Dyvan Khanē) council chamber; I then gave

orders that they should deliver him over in charge to _Aādil Tuajy_,[98]

until the chiefs of all the tribes and hordes should be assembled; that

whoever had any complaints against him, might have the affair inquired

into.

_Trial by (Berghūy) sound of trumpet on Amyr Hussyn._

When I delivered Amyr Hussyn to the charge of the gaoler, I sent him a

message, saying, “that as there is a solemn compact between us, and as

we have placed our respective hands on the Korān, vowing never to

attempt each other’s lives, I will not now break my promise, but this

calamity which is fallen on thy head, does not proceed from enmity to

thee, it is the vengeance of the Korān that has overtaken you; I have

nothing to do with the business, but I cannot liberate you from the

hands of the chiefs, who are thirsty of your blood, in retaliation for

the injuries they have received.”

When he received my message, he began to entreat and supplicate for

mercy, and I endeavoured to comfort him; I therefore ordered all the

chiefs to be summoned, and when they were collected, we formed a

council; I then sent for Amyr Hussyn, and when he arrived, I addressed

him; “Hussyn, it has been the want of good faith, and disrespect to the

word of God, which has brought thee into this deplorable situation, and

such is ever the consequence of a breach of promise, and the guilt of

falsehood.” Syed Abū al Berkāt then quoted the proverb, “a strict regard

of truth never injures a man, fidelity to his promise is better than

faith.”

I then said aloud in the presence of all the assembled chiefs, “I have

given Amyr Hussyn my promise of safety;” but he with that pride and

haughtiness, which was habitual to him, said in the Tūrky language, “if

I had been in your place, I would not have done so;” I replied, “I thank

God that I am not like you, who cannot forgive, and can be guilty of

perjury, and dare to offend both God and the Prophet.”

At this moment, Ky Khuserū bent the knee, and demanded vengeance for the

blood of his brother, who had been killed by Hussyn; I endeavoured to

mitigate his anger, and sent for Shykh Muhammed and the other Cazies and

Judges; before their entrance, Muhammed, the ruler of Badukhshān, said

in a tremulous voice, “Amyr Hussyn has been the cause of the ruin of my

family, and has embittered all the days of my life, by murdering several

of the pious Princes of Badukhshān;” Muhammed, the son of Byan Seldūz,

also called out, “thousands of the families of my tribe are wandering

about the deserts in consequence of Hussyn’s injustice, and he has

plundered the greater part of our cattle and property:” many others of

the chiefs were also very clamorous that he should be put to death. But

in consequence of my near connection with him, I found my blood begin to

boil, and melancholy rushed on my heart, but I was helpless, because the

clamour was universal, and the hearts of the people were turned from

him. I then asked the judges, what do you say in respect of putting Amyr

Hussyn to death; they replied, “if the heirs of the persons whom Hussyn

has murdered, forgive him, it is well, otherwise, by the law of

retaliation, he must suffer death.” When the words of the judges had

reached the ears of the complainants, one of them who had been in the

service of Hussyn, said, “O Prince, this Hussyn has much injured and

oppressed mankind, and has been guilty of great violence, and through

covetousness, confined and imprisoned one thousand seven hundred men and

women, who were liberated on the day you came here;” I said, “perhaps

they were kept in confinement till then, that they might not complain

against him.” One of the learned body said, “I have read in the heavenly

books, that it is more incumbent to destroy a wretch who oppresses or

injures mankind, than it is to kill a snake or a scorpion, for the

former plots mischief deliberately to the ruin of another, whilst the

noxious reptile only stings, when he is afraid of personal injury, and

to save himself.” When these words were heard by all the persons in the

Assembly, viz. that it was proper to put to death an oppressor or bad

man, and the Amyr Aljaitū who had been (Sepah Salār,) Commander in Chief

of the army of Hussyn, seeing my melancholy, and that I would not

consent to the execution of the Prince, remonstrated with me; I replied,

“Amyr Hussyn is my prisoner, he shall not be put to death;” I then rose

to leave the Assembly.

The Chiefs immediately called out, Amyr Hussyn has been found guilty by

the law, and worthy of death, it is therefore improper that Timūr should

delay his punishment. I however requested that they would permit me to

postpone it, in hopes that I might by some means save his life.

But as it did not please Providence to permit the continuance of

Hussyn’s existence, Amyr Ky Khuserū who sought retaliation for the

murder of his brother, with Aljaitū and Muhammed Shāh assaulted the

unfortunate Hussyn, and he, washing his hands of life, struck at them

with his fists, got out of the Assembly and fled as far as the tomb of

Khuajē Akāshā, there these three Chiefs overtook and put him to death,

and having returned from thence, they murdered his two sons Khān Saiid

and Nurūz Sultān, two other sons named Jehān Mulk and Khelyl Sultān made

their escape and fled towards India. I was much affected by this

melancholy catastrophe, and went to see his body, repeated the funeral

prayers over it and ordered it to be buried with all due respect.

Having then taken possession of all Amyr Hussyn’s treasure, which he had

accumulated by so much covetousness and avarice, I divided it among the

Chiefs. The next day I called a general assembly, and gave orders for

all his followers and attendants to be taken care of, and directed that

his women and children should be sent to Samerkund.[99] It happened that

one of the persons who attended the Assembly was cloathed in black. I

asked him why he was so, he replied, “I have lost a friend, but it was I

who killed him, and for grief have put on mourning.” One of the learned

said, “if it had not been his fate to have been killed, how could you

kill him, therefore why do you grieve.”

I then addressed the learned body and asked them, “what is the very

worst thing in this world,” some of them said one thing, some another. I

then continued, “the _best_ thing in this world is a good man, that is a

person endued with excellent qualities, consequently the _worst_ thing

in this world, must be a bad man, imbued with every vice, who like Amyr

Hussyn is a tyrant, miserly, covetous, and ignorant, and who fears not

God.” The whole Assembly praised my definition and offered up prayers

for my prosperity.

-----

Footnote 96:

The letter is given in the text, but it is merely a repetition of what

has been stated.

Footnote 97:

This differs from Sherif Addeen’s History.

Footnote 98:

I doubt whether this is a proper name, or signifies an officer of the

court of justice.

Footnote 99:

In Sherif Addeen’s History, it is stated, that he took four of the

ladies himself and divided the others among his Chiefs.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

MEMOIRS OF TIMŪR.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

BOOK VI.

_Account of my mounting the throne of the Sovereignty in the city of

Balkh._

--------------

CHAPTER I.

[Sidenote: A. D. 1367.]

WHEN I had thus cleansed the region of Turān from the evil machinations

of Amyr Hussyn, there were three other claimants to the succession, each

of whom being puffed up with pride in consequence of being the Chief of

a great clan, and having numerous followers, was desirous of raising the

standard of royalty. The first of these was Shah Muhammed, of

Badukhshān, who considered himself as one of the Princes of that

country. The second Amyr Ky Khuserū, who called himself son-in-law to

the Khān of the Desht Kipchac and was governor of Khutelān. The third

Muhammed the son of Byān Seldūz, who was the chief of several thousand

families of the horde of Seldūz, when I heard of their various

pretensions I clothed myself with patience.

When this news was brought to Syed Abū al Berkāt (the father of

blessings), he invited several of the (Khānē Zadehs) young syeds of

Termuz, Abū al Mualy and Aly Akber to join him; he then summoned all the

claimants to a general council, and when the Assembly was arranged in

proper order, he addressed them, “Praise be to God that the whole land

of Turān is now cleansed of all disturbers of its tranquillity. If you

unite and elect one person as an _elder brother_, your union will insure

prosperity, but if you divide and form different kingdoms, the infidel

Jetes will very shortly overwhelm you; whatever is the opinion of each

of you, be so good as to state it.” Muhammed Shah who was the head of

the Princes of Badukhshān said, “let us divide the country into four

portions in a brotherly manner, each ruling his own province, but let us

unite in opposing every enemy that dares to invade or oppose us.” Abu al

Berkāt replied, “a variety of rulers always occasions quarrels and

dissentions, if it were intended by Providence, that there should have

been two Monarchs in the same kingdom, there would have been two Gods,

one to govern the Heavens, the other the earth; but as there is only one

God who is the Lord of all, there must only be one Monarch in the same

country, that the proof of unity may be evident and certain.” Muhammed

Seldūz said, “it is contrary to our code of laws, that any of us should

fill the throne of the Khān, or that the people should be subservient to

us; the Prince Syurughtumush Aghlān, is of the posterity of Jengyz,

place him on the throne of sovereignty, and let the Amyr Timūr be his

deputy and Commander in Chief, and we will be obedient to him.”

Abū al Berkāt replied, “it is contrary to the religion of Muhammed, that

his followers should be subservient to you who are infidels; Jengyz was

an inhabitant of the desert, who by violence and the force of his sword

formerly gained a superiority over the Muselmāns, at present the sword

of the Amyr Timūr is not inferior to what Jengyz Khān’s sword was; When

you all fled from Hussyn, and concealed yourselves in the desert; it was

not till Timūr advanced alone against him, that any of you dared to quit

your hiding corners; he did not want your assistance to subdue his

enemy, nor does he now want it;” after a long discourse he thus

concluded, “I have hitherto spoken to you as Tūrks, but I know that you

are Musselmāns and believe in the religion of Muhammed, now it is

evident to all the followers of the Prophet, on whom be the grace of

God, that he conquered the world from the unbelievers from Polytheists,

from Jews, and from Christians, by the force of his victorious sword,

therefore he (Muhammed) became sole proprietor of the terrestrial globe,

after him the succession fell to the illustrious Khalifs, who with their

followers spread the religion of Islam over the face of the earth, after

them the property descended to the posterity of the Prophet, who having

legally obtained the inheritance, may appoint whomever they choose for

their deputy. I, who am the lineal descendant of Hussyn, the Grandson of

Muhammed, in conjunction with all the Syeds of Mecca and Medina, do

consider and esteem Amyr Timūr as the deputy of the illustrious Khalifs.

We therefore do appoint him to be Ruler over all the Muselmāns in the

territory of Turān.”

When the Assembly heard that the Muselmāns were unanimous and agreed in

their choice, and that the people were inclined to me, Amyr Ky Khuseru

said, “let us draw lots for the sovereignty, and let us solemnly promise

that we will be obedient on whomsoever the lot shall fall;” in

consequence of this proposal, Abū al Berkāt wrote my name, and the name

of the other three competitors (on slips of paper) and placed them under

the (Musella) carpet for prayer, he then said to them, “thrust your

hands under the carpet and take out the lots,” they did so three times,

and the lot of sovereignty came forth in my name: they were all ashamed,

but they could not deny their agreement.

The next day all the Chiefs of the hordes and tribes came in a body to

my tent, and the three competitors also entered and made their obeisance

to me, after them came the Amyrs Aljaitū, Sar Bughā and Daoud, and bent

their knees; when these illustrious Chiefs had paid their respects, the

Assembly congratulated me, and Abū al Berkāt, with the syeds of Termuz

offered up prayers for my prosperity. Then the abovementioned chieftains

with the twelve chiefs of the hordes stood up and formed half circles to

the right and left of my seat; after which Abū al Berkāt thus addressed

the Assembly; “O Assembly of Muselmāns, the Prophet hath said, I

bequeath to my people two illustrious things; first, the sacred volume;

secondly, my descendants; now these bequests are in the hands of the

Amyr Timūr, those who obey him shall be fortunate in this world, and

happy in the next; but those who disobey him will be unfortunate in this

world, and miserable in futurity.” He then took up the Korān which was

lying before me, and placed it on the head of each person, saying, “let

those who choose to enter (into this covenant) come, and those who

choose to fall off, let them fall;” each person replied, “we have heard

and do obey;” thus they all agreed to my sovereignty, and inaugurated

me.

CHAPTER II.

[Sidenote: A. D. 1369.]

In the year 771, I entered my thirty-fifth year of age, on which

occasion four of the most revered Syeds, viz. Abū al Berkāt, Abū al

Muāly, Zynaddyn, and Aly Akber, having chosen a fortunate hour, took me

by the arms, and placed me on the throne of sovereignty: after I was

seated on the throne, I opened the Korān, which was my constant

companion, to search for an omen whether my government would endure, and

this verse came forth, “Say, God is the master of the world, he gives

the kingdom to whom he chooses, and takes it away from those he

chooses.” The learned body who were standing at the foot of my throne,

wrote the interpretation of this verse, and read prayers for the

perpetuity of my dominion. In the same manner all the people, both great

and low, held up their hands in prayer for my prosperity; after which

all the nobles bent their knees and congratulated me; then all the

chiefs and officers of the hordes payed their respects; then all the

people, whether soldiers or citizens, called out, “may your good fortune

endure.”

Previous to the day of my coronation I had formed regulations for my

courts; I assigned to the Syeds, to the prelates and learned body a

place on my right hand, to my sons and relations and nobles, that they

should be seated in a half circle round my throne, the (Kurjyans) life

guards were to be placed behind the throne, the commanders of divisions

to be in front, facing me, the twelve (Yusuval) aides de camp or

orderlies, were to stand three in front, three on each side, and three

behind the Kūr,[100] and the other officers and soldiers to be seated

according to their respective ranks. After forming the court in this

manner I sent for all the treasure and valuables that I possessed and

distributed them amongst the nobles, the officers and soldiers,

according to their respective ranks, and I then gave away to the persons

assembled, all my ready money, my horses, swords, caps; so that all that

remained were the clothes on my back and two horses in my stable, and

even of these Amyr Jakū asked for one, which I gave him, by which means

all I kept to myself was one horse, one sword, one shield, one spear,

one quiver with its bow and arrows.

When the nobles of the hordes and tribes witnessed my liberality and

generosity they came and bent their knees, and said, you are well

entitled to the throne and sovereignty. At this time one of my

confidential servants said to me, “there is not a single article left in

your store.” I replied, “if I am a King all the wealth of the world is

mine; whatever property my subjects possess is mine, they are merely my

repositories; and if I am not a King, whatever I may now have will not

remain.”

I then commanded a proclamation to be made, that “all people whether

great or low, Tūrks or Persians, Noble or Mean, Officer or Soldier, were

in perfect security from me, and I issued edicts through all parts of my

dominion, stating that I had pardoned all guilty persons of every

description; that all those who had drawn their swords against me, done

evil to me, or had excited enmity against me, I now considered as my

friends, and that I had eradicated from my bosom all animosity or

revenge, that they might feel confident and happy, and whatever property

of mine had been stolen or plundered during the disturbances, I freely

gave to the possessor; that I forgave all the followers of Amyr Hussyn,

and that they might remain secure wherever they were dispersed, and keep

whatever property of his they had.”

I then issued orders to all the Chieftains on the boundaries and the

Governors of the fortresses of Shadmān, Kunduz, Badukhshān, Andijān,

Tūrkistān, Kabulistan, Kāshghur, Tashkund, Khujend and the confines of

the Desht Kipchāk and Khuarizm, confirming them in their governments and

commands and assuring them that they need not harbour an idea of any

change.

When the (Eid) festival of the month of Ramzān arrived, I went to the

great Mosque of Balkh and performed my prayers. The Muselmāns invited me

to commence the service. I replied that I did not consider myself worthy

of acting as (Imam) president. They said we consider your Highness as

the successor of the illustrious Khalifs and the (Muruvij) Patron of the

Muhammedan religion, the Guardian of the holy land, the Protector of the

servants of God, the Respecter of his Saints, it is therefore proper

that you should preside.

The (Khētyb) Preacher then mounted the pulpit, and after offering up

glory and thanksgiving to God and the Prophet, and praise of the

illustrious Khalifs (Khūlfā Rāshidyn[101]) may Paradise be their

dwelling, he commenced the _Khutbeh_[102] in my name, in these words, “O

Lord, assist the Muselmān armies and camps wherever they are, or

wherever they may be, whether in the East or in the West, by the good

fortune of the just _Sultan_, the illustrious _Khākān_, (title of the

Tūrkish Sovereign) the renowned Emperor, the exalted Prince, the Khākān

son of the Khākān Amyr Timūr Gūrghān, may God Almighty perpetuate his

dominion and government, and extend his beneficence and justice to all

Muselmāns.” After the conclusion of this speech all the Nobles and

principal persons of Jagtay and the Chiefs of the tribes and hordes came

up and congratulated me.

When I quitted the Mosque I placed my foot in the stirrup, and attended

by all the Commanders and Officers I proceeded to the (Kytūl) palace, I

then politely took leave of them, sent each of them a feast on account

of the _Eid_, and dismissed them to their respective homes.

Some days after I appointed Murād Behader, son of Chūghān Berlās, to be

governor of Balkh, and gave him a written code of regulations for his

guidance, pointing out to him how he was to behave himself, both to

soldiers and subjects and in what style he should live and conduct

himself on all occasions.

On the 2d day of the month of Shū,āl, A. H. 771, being then thirty-five

years of age, having selected a fortunate moment, I marched from Balkh

and proceeded towards the capital, Samerkund; the first day I encamped

on the banks of the Jihūn, which was seven _Fersukh_ (twenty-one miles)

from Balkh, and enjoyed myself there, till my family and all the heavy

baggage of the army came up.

At one of the assemblies Shykh Hussyn Sūfy[103] who had arrived from

Khuarizm, came and joined me: I asked him, “how will the Almighty

reproach tyrants in the day of Judgment?” he replied, “God hath said to

them (by his Prophets) ‘don’t think of me; if you do so, I will curse

you;’ this is a sufficient indication of their lot, the tyrant shall be

seized both in this world and the next by his injustice.” He then added,

“the punishment of an infidel King, provided he is just, shall be less

than that of a Muselmān Monarch who is a tyrant; also the torments of a

generous unbeliever shall be fewer than those of an avaricious

believer.” On hearing these words I determined as long as I lived to

make justice and liberality my constant practice.

All my people having now joined the camp, I crossed the river Jihūn and

encamped in the plains of Kesh, where I halted for some time and was

waited upon by all the Nobles and principal inhabitants of the towns,

and by all the Chiefs of the hordes and tribes: whether formerly friends

or enemies all came and claimed my protection. From thence I marched to

the vicinity of Samerkund and was there met by all the Nobles and

persons of note, by all the prelates and learned body of that city, who

congratulated me and made offerings (Nesār) for my prosperity.

That very day being _Friday_, I went to the great Mosque and said my

prayers with a very numerous congregation, after which the _Khutbeh_ was

read for my success from the pulpit of Samerkund, being now the capital

of my empire. But Khuajē Abyd Allah, who was the most celebrated

theologist of the age, refused to join in the blessing. _Here follows

the anecdote related in page 12 of the Omens, &c._

In consequence of this manifestation of the Prophet’s regard, I ordered

that another large mosque should be built in Samerkund, also a

monastery, and houses for the Dervishes and pious Muselmāns.

-----

Footnote 100:

The _Kūr_ is a railing which surrounds the throne.

Footnote 101:

The four first Khalifs.

Footnote 102:

Resembles the prayer read in cathedrals before the sermon.

Footnote 103:

This was the celebrated saint mentioned in the Appendix, No. 7. See

also Sufy, Richardson’s Persian Dictionary.

CHAPTER III.

After I had mounted the throne in my capital of Samerkund, I formed a

council and drew up a code of regulations for my government, I then

ordered a general proclamation to be made, that whoever had any claims

on me should come forward and make them known; and every person that I

had been intimate with from the days of my childhood to the present

time, I called by his name, and conferred favours on him; and with

whomsoever I had been acquainted either as friend or enemy, I acted in a

uniform manner to all, and bound them in the ties of gratitude.

I gave injunctions to all my servants, that they were never on any

account to change or alter the orders that I should issue; and that if

any minister or officer should be guilty of deviation from this rule, he

should be punished; because one of the rights of Princes is, that their

words and orders should be the _law_ of the land.

I ordered that a code of regulations should be formed for the payment of

the officers and soldiers and their allowance of provisions; also rules

for conferring titles and the high offices of generals and ministers,

which were to be considered as a standing order and guidance of their

conduct. In the same manner I directed that regulations[104] should be

written for the holding of public assemblies in peace, and for

manœuvering armies in the field during war, and for the conduct of my

soldiers towards their fellow subjects.

In the first council I fixed the (Syurghelāt) permanent grants of land

for charitable purposes, and I appointed Syed Abd Allah to be the

(Sudder) superintendant of this institution, and to be chief magistrate

of the Syeds, and I nominated Syed Abd al Rehmān to be the (Shykh al

Islam) head of religious affairs, and Syed Zya Addeen, to be the chief

judge; and I ordered that on all occasions of ceremony, the Syeds and

the (Mushykh and Oulemā) prelates and learned body, should be seated on

my right hand.

But there arose a great controversy between them, the Syeds and learned

body for precedency, or which should be the nearest to the throne, as

the arguments on both sides were very long and noisy, I was much amused

with the disputation; I however took care that the Syeds were never to

be treated with contempt or abused, and forbade their ever being bound

or put to death, and if any person injured them, he was to be severely

punished.[105] One of the holy and learned Syeds named Abū al Muāly, who

had frequently opposed my ambition, and had done every thing to injure

me, I treated with the greatest respect, which made him ashamed of his

past conduct and desirous of my pardon; I therefore for the sake of the

Prophet forgave him.

While I was seated in the Assembly, an ambassador (from Syed Aly) the

(Valy), ruler of Mazinderan was introduced, and delivered a message from

his master; after he had been seated some time, Syed Abū al Berkāt asked

who his master was, and of what family; the ambassador immediately

traced the Valy’s genealogy to Aly the son-in-law of the Prophet, and

acknowledged that he had been sent to learn my character and

disposition. I said to him, “well, what do you think of me,” he replied,

“I find that you prefer justice to violence, truth to falsehood, virtue

to vice, and that you honour and respect the descendants of Muhammed,

which is a clear proof that victory and fortune will be the constant

attendants of your Highness’s Stirrup, as the supporter of the Muselmān

religion.”

I praised the ambassador for his ability and ingenuity, Syed Abū al

Berkāt was also lavish in his praise, and pronounced that as long as I

persevered in such conduct, I should be triumphant and successful;

ignorance, irreligion, vice and tyranny being ever the cause of the ruin

of a government.

At this council I gave the government of Samerkund to Amyr Daoud, and

conferred the insignia of the standard and kettle drum on Amyr Jakū and

several other Chiefs; I made Hussyn Berlās, President of the Council. I

gave charge of the large seal to Ayk Timūr, and disposed of all the

other appointments among my friends. I also ordered that no revenue or

taxes should be collected from the inhabitants of Samerkund, Bokhara, or

their dependencies, and issued a public edict that they were to be

exempt from all claims.

-----

Footnote 104:

See Davy’s Institutes, page 231 and Sequel. Also page 305.

Footnote 105:

Here, as in some former instances, the royal author leaves us in doubt

of the result.

CHAPTER IV.

The first disagreeable circumstance which occurred in the commencement

of my reign, was the rebellion of the chief Zindē Khushm, and which

required all my exertion to quell. It has been before mentioned, that

when Amyr Hussyn was killed, I confirmed all his governors in their

posts, one of the most important of these situations, was the government

of Shyrghān, held by Zindē Khushm; but as he was suspected by my

ministers to be unworthy of confidence, they had advised me to remove

him; I replied, “I have promised safety and security for three years to

every person, whether friend or enemy, provided they behave properly;”

but Zindē Khushm soon raised the standard of opposition by taking under

his protection Amyr Musā, formerly Hussyn’s Commander-in-Chief, who had

come over to my party; and when I marched against Balkh, had accompanied

me the first day’s journey, but had again deserted at the second stage,

and fled towards Tūrkistān; but hearing of the death of Amyr Hussyn, he

had sent me an apology for his conduct, and solicited my forgiveness, in

consequence of which, I sent him an assurance of safety; but as he was a

deceitful fellow, and suspicious of others, notwithstanding he had

suffered much in wandering about the deserts, and had been frequently

routed by my troops, still he had the impudence to refuse the edict I

sent him, accompanied by a promise of safety, and his heart not being

clean, he again made battle, but being a second time defeated, he fled

on foot with his family, and took refuge with Zindē Khushm, who at his

instigation, now raised the standard of rebellion, and began to act

improperly.

On being informed of this circumstance, I did not take any notice of it,

and pretended such ignorance, that I never mentioned either of their

names, or said good or bad on the subject. At length my nobles said to

me, “it is quite requisite to go and subdue these two rebels;” I

replied, “if I proceed against them in person, it will make them of too

much importance in the eyes of my subjects; for if they venture to

contend with me, and I shall prove victorious, what fame shall I gain,

it will be merely said, that I have punished two of Amyr Hussyn’s

servants; no, I will summon them to come to court, if they obey it will

be all well, if not, they will be guilty of disobedience, and evince

their hostility, I shall then find no difficulty in punishing them.”

In consequence of this resolution, I sent an invitation to Zindē Khushm,

by the hands of Amyr Aljaitū: on the receipt of my edict, he treated my

messenger with great respect, made use of many flattering expressions,

and promised immediately to wait on me. Aljaitū therefore returned and

informed me of his success, but I told him I feared he had been

deceived, which proved to be the case.

Shortly after this circumstance, it happened that Byram Shāh Arlāt, who

had deserted from Amyr Hussyn, and had gone into Khurasān, having heard

of the death of his late master, and my having mounted the throne, was

on his way to pay his respects to me, but Zindē Khushm intercepted him,

and under pretence of hospitality, seized and confined him.[106]

On hearing of this event, I sent another summons to Zindē Khushm, by the

hands of Taban Behader, but that impudent scoundrel imprisoned my

messenger, on which the fire of my anger being stirred, I ordered that

my tents should be pitched on the route to Shyrghān; when Zindē Khushm

was informed of this circumstance, he was much alarmed, and shut himself

up in the white fort of Shyrghān, but wrote to Amyr Aljaitū to beg for

my forgiveness, and sent him a shroud and scymitar to lay before me as

emblems of his forlorn condition, and after a few days, he sent his

younger brother, Islām and Amyr Musā, (both of whom had behaved

treacherously towards me) bound neck and hand to Samerkund.

I immediately pardoned Amyr Musā, and gave him the command of his own

tribe, but my ministers remonstrated that it was improper to confer such

an honour on a treacherous scoundrel, I replied, “that in consequence of

this act of kindness, many of the disaffected and rebellious chiefs

would be induced to come in;” in fact the sending Amyr Musā in the

manner described, was a stratagem of Zindē Khushm’s to ascertain my

disposition, whether it was of a forgiving or revengeful nature; I

therefore put confidence in his protestations, and remained quietly in

my capital.

The second disturbance that took place in the commencement of my reign

was this: notwithstanding my having pardoned the crimes of Zindē Khushm,

and drawn the pen of forgiveness over his evil actions, he at the

instigation of the disciples and scholars of the prelate Abū al Muāly of

Termuz, again placed his foot on the path of insurrection, and

endeavoured to excite commotions against my government; he therefore

collected an army, and plundered the hordes who resided in the vicinity

of Balkh and Termuz.

On hearing of this event, I gave orders to those chiefs who were in

attendance, to march immediately with their troops, and without halting

on any pretence, to attack Zindē Khushm, and compel him to restore all

the plunder he had taken; I also sent off two other detachments to the

right and left, to surround him, my victorious army having marched with

great expedition, came up with the rear of Zindē Khushm’s troops as they

were crossing the Jihūn over a bridge of boats, and caused a number of

them to be drowned in the river, and of those, who had crossed and were

drawn up on the opposite bank, many were killed or wounded, and all the

cattle were retaken.

After this event, Zindē Khushm fled, and was pursued by Arghūn Shāh,

nearly as far as Shyrghān; but the rebel having secured himself in the

fort, began to fortify it: my general wrote and informed me that he had

surrounded the fortress, and requested reinforcements, assuring me that

he would soon bring the rebel bound hand and foot to my presence. On

receipt of this intelligence, I presented Amyr Jakū with a scymitar, a

dress of honour, and a horse, and sent him off with a considerable

reinforcement.

Amyr Jakū marched with great expedition, and laid siege to Shyrghān, but

as the winter had just set in, he could only blockade the place for

three months; at the expiration of this period, the garrison being much

in want of provisions, Zindē Khushm requested Amyr Jakū to intercede

with me for pardon, and trusting to my mercy, came out of the fort and

proceeded to Samerkund; when he approached the city, I ordered all my

chiefs to go out and meet him, and to pay him much respect and honour.

When brought to my presence with the sword hung about his neck, he was

much downcast, and expected that I would command his being put to death;

I however said to him, “Zindē Khushm, I have it now in my power either

to kill you, or to keep you in perpetual confinement, but as I consider

you a brave young man, I will generously forgive you, provided that

contrary to your past behaviour, you will not in future transgress, nor

allow yourself to be led away by insidious people, but go to your own

tribe and bring them all into subjection to me:” he replied with great

warmth, “I will in future devote my life as an offering to your

Highness;” I therefore conferred a dress of honour on him, and admitted

him into my service. He immediately went across the Sihūn, and in a

short period persuaded the horde of Timūr to submit to my authority, and

brought their (Kelanters) head men to my court, in reward for which, I

again conferred on him the government of Shyrghān,[107] and gave the

command of the horde of Timūr to Kepek Timūr.[108]

The third disturbance which took place in the commencement of my reign,

was the rebellion of Kepek Timūr: this was a person that I had raised

from a very low situation, but when he found himself in authority, he

soon betrayed the baseness of his origin, and evinced his ingratitude;

he even erected the standard of rebellion, and collected a considerable

army. I therefore promoted Behram Jelayr, (who had been for some time in

disgrace for misconduct at Tashkund, but who had offered to go and bring

Kepek Timūr bound hand and neck into my presence) and sent him with

Shykh Aly Khetay Behader, and other officers to punish Kepek Timūr.

It so happened that a party of Jelayr’s own tribe were dissatisfied with

him, and watched an opportunity to assassinate him, but he having

discovered their intentions, was obliged to take refuge with Shykh Aly.

About this time the two armies came in sight, but were separated by the

river Aishē Khātun: when the royal army had reached the bank of the

river, Khetay Behader having taken offence at his superior officer for

some imputation against his courage, drew his sword, plunged his horse

into the stream, and having crossed alone, pushed on towards Kepek

Timūr’s standard, but was immediately surrounded by the soldiers of the

rebel, Shykh Aly, and his troops having by this time crossed the river

engaged the enemy, who alarmed by the vigour of the attack, were shortly

broken, and during the night, fled in every direction. Shykh Aly then

made peace with Kepek, and having severely punished the mutineers of

Behram Jelayr’s division, returned to me.

The fourth disturbance that occurred was, the invasion of the Jetes: it

appeared that during the insurrection of Zindē Khushm and Amyr Musā,

they had written to the Khān of the Jetes, that if he would advance with

an army into Maveralnaher, they would seize me, and deliver up the

country to him; in consequence of which, the stupid Khān collected an

army, and advanced towards Maveralnaher: as soon as I received

intelligence of this event, I resolved to be before hand with him, I

therefore marched from Samerkund, and advanced rapidly as far as Nekah,

to meet the Jetes, but when they heard of my advance, they deemed it

prudent to retreat.

At this time, four of my chiefs, viz. Zindē Khushm, Amyr Musā, Abūlys,

and Abū al Mualy, of Termuz, all of whom were under great obligations to

me, entered into a confederacy to assassinate me whilst I was enjoying

the amusement of hawking or hunting. Thus one day while I was amusing

myself, and had a Falcon on my hand, these four cavaliers attacked my

attendants; I immediately placed the small drum I held in my hand, on my

head as a helmet, loosed the bird, drew my sword, and called out to them

with all my might; when they heard my voice, they were terrified, and

attempted to run away, but my attendants seized them: I then gave orders

to confine them, and continued my sport.

When I returned to my capital at Samerkund, I summoned a general

assembly of all the chiefs, and the learned body, and the Syeds; I then

ordered the four prisoners to be brought before the assembly, when they

were brought into the court, I addressed the judges and said, “what is

the punishment due to a party of confederates who conspire against the

life of a Muselmān;” they replied, “the punishment of the law is

retaliation, but forgiveness is better, for the first offence.” I then

said to Abū Muāly, “you know that I am a Muselmān, and that I am

obedient to the law of the Prophet, how is it possible that you who call

yourself a descendant of the Prophet, and who have received so many

favours from me, should dare to make an attempt against my life? but I

pardon you for the sake of his holiness the Prophet.”

I then said to Abūlys, “I also forgive you, because you are a Shykh,

(Arabian descent)” and I dismissed him. To Amyr Musā, I said, “you and I

are connexions, (by marriage)[109] and I have made a vow never to

destroy any of my relations, I therefore pardon you.” With respect to

Zindē Khushm, I conferred his government of Shyrghān upon Myan Timūr,

and gave the prisoner into his charge to do as he pleased with him.

The fifth disturbance that took place in my government, was the dispute

with Hussyn Sūfy, the ruler of Khuarizm.[110] As it had been previously

represented in my council, that Hussyn Sūfy had shewn signs of hostility

by sending troops to plunder part of my territory, I received at this

time a representation from the prelates and principal inhabitants of

Khuarizm, containing complaints against their ruler, and stating that

their country, with the districts of Khyuk and Kāt, had from time

immemorial, belonged to the Jagtay family, but that Hussyn Sūfy having

found them without a master, had taken possession of the kingdom, and

exercised great tyranny and oppression over the inhabitants; it was

therefore incumbent on me to deliver them from the hands of the

oppressor.

In consequence of this intelligence, I deliberated with myself whether I

should immediately march in person to deliver Khuarizm from the grasp of

Hussyn Sūfy, or whether I should send an army under the command of

another person. The determination that sprung from the east of my heart

was this, that I should first turn my reins towards Khurasān; but as my

mind was not quite at ease with regard to Badukhshān, I appointed Amyr

Jakū to the governments of Kundez, Bukelān, and the boundaries of Kabūl,

and sent with him a large army to protect these places.

-----

Footnote 106:

It appears by Sherif Addeen’s History, that he killed him.

Footnote 107:

It is situated 36 degrees, 45 minutes, N. L.

Footnote 108:

This account differs from the History; See Petis de la Croix, page

219.

Footnote 109:

Timūr was married to his sister, Seray Mulk Khanūm, widow of Amyr

Hussyn, and daughter of Kezān Khān.

Footnote 110:

It is an extensive kingdom on the eastern shores of the Caspian Sea.

CHAPTER V.

[Sidenote: A. D. 1371.]

After having taken the necessary precautions for the defence of my own

dominions, I appointed the Amyr Syf Addeen to be governor of Samerkund,

and in the year 773, being the second of my reign, and the

thirty-seventh of my age, I set out with the intention of subduing

Khuarizm; when I reached the banks of the Jihūn, I halted, and was there

joined by the ambassador of Melk Ghyās Addyn, son and successor of the

late Aāzaddyn, ruler of Khurasān, of Ghur, and Ghirjistān, who brought a

number of presents from his master to me; in return for which, I

conferred a dress of honour, and many gifts on the ambassador, and sent

a letter replete with condolence and congratulations to Melk Ghyās

Addyn.

At this time it reached my ears that the troops of Hussyn Sūfy had

entered the country of Maveralnaher, and had extended their hordes in

plundering the inhabitants. I therefore issued orders that my (Keravul)

advanced division should immediately march to oppose them, this they did

in so vigorous a manner, that at the first charge they put the enemy to

flight, and took a great number of them prisoners; those who escaped,

took refuge in the fort of Kāt, the governor of which, whose name was

Byrem Yusavul, and the Cazy Shykh Muvyd, both of whom shut themselves up

in the fortress; my victorious army pursued the runaways, and laid siege

to the place.

On receipt of this intelligence, I placed my foot in the stirrup, and

proceeding with great celerity, arrived at the ditch of the fort, where

I alighted. When my troops saw this action, all the cavalry dismounted

and hastened to the attack. Shykh Behader threw a (Kumund) rope with a

noose on the battlement, by help of which, he nearly mounted the wall;

but at this time the garrison saluted us with a shower of arrows, and

one of them cut the rope, so that Behader fell headlong to the bottom of

the wall; he soon however recovered his footing, again threw the noose,

and being supported by Jehān Pehlwān, they mounted the wall; I then

ordered the drums to be beaten, and my troops having made a general

assault, mounted the battlements: on seeing this, the governor called

out for quarter, I gave him quarter, but all the wealth and property in

the fort, became the plunder of the soldiers.

I spent three days in Kāt, I then sent off Ghyās Addyn and Aljaitū, with

two divisions, to turn the flanks of Hussyn Sūfy’s army, whilst I sent

against him my main body, commanded by Ky Khuserū Khutelāny; I then

ordered the drums to strike up, and having mounted my steed, I advanced

with rapidity, and entered the plains of Khuarizm. When Hussyn Sūfy saw

my victorious army, he sent an ambassador to request my forgiveness, and

to say that he would in future place his head on the line of obedience.

Although I did not believe him, I nevertheless pardoned him, but in

order to try him, I said to Ky Khuserū, “as long as Hussyn keeps

possession of the fort of Khuarizm, it is impossible to clear the

country of sedition.” In consequence of this hint, Ky Khuserū

treacherously sent him a message, advising him not to trust to my

promises, nor leave the fort, but if he would draw out his army, and

come forth at the head of them, he, Ky Khuserū would join him with all

his troops.

The Khuarizm Prince fell into the snare laid for him, marched out with a

large body of troops, and advanced to the bank of the river Karān, which

is at the distance of two _Fersukh_[111] from the fort, and drew up in

battle array. At this period, Ky Khuserū waited on me and said, “I have

outwitted the enemy, and have brought the prey into your toils;” I

commanded him instantly to march with his troops, and cut off the

communication with the fort: I then ordered my drums to be beaten, and

having mounted my horse, proceeded towards the enemy, and while going

along, determined on the plan of attack. I commanded Amyr Muvyd to go up

the river with his division, and then cross over, and at the same time I

sent Khetay Behader down the river, to effect his passage over it, and

ordered Ak Timūr to cross with his division in front of the enemy; the

three divisions swam their horses over the river, and reached the

opposite bank with safety, except Aylchy Behader, who fell off his horse

and was drowned. When I spurred my steed to enter the stream, Muhammed

Seldūz caught hold of my stirrup, and entreated me not to proceed; he at

the same time seized my standard, and rushed into the river. As soon as

the divisions to the right and left, saw my standard, they made a

desperate charge on the enemy, and a very severe conflict took place

between the contending armies, in so much that the men engaged with

knives and daggers, and pulled each other by their collars off their

horses. Hussyn Sūfy seeing the desperate situation of his troops, fled

alone into the fort. My victorious soldiers now laid siege to the

fortress, and in a very short time they advanced their batteries so

near, as greatly to harass the garrison: during the siege, Hussyn Sūfy

was so terrified, that he departed this life.

On the death of Hussyn, he was succeeded by his brother Yusuf Sūfy, who

immediately sent out his sword, and expressed his sorrow for the

circumstances that had occurred, with protestations of his obedience and

attachment to me. He further offered to give his niece, who was a

descendant of the Khān of the Jetes, in marriage to one of my sons, so

that a family connection might be cemented between us, which should

serve as a bond of his fidelity. Having approved of this offer, I gave

my consent, on condition that agents on the part of my son Jehangyr

should remain in the districts of Khuarizm, to collect the tribute.

Having written an edict on the above mentioned subject, I turned the

reins of my steed towards Samerkund, and having arrived in that city, I

caused the carpets of justice and happiness to be spread.

At this time, I discovered that Amyr Ky Khuserū Khutelāny, had during

the siege of Khuarizm, carried on a secret correspondence with Hussyn

Sūfy, and had encouraged him to oppose me, by promising to join him. It

was in consequence of this negociation, and a renewal of the

correspondence, that Yusuf Sūfy ventured to turn out the agents of

Jehangyr, and to raise the standard of revolt. This was the sixth

disturbance that took place during my reign, and was all owing to the

want of loyalty of Ky Khuserū, whose ambitious spirit excited him to aim

at the sovereignty; he therefore sent an agent named Shāh Mahmūd, to

form a secret treaty with Yusuf Sūfy, by which they agreed to assist

each other in my destruction; when I first received intelligence of this

plot, I could not believe it, till one of their confidential agents

shewed me a written copy of the treaty, I however kept the matter a

secret.

[Sidenote: A. D. 1372.]

In the year 774, being then thirty-eight years of age, I quitted

Samerkund, under pretence of a hunting expedition, but resolving to make

a sudden incursion into the Khuarizm territory, and to take my revenge

both on Yusuf Sūfy and the traitor Ky Khuserū; when I arrived in the

plain of Kārshy, I gave orders for a general assembly of the nobles and

prelates to be summoned, and brought Ky Khuserū before it; I then

produced the secret treaty, gave it into his hand, and desired him to

read it; when he saw the writing, and his own seal affixed to it, he was

ashamed and held down his head; I was much affected on seeing him in

this situation, but he himself saved me the pain of passing sentence by

saying, “I am guilty, and am deserving of any punishment your Highness

may command.” I therefore determined to give the (Toman) horde of

Khutelān to Muhammed, the son of Shyr Behram, and as there existed a

great enmity between them, I judged that there could not be a greater

punishment than to deliver Ky Khuserū over to Muhammed, to do with him

as he pleased, and ordered accordingly.[112] I then arose from the

assembly, and having mounted my horse, proceeded towards Khuarizm.

When I had crossed the sandy desert of Khuarizm, Yusuf Sūfy having heard

of the fate of his confederate, and of my arrival, sent an ambassador to

beseech the chiefs and my son Jehangyr, to intercede for his pardon; he

also sent his niece Khān Zadē, who was betrothed to Jehangyr, with a

great retinue, and many presents to wait on me. As the young Princess

was very eloquent, and had a charming address, she said to me at our

first meeting, “an Emperor is he who pardons equally Kings and beggars,

and does not severely criticise their actions; and if they have been

guilty of faults, freely forgives them, because when an enemy asks for

forgiveness, he should no longer be considered an enemy: also a great

monarch, having elevated any person, does not again cast him down, and

whatever he gives, does not seek for any return; he does not place

implicit reliance on the friendship of any individual, nor does he

behold with implacability the enmity of any person, but considers both

equally beneath his notice.” She then requested me to pardon her uncle,

in return for this speech, I gave the kingdom of Khuarizm for her

(Kabyn) marriage dower, to be managed by Yusuf Sūfy, as the agent of my

son Jehangyr; I then returned to Samerkund, and shortly after deputed

the Amyrs Yadgār Berlās and Aljaitū, to bring the bride Khān Zadē from

Khuarizm. These noblemen were received by Yusuf Sūfy with the greatest

respect, he professed his willing obedience to me, and gave to each of

the ambassadors rich presents, and prepared a sumptuous banquet for

them. After a few days he dismissed them with the bride and a suitable

equipage.

When the Princess approached Samerkund, I ordered several of the chief

ladies of my family, attended by a number of noblemen, to go and meet

her, and bring her into the city with the greatest honour and pomp. I

also commanded all the chiefs, Syeds, and prelates, to be assembled, and

in their presence the marriage ceremony was performed according to the

rites of the Muhammedan religion, may the Lord be praised for all his

goodness.

-----

Footnote 111:

Six miles.

Footnote 112:

Here Timūr purposely omits the result, which was the death of the

prisoner.

CHAPTER VI.

[Sidenote: A. D. 1373.]

In the year 775, being then thirty-nine years of age, I was informed

that Kummer Addyn, the slave and commander-in-chief of the army of the

Khān of the Jetes, had raised his scymitar and said, “by the force of my

sword, I will take the kingdom of Maveralnaher from Amyr Timūr.” On

hearing of this, my honour was so roused that I could not sleep, and

although the weather at this period was very cold, I nevertheless

mounted my steed, and marching with great expedition, I arrived at the

caravansery of Kutfān. At this place the cold was excessive, but my

troops collected great quantities of wood, lighted fires, and dressed

their provisions; unfortunately soon after, the snow began to fall with

great violence, and the quadrupeds being much distressed, many of them

died. On this my chiefs waited on me, and having bent the knee,

represented that numbers of our followers and cattle were perishing from

the severity of the winter; it would therefore be better to return to

Samerkund.

As I had previously determined to erect huts for the army, and to remain

out during the winter, I said to the chiefs, “we ought not to have

commenced a campaign at this season of the year, but having done so, it

would be very prejudicial to my interest to return, and very beneficial

for me, to remain where we are; God be praised, that every requisite is

here procurable, and when a King has resolved on any measure, he should

not deviate from his purpose; I have determined not to return till I

have made Kummer Addyn repent his boasting, or taken him prisoner.” I

therefore passed forty days at the (Rebat) caravansery, and when the

cold had decreased, I gave the command of the advanced division to the

Prince Jehangyr, but sent with him the Amyrs Muhammed Byan Seldūz, and

Aādil Shāh Jelayr, at the head of the tribe of Jelayr, and many other

troops.[113]

When the Prince and the illustrious chiefs reached Jarun, they learned

that Kummer Addyn, with his army, were encamped at Kuruk Tupē, and were

waiting there for reinforcements. On hearing this news, the Prince

placing his trust in God, made a forced march, and beat up the Jete camp

during the night; Kummer Addyn was much terrified, took to flight, and

sought refuge in a pass called the Birkē Ghuryān.

When the day broke, my troops seized a number of the enemy’s followers,

and took much plunder, after which they proceeded towards the pass; that

day the Jetes defended the pass, but when night came on, they again

fled; a number of their soldiers and other infidels became the food of

the swords and arrows of the Muselmāns.

As soon as the letters of the Prince Jehangyr reached me, I placed my

foot in the stirrup, and marching with great rapidity, joined the

advanced division, just after they had seized and plundered Kummer

Addyn’s followers.

I immediately ordered Amyr Daoūd, Hussyn Behader, and some other

officers to pursue the fugitives, and not give them time to rest, or

even draw their breath, and I encamped that night at Payāk; at this

place I was grieved to learn that Amyr Hussyn Behader had been drowned

in crossing a river, this I considered as an unlucky omen, but ordered

the Prince Jehangyr to pursue, and use every endeavour to take the Jete

commander prisoner; the Prince in obedience to my commands, pursued him

over hill and dale, took all his camels and baggage, and compelled him

to wander with only seven persons among the mountains, even his women

were all seized, together with all their jewels and ornaments.

The Prince being anxious to secure the fugitive, did not relax in the

pursuit, but as the country was full of trees and caves, he dismounted

and travelled on foot; at length he reached a spring of water, near to

which Kummer Addyn had laid down with his head on a stone, and was only

roused by some of my people approaching him; as they were about to seize

him, a young man, who was one of his followers, but very much resembled

him, called out, “I am Kummer Addyn,” in consequence of which, they

quitted the master and seized the servant; the other attendants being

seized, also falsely swore that the latter was the personage we were in

pursuit of; in the mean time Kummer Addyn escaped and hid himself in a

cave.

When my victorious son returned triumphant with his prisoners to my

camp, and they were brought into my presence, several of my people who

knew Kummer Addyn, declared that the prisoner was not him, although very

like him; the youth also acknowledged that being grateful to his master

for his salt, he had devoted his life for his (Kummer Addyn’s)

preservation. I praised the young man exceedingly, and said, “as you

have proved yourself a grateful servant, I forgive you for this

meritorious action.”

My people then wished me to return home, but I said, “although we have

quenched the fire, we have left the sparks;” I therefore placed my foot

in the stirrup, and proceeded to the mountain of Shemāk, from thence we

marched to Azbehbary. As the plains of Azbehbary were very beautiful,

and the season of spring was just now commencing, I passed two pleasant

months in that delightful place, during which time Mubarik Shāh, the

governor of that district, had the honour of being introduced, and

performed all the duties of a host towards me; in return for his

hospitality, I bestowed on him the command of the tribe of Salar Aghlān,

and returned to Samerkund.

-----

Footnote 113:

This differs considerably from Petis de la Croix’s History.

CHAPTER VII.

[Sidenote: A. D. 1374.]

Of the circumstances that occurred in the year 776, my age being then

forty, was the rebellion excited by Amyr Sārbugha and Aādil Shāh; these

chiefs compassionating the distressed state of the Jete Commander,

Kummer Addyn, went and joined him, and he having obtained a

reinforcement from the Khān of Jetteh, proceeded at their instigation to

invade Andijān; on their arrival there, they dispersed and plundered the

horde of Kuzāk, who were under the protection of the Prince Omer

Shykh.[114] My son thought it advisable to retreat before the enemy into

the mountains, to effect this, he drew out his army and shewed himself,

he then fell back, and by degrees having enticed them among the

fastnesses, he cut off their retreat, and made a number of the Jetes the

food of his victorious sword. He (Omer Shykh) then sent an express to

inform, me of all these circumstances; I immediately gave orders for the

army to be assembled, and having placed my foot in the stirrup, set out

to join my son. When we reached the village of Atbashy, I received

intelligence that Kummer Addyn had again retreated, but this proved to

be a stratagem of his, for having collected his dispersed troops, he

waited in ambuscade, with a select party. In consequence of the false

information I had received, I ordered Shykh Aly, Aktimūr, and two other

chiefs, to pursue the Jetes with all their forces; my faithful generals

having bent their knees, represented that they would not leave me

unprotected, on which I was very angry with them; they in consequence

set off with great expedition, but I having repented of my passion,

followed them gently, not having with me more than three hundred horse.

When I had lost sight of my army, Kummer Addyn came out from his

ambuscade, and approached me; my followers on seeing the enemy, were

much alarmed, I however encouraged them, and put on my armour: when my

troops saw that I was resolved on death or victory, they became of one

heart, and I formed them into six divisions, and waited for the enemy.

Kummer Addyn having drawn out his army, and being desirous of revenge,

attacked us, and in the second or third charge, came up close to me; I

raised my sword, and gave him such a blow on the helmet that he was

stunned; at this instant one of his servants seized his bridle, and led

him out of the battle, upon which his army took to flight. After having

been joined by my army, I pursued the enemy, and at the end of eight

_Fersukh_, came up with them; I then gave orders to surround Kummer

Addyn, but he continued fighting and retreating till only seven of his

soldiers remained with him: as his horse was wounded, and he could not

procure another, he dismounted, and for some time hid himself among the

people on foot; he then threw off his armour, and concealed himself in a

hole in a cave. The next morning his horse was brought to me, but we

could not find the fugitive; my officers all said he had certainly gone

to the other world, I did not coincide with them, and ordered the search

to be continued on all sides; but as we could not discover any trace of

him, I determined to return to Samerkund.

As I had left my eldest son the Prince Muhammed Jehangyr very ill at

Samerkund, my mind was very anxious on his account; one night I dreamt

that I was seated in a boat with the Prince, that the boat sunk, and

although I endeavoured to catch the hand of my son, I could not effect

it, and he was drowned; I was therefore much affected by this dream, nor

could I obtain any intelligence of the Prince till after I had crossed

the Sihūn.

When I arrived in the vicinity of Samerkund, I saw a number of the

nobles, and the principal inhabitants of the city who had come out to

meet me, clothed in black; as soon as I saw the procession, I was

convinced that the fatal event had taken place, and was much distressed

and afflicted: the Imperial Etiquette would not permit me to put on

mourning, but I shut myself up for several days, and lamented extremely

for two reasons; first, on my son’s account, that so fine a young man of

only twenty years of age, should so soon have been called to another

world; secondly, on my own account, that such a tree, the support of my

empire, should have been broken down. But I comforted myself by

reflecting that two verdant branches of my son still flourished, the

first, the Prince Peer Muhammed, to whom I gave the title of his father,

Jehangyr;[115] the other, Muhammed Sultān, to both of whom I assigned a

high place of honour in my public courts. Amyr Syf Addeen, who had been

the preceptor of my son, was so much affected by his loss, that he

forsook the world and became a hermit.

-----

Footnote 114:

Timūr’s second son.

Footnote 115:

Conqueror of the world.

CHAPTER VIII.

[Sidenote: A. D. 1375.]

In the year 777, and the forty-first of my age, the Jete commander,

Kummer Addyn, who had escaped from the whirlpool of death, and had

reached the shore of safety, finding by experience, that he could not

effect any thing against me, repaired to the court of the Khān of

Jetteh, where he collected a large army, and again advanced towards

Maveralnaher. At this time, the Amyrs Sar Bughā and Aādil Shāh, who had

deserted from me, and joined Kummer Addyn, having wandered for two years

among the mountains of Jerahuk, and finding they had no remedy but to

return to my court, sent a messenger to me, acknowledging their faults,

and requesting my pardon. I therefore sent Khuajē Kukultāsh and Alchy

Bughā, to bring them to my presence; when my agents arrived at Atrar,

Aādil Shāh being alarmed, again fled and took refuge at Aksumā,[116] but

the Tūrks who inhabited those plains, foolishly plundered all his wealth

and property. Sar Bughā, who had been my declared and open enemy,

advanced manfully, and came with great sincerity to my court, having his

sword suspended round his neck; on entering into my presence, he placed

the sword on the ground, and said, “there is the scymitar, and here is

my neck, cut away, but still I am hopeful from the generosity of your

Highness, for since I quitted your service, I have only experienced

disgrace and ill luck, therefore I am returned to you.” I encouraged

him, and gave him the command of the horde of Jelayr, and as he was a

courageous fellow, I liberally forgave him, and he undertook to be the

guide of my forces against the Jetes.

I then sent off an army under the command of my son Omer Shykh, against

Kummer Addyn, but I gave him strict injunctions that he was upon all

occasions to consult with Sar Bughā. Previous to their marching, Ak

Bughā advised, that as the Jetes were as watchful as crows, one division

should make a detour, and get in the rear of their camp, while the main

body should attack them in front; I therefore gave orders that my son

Omer Shykh, accompanied by Sar Bughā, should march directly against the

Jete army, whilst Ketay Behader should go round and plunder the horde.

Omer Shykh, with the main body, reached the plain of Khuratū (encampment

of the Jetes) at the moment that Kummer Addyn was sitting down to

dinner; when he saw the victorious army approaching, he was confounded,

vaulted on his horse, and turned his face towards the desert, and no one

knew whither he was gone, but his whole army dispersed.

Omer Shykh continued to search for the fugitive for some time in the

desert, but not being able to discover any trace of him, turned the

reins of his steed towards Samerkund, and Khetay Behader having

plundered the Jete horde, rejoined the Prince: the victorious army

having returned to Samerkund, had the honour to kiss the royal carpet.

My mind being now quite at ease with regard to Kummer Addyn, I was

informed that Beg Timūr, the son of Aurūs Khān of Kipchāk, had advanced

with an army of five thousand horse into the territory, occupied by the

tribe of Jujy, had plundered them of all their property, and compelled

their Prince Tuktāmush[117] Khān, a descendant of the imperial family,

to flee towards me for refuge. As Tuktāmush was an acquaintance of mine,

he sent a messenger to me with his blessing (_Dwa_):[118] I in

consequence sent out Tumen Timūr to meet the Prince, with orders to

bring him to Samerkund with the greatest honour and respect: I also

prepared a great banquet for him, and assembled all the chiefs, the

Syeds, and the learned, to meet him, and gave to the whole assembly,

abundance to eat and to drink, and conferred dresses of honour, and

presents of jewels and horses on every one according to his rank, and

having made them all happy, I dismissed them.—Farewell, Farewell.

* * * * *

Here ends the Book called the Tuarikh Mubarik Shāhy, (History of the

illustrious Monarch) which contains the Military Regulations of Timūr

Shāh Saheb Kerāny, compiled by himself. (See Appendix No. 9.)

_Conclusion of Colonel Davy’s MS._[119]

-----

Footnote 116:

Atrar is the place where Timūr died, it is situated on the Sihūn, in

the 44th degree of Latitude; Aksumā is said to have been a castle

built on a mountain, overlooking the plains of Kipjak. Petis de la

Croix, page 73.

Footnote 117:

He was descended from Jengyz Khān by Tūshy, the eldest son, and

succeeded to the throne of Kipchāk, on the death of Aurūs Khān, A. H.

778, A. D. 1376. See Abul Ghazy’s History of the Tartars.

Footnote 118:

Although a suppliant, he still considered himself as superior to

Timūr, who never took any other title than (Amyr) commander; the same

_hauteur_ is still kept up by the (Delhy) royal family towards the

Nuwabs of Hindūstān.

Footnote 119:

This _Conclusion_ is certainly a mistake of the copyist, as I have

found in two other MSS. belonging to Colonel Davy, a further

continuation of the history, but they both end in the following

curious manner.

“Be it known that from this (Majlis) place, (page 284 of Petis de la

Croix) to the time of the Emperor’s making his last testament, in the

plains of (Khetā) Tartary, together with his Institutes, nearly forty

thousand (Byts) lines are deficient or obliterated.”

“If it please God to grant me health and strength, it shall be

compleated.” (Appendix No. 10.)

------------------------------------------------------------------------

CORRIGENDUM.

--------------

Page 133, for Book V. read Book VI.

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APPENDIX I.

--------------

(Page 1.)

‏‏بِسمُ اللهِ الرّحمان الرّحيم‎

‏حَمد بليغ سجني را که بمقتضاي کريمه انا جعلناگ خليفتً في الارضِ عنقاي

بقاي سلطنت صاحبقراني را ببال اقبال جهان گشاي بر قُلعه قاف گيتي ستاني

اشيان فرمود سپاس بيقياس يزداني راکه صولت خلافت و دودمان تيمور ي را

بجهت رواج دِين مبين مُحمدي و تجديد شريعت غراي مُصطفي برجميع سلاسل

سلاطين عالم برتر و مُعظم داشت و ستايش بيشمار جهان افريني راکه همچنان

ايره افلاک و عناصر ومواليد بمرکز عالم قوام داد و دايره سُلطنت عظمي ارا بذات

کثير البرکات شهنشاه جم جاه بمِصداق کريمه الّسُلطان العادل ظُل اللهِ حافظ

بُلادُ اللهِ ثبات و بقا داده

‎

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APPENDIX II.

--------------

(Page 1.)

‏اما بعد المحتاج الي رحمة ربِه الهادي ابو طالب الحسيني بعز عرض باريافتگان

پايه سرير ميرساند که در حرمين اشرفين دُرکتب خانه جعفر حاکم يِمن

کتابي تُرکي ديدم از مُلفظات عالي حضرت جنت مکاني فردوس اشيانه صاحب‎

قراني غفرات الله تعالي که و قايع خود

‏بيت

از سِن هفت سالگي

تاهفتاد و يک سالکي‎

‏که بچه کیفیت خود بمرتبه سلطنت راسانیدم

چون عبارات و الفاطُ تُرکي و عربي قريب الفهم نبود عبارت شکسته ریخته معلق

انرا از تُرکي نفارسي نقل نمودم

الله تعالي ذات کامل الصفات عالي حضرت خاقاني صاحب قران ثاني را از

حوادثِ دوران مَحفوظ و مَصیون دارادُ و ظل سلطنت و عدالت این بادشاه عادل را

بر مفارق عالمیان گسترده داراد‎

------------------------------------------------------------------------

APPENDIX III.

--------------

(Page 3.)

‏فرزندانِ مُلک گیر کامکار ونبایر ذوي القدر جهاندار و غیره معلوم‎

‏تُرکي‎

‏اُوسُن اوله کم عالي مقام او ندانستم کم روین

مقام یلقان اولمش کم ایتمش کشي برم‎

‏لوایح و قایع خودرا بنابر این بتُرکي انشأ نمودم که هریک از نبایرِ من که بر

تخت سلطنت صعود نماید و دولت سلطنت مراکه برنجها و محنتها و قدا قیها

وجنگها بتاید ربّاني و نصرت مُحمدي صلي الله اليه وسلم بچنک اورده ام نگاه باني

نموده بدین تزک عمل نمایند تا دولت وسلطنت ایشان از خلل وزوال ایمن گردد‎

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APPENDIX IV.

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(Page 7.)

Shykh (Sudder Addyn) Sefy was rendered famous by his posterity; he

asserted that he was descended from Aly, son-in-law of Muhammed, and

resided in the city of Ardebil, province of Azerbijān, and was reputed

as a Saint. Tamerlane held him in such esteem, that at his request he

gave him all the captives that he had taken in Asia Minor.

All these captives who owed their lives and liberty to the Shykh,

evinced the greatest gratitude to him, and cultivated his friendship by

rich presents, and frequently visiting him, in such a manner, that his

reputation rose very high; he left several children, who became very

powerful.

It was from Shykh Sefy that the royal family of Sophys of Persia were

descended.

D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Oriental.

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APPENDIX V.

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(Page 14.)

Syed Mahmūd, commonly known by the name of Geesū Derāz, (long hair)

became a very celebrated Saint in Hindūstan; his tomb yet exists in the

vicinity of Kulberga, in the Dekhan, and is still resorted to by

numerous Muhammedan pilgrims. He wrote several treatises on _Sūfyism_,

four of which are described in the Catalogue of Tippoo Sultān’s Library,

No. 17 to 20.

I take the opportunity of mentioning, that although Muhammed declared

that he would have no monks in his religion, yet it abounds with more

orders of them under the denomination of Fakeers, Dervishes, and Sūfies,

than exist in any Catholic country, and the number of Saints equals that

in the Roman Kalendar. The tenets of the Sūfies resemble those of the

Mystics and Quietists of Europe. The Shykhs or Presidents of these

monasteries are supposed to possess a prescience of events, and some of

them the power of performing miracles.

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APPENDIX VI.

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(Page 21.)

The proper title of the 67th Chapter of the Korān, is _Al Mūlk_, but is

more generally known by the name of _Tebarek Allezy_, and is very much

admired by the Muselmāns, the following is the verse given in page 26.

‏آمِنتُم مَن فِي السّمَا ٱن يَحْسِف بِکُم آلآرضَ فَاِذا هي تَمُوْرُ‎

It is not meant by this, that he was the first who bore the name of

_Timūr_, as it occurs previously to this period, in the Moghul history;

Arab Shāh says that it means _Iron_ in the Tūrky language; he employs

two lines to give the true orthography of the word, but acknowledges

that the pronunciation has been changed in the course of time.

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APPENDIX VII.

--------------

(Page 23.)

We are not to understand by this expression, the plurality of worlds of

the astronomers, but what the Asiatics term the invisible world of

angels, spirits, genii, &c.

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APPENDIX VIII.

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(Page 30.)

‏در ٱن وقت مُنجمي از مُنجماننِ فارس بماور ٱلنهر امده بود او در مجلسِ عُلماء

زمان میکفت که ازگردش افلک چنین مَعلوم میشود که در سنّه هفت

صد و سي مولودي از رحمِ مادر در عرصهء و جود خواهد امد که عالم گیر گردد‎

‏بیت

درهفت صد و سي در نهم ماه رجب

طالع شود ٱن کوکب فرخند لقب‎

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APPENDIX IX.

--------------

(Page 154.)

‏تمت تمام شد هذا الکتاب تواریخ مُبارک شاهي که دستور العمل محاربات تیمور

صاحب قران خود تصنیف فرموده بودند‎

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APPENDIX X.

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(Page 154.)

‏معلوم باد که ازاین مجلس تا مجلسِ وصیت که امیر در دست انداز صحراي خطا

نموده اند بایرلیع تزْک قریب بچهل هزار بیتِ دیکر خواهد بود از سواد بیاض

رفته انشاء الله اگر دل و دماغ یاري دهد باتمام خواهد رسید

‎

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APPENDIX XI.

--------------

(Addenda.)

‏وصیت دیگر انکه تزوکاتي که در امور سلطنت خود نوشته ام انرا در ذیل وقایعِ

من ثبت نموده احکام انرا دستور العمل خویش سازید و سرشته انرا دردست

داشته باشید تا سلطنت و مملکت خودرا بحال خود توانید نگاه داشت و این

وصیت که درین وقت بشما کرده ام و به نصایح و اموري که شمارا مامور

گردانیده ام تادم واپسینِ من هرچه از گفتار و کردار من بوقوع اید در وقایع

من از زبانِ من مُندرَج گردانید‎

------------------------------------------------------------------------

APPENDIX XII.

--------------

‏ودر تقویت دین و مِلت مُحمدي صلي الله و الهُ و اصحابهُ و سلم و رواج مذهب

بر حقُ اهل سنّت و جماعت و محو ساختن مذاهِب باطله خواهید کوشید چه

مُلک و دین از یک شکم زاده اند‎

------------------------------------------------------------------------

APPENDIX XIII.

--------------

Continuation of the family of Timūr to the present time, with the

contemporary Kings of England.

+-----------------+--------------------+---------------------------+

| Timūr, | | Richard II. and Henry IV. |

+-----------------+--------------------+---------------------------+

| Myran Hussyn, | | Henry IV. |

+-----------------+ +---------------------------+

| Muhammed Myrza, | | Henry V. |

+-----------------+ Rulers of Ferghanā +---------------------------+

| Abū Saied, | | Henry VI. |

+-----------------+ +---------------------------+

| Omer Shykh, | | Edward IV. |

+-----------------+--------------------+---------------------------+

| Baber, | | Henry VII. |

+-----------------+ +---------------------------+

| Humayūn, | | Henry VIII. |

+-----------------+ +---------------------------+

| Akber, | | Elizabeth. |

+-----------------+ +---------------------------+

| Jehangyr, | | James I. |

+-----------------+ +---------------------------+

| Shāh Jehān, | | Charles I. |

+-----------------+--------------------+---------------------------+

| Aalumgyr, | Moghul Emperors of | |

+-----------------+ Hindūstān | Charles II. |

| Aurungzebe, | | |

+-----------------+--------------------+---------------------------+

| Behader Shāh, | | William III. |

+-----------------+ +---------------------------+

| Ferrukhsyr, | | Anne. |

+-----------------+ +---------------------------+

| Muhammed Shāh, | | George I. |

+-----------------+ +---------------------------+

| Aalumgyr II. | | George II. |

+-----------------+ +---------------------------+

| Shāh Aalum, | | George III. |

+-----------------+ +---------------------------+

| Akber Shāh, | | George IV. |

+-----------------+ +---------------------------+

| Akber Shāh, | | George IV. |

+-----------------+--------------------+---------------------------+

N. B. This is not meant to be a minute statement, but merely to give a

general outline of the subject.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

ADDENDA.

--------------

SEVERAL months after I had commenced this Translation, I procured from

my friend Major William Yule of Edinburgh, many years First Assistant to

the Resident (Ambassador) at the Court of Lucknow, an authentic

transcript of the Delhy Imperial copy, mentioned in Major Davy’s letter,

prefixed to the printed volume of Timūr’s Institutes, and noticed in the

Preface of this work, which he, Major Yule, obtained as a special favour

from the Emperor, or Great Moghul. I also received from my friend

Lieutenant Colonel William Franklin, a second copy of the above work,

which had been procured by General Sir David Ochterlony, while Resident

at the Court of Delhy, and Commander of the northern provinces of India.

They are both large Quarto volumes, the former is neatly written, but

the latter is most correct; they both contain the Memoirs of Timūr till

his death, but they are too voluminous for me to undertake the

translation of them. I shall however compare them with Petis de la

Croix’s version of Sherif Addyn’s History, and if they contain any thing

new, will notice it. I have minutely compared them with Colonel Davy’s

manuscript as far as it extends, and find that the only additions they

contain, are extracts from Sherif Addyn’s History; an explanation of

some particulars omitted in the Memoirs, and an attempt to prove that

Timūr was of the Sūny sect, although there is the strongest evidence

that he was a very bigoted Shyā, (follower of Aly) as may be proved by

his destruction of the cities of Aleppo and Damascus, the account of

which is to be found in the 65th Chapter of Gibbon’s Roman Empire.

In order to enable the Public, and especially the Oriental Translation

Committee, to judge whether it may be worth while to employ some younger

person to continue these Memoirs, by a translation of the transcript of

the _Imperial edition_, I herewith subjoin the Editor’s Preface to that

work, also that part of the Book which has given rise to the report that

Timūr had written an account of his own death, which has been

erroneously quoted as a proof that the whole composition is a forgery.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

THE

PREFACE OF THE EDITOR

TO THE MULFUZĀT TIMŪRY.

--------------

HE commences with the usual form of praise of God, and blessings on

Muhammed, on the four Khalifs, Abū Beker, Omer, Osman and Aly; he then

repeats the account given by Abū Talib Hussyny of discovering the book

in the library of Jāfer Pashā, and of its contents.

He then states that the Emperor Shāh Jehān of Hindūstān, having perused

the book was not satisfied with it, and ordered him, Muhammed Afzel

Bukhāry, to revise it.

“In the year 1047 of the Hejira, and tenth of his Majesty Shāh Jehān’s

reign, (A. D. 1637) the royal orders were issued to me, the meanest of

the servants of the Imperial Court, (Muhammed Afzel Bukhāry) to read and

revise this book from beginning to end, and to assimilate it with the

_Zuffer Nameh_,[120] of the correctness of which no intelligent person

can have a doubt, and compare it with some other trust-worthy histories,

to omit some things which the translator had inserted, and to insert

some occurrences which he had omitted; also to translate the Tūrky and

Arabic sentences into Persian, and to correct several of the dates,

which do not agree with the _Zuffer Nameh_.”

“In submission to the royal order, the least of the servants of his

Majesty, having bound round him the girdle of obedience, has exerted

himself as much as possible in revising and correcting the said

translation, and has thrown out all the unauthenticated passages which

Abū Talib had inserted. He has inserted several passages that have been

omitted by that translator, and he has thereby made the book conform

with the Zuffer Nameh. Thus under the happy auspices of his Imperial

Majesty, equal in dignity to Solomon, the Defender of the Faith, and the

Protector of Princes, this work has been brought to a conclusion, and

now only waits the stamp of approval of his Majesty (the King of the

world).”

* * * * *

It appears in Dow’s History of Hindostan, that Muhammed Afzel was the

name of the Emperor, Shāh Jehān’s preceptor; he was probably the person

employed to revise this work, but he has not complied with his promise

of translating all the Tūrky passages, although a native of Bokhārā,

where that language was well understood.

The conclusion of the work states the arrival of the Emperor Timūr at

_Atrar_,[121] on his route to China; of his last illness; of his having

assembled all his family, his ministers, and other principal personages,

and of his having in their presence made his will, consisting of four

clauses.

The two first clauses are to recommend union among his descendants, and

loyalty to his nobles; the third clause appoints his grandson Pyr

Muhammed Jehāngyr to be his successor and possessor of the kingdom of

Samerkund, and that all his descendants should consider Jehāngyr as

their superior.[122] The fourth clause entreats his posterity to observe

the rules and regulations that he had written during his reign, and to

insert them as an Appendix to his Memoirs; he further desires that they

will continue his Memoirs to the last moment of his existence as if

written or spoken by himself;

“I desire that this my Testament, and whatever I shall say to the last

moment of my existence, shall be written in my Memoirs as if proceeding

from my own mouth.” (Appendix 11.)

He repeats his exhortation to his descendants to observe union, “to

support the religion of Muhammed, to give currency to the tenets of the

_Sūnies_, and to exert themselves in eradicating every false religion.”

(Appendix 12.) He then forbids any one to speak to, or again disturb,

him, but leave him to the mercy of God.

Shortly after this exhortation he resigned his soul to his Creator, on

Tuesday the 17th of Shabān, A. H. 807, March 19th, A. D. 1405.

-----

Footnote 120:

The Persian history by Sherif Addyn Aly Yezdy, and the work translated

by Petis de la Croix.

Footnote 121:

Atrar was a large town situated two Parasangs or leagues north of the

Sihūn, (Jaxartes).

Footnote 122:

This distribution was conformable to the English law, Jehāngyr being

the heir of his deceased eldest son, but the throne was taken

possession of by Khelyl Sultān, another of Timūr’s grandsons, the son

of Mirān Shāh; he died at the end of three years, when Maveralnaher

was taken possession of by Shāh Rūkh, the youngest son of Timūr, but

the other Princes having also seized upon the different provinces

under their command, the mighty empire fell to pieces.

It may be interesting to some persons to know that the dominions of

Timūr were visited in the year 1812, by Izzet Allah, an intelligent

native of India, whose journal has been published in the Asiatic

Researches, from which we learn that the Chinese have extended their

conquests as far as the Sihūn or Jaxartes, that the _towns_ of

Transoxiana are in possession of different Uzbek chiefs, and the

_country_ is occupied by the Nomade Kirghys hordes.

FINIS.

* * * * *

PRINTED BY W. NICOL, CLEVELAND ROW, ST. JAMES’S.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

_The following works of Major Stewart may be had at_ Messrs.

Parbury, Allen, and Co. _Booksellers to the Honourable East

India Company, Leadenhall Street_.

1. Descriptive Catalogue of Tippoo Sultān’s Library, 1 vol.

4to.

2. Travels of Abu Mirza Talib, 3 vol. 12mo.

3. History of Bengal, 1 vol. 4to.

4. Introduction to the Anvari Soohyly, 1 vol. 4to.

5. Original Persian Letters, 1 vol. 4to.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Transcriber’s Notes

New original cover art and table of contents included with this

eBook are granted to the public domain.

Archaic and non-standard spelling has been retained, except for

what seem to be obvious printer’s errors, listed below.

Hyphenation has been regularized in cases where there is a

predominant form in the text. Changes made have been noted below.

Diacritic (Macron) use by the author is very inconsistent within

the text, and has not been regularized. The system of transcription

is the author’s own, but is not followed with any rigor.

Spelling of various words of Turkic and Persian origin is similarly

inconsistent, and has not been regularized, except in cases of what

seem to be obvious printer’s errors.

The book’s appendix originally had its own page numbering. The

transcriber opted to continue main page numbering.

The Year markings, which appear in sidenotes throughout the text,

are inconsistent, see for example pages 40, 66 and 72. This has not

been remedied in the eBook.

The following changes have been made:

Pg. v: Proper name consistency: ‘Langlés’ to ‘Langlès’ - Langlès

correct spelling

Pg. vi: Proper name consistency: ‘Langlés’ to ‘Langlès’ - Langlès

correct spelling

Pg. ix: Corrected typo: ‘at page 1’ to ‘at page v’ - Corrected

reference to page number

Pg. 2: Punctuation consistency: ‘A.D. 1628.’ to ‘A. D. 1628.’ -

Inserted space for consistency

Pg. 3: Punctuation consistency: ‘N.B.’ to ‘N. B.’ - Inserted space for

consistency

Pg. 3: Punctuation consistency: ‘A.D. 1783’ to ‘A. D. 1783’ - Inserted

space for consistency

Pg. 3: Punctuation consistency: ‘A.D. 1787’ to ‘A. D. 1787’ - Inserted

space for consistency

Pg. 3: Reference error: ‘Appendix No. 2’ to ‘Appendix No. 3’ - The

appendix refers to this page, and seems to contain two non-persian

lines

Pg. 11: Quote corrections: ‘from this dream.”’ to ‘from this dream.’ -

Removed close-quote from middle of extended quotation

Pg. 15: Proper name consistency: ‘Behardur’ to ‘Behadur’

Pg. 21: Corrected typo: ‘See Appendix VI. also’ to ‘See Appendix

VI. Also’ - Corrected capitalization

Pg. 21: Quote correction: ‘shake_,” (Tamurū)’ to ‘shake_,’ (Tamurū)’

Changed double-quote to single

Pg. 22: Corrected typo: ‘dont’ to ‘don’t’

Pg. 23: Quote corrections: ‘this dignity.”’ to ‘this dignity.’’ -

Changed double-quote to single

Pg. 23: Quote corrections: ‘1stly, etc.’ to ‘“1stly, etc.’ - Added

open-quotes to 4 paras

Pg. 23: Corrected typo: ‘terrestial globe’ to ‘terrestrial globe’

Pg. 23: Abbreviation consistency: ‘2dly. That you will’ to ‘2ndly. That

you will’ - 2ndly elsewhere

Pg. 32: Corrected typo: ‘to to the dignity of’ to ‘to the dignity of’ -

Doubled word removed

Pg. 33: Corrected typo: ‘eat a quantity’ to ‘ate a quantity’ - Corrected

tense

Pg. 33: Proper name consistency: ‘Irāk’ to ‘Irāc’ - Corrected for

consistency

Pg. 41: Corrected typo: ‘dependance’ to ‘dependence’ - Corrected for

consistency

Pg. 53: Corrected typo: ‘he he was under great obligations’ to

‘he was under great obligations’ - Doubled word removed

Pg. 56: Quote corrections: ‘the state of the case’ to ‘“the state of

the case’ - Added missing open-quote to quotation

Pg. 56: Corrected typo: ‘and the pins philanthrophy’ to ‘and the pins

philanthropy’

Pg. 63: Corrected typo: ‘sent a a party’ to ‘sent a party’ - Doubled

word removed

Pg. 66: Punctuation fix: ‘other means of redress”’ to ‘other means of

redress.”’ - Added missing period to quote end

Pg. 83: Corrected typo: ‘se uel’ to ‘sequel’ - Missing letter in word

Pg. 86: Quote corrections: ‘I will support you;’ to ‘I will support

you;”’ - Added missing close-quote

Pg. 88: Corrected typo: ‘retrogade’ to ‘retrograde’

Pg. 90: Corrected typo: ‘fortified the town opposed’ to ‘fortified the

town, opposed’ - Added missing comma

Pg. 94: Punctuation fix: ‘I entered, the thirty-second’ to ‘I entered

the thirty-second’ - Removed extra comma

Pg. 108: Corrected typo: ‘to to his protection’ to ‘to his protection’

- Doubled word removed

Pg. 108: Corrected typo: ‘I I took two of his’ to ‘I took two of his’ -

Doubled word removed

Pg. 120: Hyphenation consistency: ‘recrossed’ to ‘re-crossed’ -

Hyphenated elsewhere

Pg. 123: Quote corrections: ‘taken away from him.’ to ‘taken away from

him.”’ - Added missing close-quote

Pg. 127: Corrected typo: ‘to take the the command’ to ‘to take the

command’ - Doubled word removed

Pg. 131: Quote corrections: ‘cattle and property:’ to ‘cattle and

property:”’ - Added missing close-quote

Pg. 133: Changed ‘Book V.’ to read ‘Book VI.’ as noted in the Corrigendum

Pg. 135: Quote corrections: ‘and inaugurated me.”’ to ‘and inaugurated

me.’ - Removed extra close-quote at para end

Pg. 138: Corrected typo: ‘for my goverment’ to ‘for my government’

Pg. 139: Corrected typo: ‘manœuvring armies’ to ‘manœuvering armies’ -

manœuvering elsewhere

Pg. 143: Proper name consistency: ‘Abūal Mualy’ to ‘Abū al Mualy’ -

Separated elsewhere

Pg. 146: Punctuation fix: ‘them, he Ky Khuserū’ to ‘them, he, Ky

Khuserū’ - Added missing comma

Pg. 148: Corrected typo: ‘bethrothed’ to ‘betrothed’