CHAPTER IV

PASSCHENDALE AND THE NORTHERN BATTLES

The centre of interest had now (June 1917) shifted to the North. The

Messines Ridge had been taken, though we heard nothing of it till it

was over, and many of the Hun _Jagdstaffeln_, as their scout squadrons

were called, had moved up to Flanders.

On July 22, Scott, who had been wounded in the arm a few days before,

was promoted wing commander and sent to the XI or Army Wing of the

2nd Brigade allotted to the 2nd Army in the Ypres sector. C. K.

Cochrane-Patrick, D.S.O., M.C., who had been doing brilliantly in 23

Squadron on Spads, succeeded to the command of 60, who were at that

time being re-equipped with 150 h.p. S.E.5s, this being the newest type

of scouts, as the Nieuports were by then rather out of date.

Not quite so much fighting was done during July and August, as the

change of machines from an air-cooled rotary engine (the 110 h.p.

Le Rhone which had served us so well) to a 150 h.p. water-cooled

stationary (the Hispano Suisa) naturally took some getting used to.

These machines were again replaced in late August with 200 h.p.

Hispano Suisa S.E.5s, which, though a more powerful engine than the

150 h.p., was much more difficult to keep serviceable. Nevertheless,

Bishop (who was soon posted to Home Establishment--H.E., as the R.F.C.

called it), Caldwell, Rutherford, W. Jenkins (afterwards killed in a

collision with West-Thompson over Poperinghe), Molesworth, M.C. and

bar, Hall, S. B. Horn, M.C. (whose dog Lobo was a squadron pet), and

G. Lloyd, M.C. (who was promoted to captain and sent to 40 Squadron as

flight commander), were all distinguishing themselves and adding to the

squadron’s laurels.

In the following extract Molesworth again graphically describes a fight

in which he was very nearly killed:

“60 SQUADRON R.F.C.,

“B.E.F., FRANCE.

“_June 1917._

“Yesterday I had the narrowest shave I’ve ever had since I first

started Boche-strafing. I was properly caught out this time, and

really thought things were all up.

“We were just over the Drocourt Switch,[32] near Vitry, when a

dozen Huns got what you might call ‘uppish.’ We tumbled into a

proper mix-up and, as there were only five of us, the Huns managed

to break up our formation. We had arranged that, should this

happen, we were to return to the line independently and re-form,

so I started towards Arras, following the Scarpe.[33]

“Just as I was passing over Gavrelle I espied three fat Hun

two-seaters making south-east.

“‘Here we are, my son,’ says I to myself. ‘We’ll just hop down and

put the gust[34] up one of these Huns.’

“No sooner said than done. I pushed my nose down and, when within

range, opened fire. The next thing I knew was a perfect hail

of bullets pouring round me. Here is a rough description of my

thoughts during the few minutes that followed:

“Crackle! crackle! crackle!

“‘My cheery aunt! There’s a Hun on my tail.’

“‘By jove! The blighter is making my grid into a sieve. Confound

him!’

“‘Let’s pull her up in a good climbing turn and have a look at him.’

“‘Heavens! It’s “the Circus.”’[35]

“‘I wonder if old Richthof is the leader. The dirty dog nearly

caught me out this time. Silly ass! didn’t hold his fire long

enough, or he’d have made me into cold meat by now.’

“‘Let’s give him a dose and see how he likes it.’

“‘Here he comes straight at me, loosing off with both guns.’

“‘I hope we aren’t going to collide.’

“‘Missed! Bon! Everything’s A1. Wish I’d hit him, though!’

“‘I must pull her round quick or he will be on my tail.’

“‘Hang! I can’t shoot for toffee, but he’s pretty “dud,” too, thank

heavens!’

“‘Once again, boys, round with her. Let him have it hot.’

“‘No good. Try again.’

“‘Confound it! There’s my beastly drum empty. I must spin and

change it.’

“‘Good enough! Now where’s the blighter?’

“‘My Harry! He has got me stiff this time; here he comes down on me

from the right.’

“Crack! crack! crack! bang! zip! zip!

“‘There goes my petrol tank; now for the flames.’

“‘Cheero! No luck this time, you old swine. Wait till I get you

next show.’

“‘Here goes for the ground.’

“Luckily for me, my friend and his pals, who had been watching the

scrap, thought I was done for. They therefore chucked up the sponge

and departed.

“I managed to pull the machine out, just scraping over the

trenches. The engine was still running, although the petrol was

pouring out all over my legs. A few minutes afterwards the

engine conked out altogether, and I had to land in a field. I was

immediately surrounded by a crowd of men, who had seen the fight.

Amongst them were some artillery officers, who took me off to their

mess and offered me a ‘tot,’ which was very thankfully received,

while they sent off a message to the squadron. The following is the

official list of damage done to my machine:

“Six bullet holes in propeller.

“Cowling[36] shot away.

“Large holes in bottom of petrol tank and sides.

“Main spar[37] right-hand top plane broken.

“Rear right-hand under-carriage strut badly damaged.

“Twenty-eight holes in fuselage[38] and ten in the planes--two

or three missing the pilot’s seat by less than an inch.”

During the 3rd Corps’ attack on August 19, 1917, Lieuts. Jenkins,

Steele, Thompson, Rutherford, and Sergt. Bancroft did good work

shooting up infantry in trenches and by harassing the troops assembling

for counter-attacks.

On September 7, 1917, the squadron was moved up to the XI Wing to

help in the battles for the Passchendale Ridge, which were already

in full swing. Leaving the comfortable Filescamp station and the

hard tennis-court with great regret, they were moved into tents on

Marie Capelle aerodrome, near Cassel, where 20 Squadron was already

stationed. The 2nd and 5th Armies were then attacking almost every

day, and 60, in addition to their ordinary work of offensive patrols,

wireless interception, etc., co-operated by low flying and firing at

troops and transport on the ground. Twenty-five-pound Cooper bombs were

carried at this time and dropped on suitable targets.

Capt. Chidlaw-Roberts, Lieuts. Rutherford, Whiting, and I. Macgregor

were now prominent, while Patrick, himself a brilliant fighter, was

always ready to give his squadron a lead.

Chidlaw-Roberts got a lot of Huns during September, and Caldwell and

W. Jenkins continued their successes of the summer, while J. Crompton,

Young, Capt. Hammersley, Lieut. W. Sherwood, and 2/Lieut. Carter were

others who were conspicuous during the October fighting.

It was in September that Capt. J. K. Law, one of the sons of Mr. Bonar

Law (another of whose sons had already been killed in Mesopotamia),

joined at Marie Capelle. He was a tiger to fight, and, had he come

through his first month, would probably have made a great name for

himself. He did several “shows” over the line, and his machine was shot

about badly in every one of them. On September 21, a patrol operating

in the neighbourhood of Roulers, led by Hammersley and including

Whiting and Macgregor and Law, saw twenty-four hostile machines and

engaged eight of them. A general engagement took place, in the course

of which Law was shot down and killed. He had absolutely refused to

stay any longer at home, where he was doing most useful work training

pilots, but insisted on being sent to France.

Life was less easy during the autumn, as the Boche had begun

continually to send over night-bombing machines. Our scouts were not

very successful in dealing with them, for it is very difficult to see

another machine in the air at night even though it may be visible from

the ground; and, although several attempts were made at this time by

70 and 29 Squadrons, stationed at Poperinghe, to attack these night

bombers, they never succeeded in engaging one. The chief difficulty was

that one could not ask pilots and mechanics to work all night as well

as all day. If it had been possible to take a scout squadron or two

off day work and set them to deal only with the German night bombers,

there is little doubt but that they would have achieved some measure

of success in spite of the shortage of searchlights. The authorities,

however, would not hear of this, as there was too much to be done by

day to spare one of our none too numerous fighter squadrons for night

work. Much later in the war, July 1918 to be exact, 151 Squadron

was sent out equipped with Camels fitted for night flying, and this

squadron alone very nearly exterminated the Boche night bombers

on the 1st and 3rd Army fronts. It was in this squadron that D. V.

Armstrong added so greatly to the reputation he had already gained,

and it was with them that he was killed. As things were, however, in

1917 the enemy dropped their bombs nightly almost with impunity, as

anti-aircraft fire was not very effective at night, and machine-gun

fire from the ground was useless against machines which rarely flew

lower than 5,000 feet.

During this autumn series of battles a somewhat novel system of

message-dropping was tried. All scout pilots were ordered to carry

cards conveniently fixed in the nacelle, on which they wrote such

information as they had secured during low-flying patrols; special

attention was to be given to the massing of enemy supporting troops

and to the development of counter-attacks, the symptoms of which were

the approach to the “debussing”[39] points of motor transport vehicles

or trains from which troops could be seen disembarking and forming up.

These cards were slipped into a message bag and dropped in a field

marked with a white cross, near Locre Château, not far from the line,

which was the 2nd Army report centre. The information thus given

occasionally enabled our heavy artillery to direct their fire on to the

targets indicated. On one occasion, in October, a pilot reported a big

gun being moved along a road near Menin; the Corps heavies opened on

it within ten minutes of the message being dropped, and another pilot

of another squadron reported, half an hour later, a heavy gun at the

same place to have been destroyed by a direct hit. Information of this

kind was very necessary, as the German policy at that time was to hold

their front line positions lightly against our initial assaults, but to

counter-attack very strongly and swiftly about two hours or so after

our first attack had been delivered.

Lieuts. F. Soden, W. Rutherford, and W. Duncan all distinguished

themselves by giving accurate information during these battles, while

Selous, a son of the big-game hunter, was also proving himself to be a

fine patrol leader and Hun-getter.

The last-named--the worthy son of a famous father--was killed on

January 4, 1918, while leading his patrol. He dived at some enemy

machines several thousand feet below, and in the middle of his dive,

the speed of which the other members of the patrol estimated at not

less than 300 miles per hour, the wings of his S.E.5 came right off.

As good a flight commander as ever we had, he was a very great loss

to the squadron. Without, perhaps, the brilliance of Ball or Bishop

he, like Caldwell, Summers, Armstrong, Hammersley, Chidlaw-Roberts,

Belgrave, and Scholte, to name a few only of the best, played always

for the squadron, and not for his own hand. He took endless pains to

enter young pilots to the game, watching them on their first patrols as

a good and patient huntsman watches his young hounds.

The character of Selous, like those whom I have mentioned, not to speak

of many others whom their comrades will remember, attained very nearly

to the ideal of a gentleman’s character as described by Burke, Newman,

and Cavendish in the extracts given below, for which I am indebted

to a report by Lord Hugh Cecil on the education of the future R.A.F.

officer. These noble sentiments so fully describe the kind of man the

British love and admire that it is perhaps not inappropriate to quote

them:

“_Character of a Gentleman_

“But the age of chivalry is gone. That of sophisters, economists,

and calculators has succeeded; and the glory of Europe is

extinguished for ever. Never, never more shall we behold that

generous loyalty to rank and sex, that proud submission, that

dignified obedience, that subordination of the heart, which kept

alive, even in servitude itself, the spirit of an exalted freedom.

The unbought grace of life, the cheap defence of nations, the nurse

of manly sentiment and heroic enterprise is gone! It is gone, that

sensibility of principle, that chastity of honour, which felt a

stain like a wound, which inspired courage whilst it mitigated

ferocity, which ennobled whatever it touched, and under which vice

itself lost half its evil, by losing all its grossness.

“This mixed system of opinion and sentiment had its origin in

the ancient chivalry; and the principle, though varied in its

appearance by the varying state of human affairs, subsisted and

influenced through a long succession of generations, even to

the time we live in. If it should ever be totally extinguished,

the loss, I fear, will be great. It is this which has given its

character to modern Europe. It is this which has distinguished it

under all its forms of government, and distinguished it to its

advantage, from the states of Asia, and possibly from those states

which flourished in the most brilliant periods of the antique

world. It was this which, without confounding ranks, had produced

a noble equality, and handed it down through all the gradations

of social life. It was this opinion which mitigated kings into

companions, and raised private men to be fellows with kings.

Without force or opposition, it subdued the fierceness of pride and

power; it obliged sovereigns to submit to the soft collar of social

esteem, compelled stern authority to submit to elegance, and gave a

dominating vanquisher of laws to be subdued by manners.”

(BURKE: _Reflections on the Revolution in France_.)

* * * * *

“Hence it is that it is almost a definition of a gentleman to

say that he is one who never inflicts pain. This description

is both refined and, as far as it goes, accurate. He is mainly

occupied in merely removing the obstacles which hinder the free

and unembarrassed action of those about him; and he concurs with

their movements rather than takes the initiative himself. His

benefits may be considered as parallel to what are called comforts

or conveniences in arrangements of a personal nature: like an

easy-chair or a good fire, which do their part in dispelling cold

and fatigue, though nature provides both means of rest and animal

heat without them. The true gentleman in like manner carefully

avoids whatever may cause a jar or a jolt in the minds of those

with whom he is cast--all clashing of opinion or collision of

feeling, all restraint or suspicion, or gloom, or resentment;

his great concern being to make everyone at their ease and at

home. He has his eyes on all his company; he is tender towards

the bashful, gentle towards the distant, and merciful towards the

absurd; he can recollect to whom he is speaking; he guards against

unseasonable allusions, or topics which may irritate; he is seldom

prominent in conversation and never wearisome. He makes light of

favours when he does them, and seems to be receiving when he is

conferring. He never speaks of himself except when compelled, never

defends himself by a mere retort; he has no ears for slander or

gossip, is scrupulous in imputing motives to those who interfere

with him, and interprets everything for the best. He is never

mean or little in his disputes, never takes unfair advantage,

never mistakes personalities or sharp sayings for arguments, or

insinuates evil which he dare not say out. From a long-sighted

prudence he observes the maxim of the ancient sage, that we should

ever conduct ourselves towards our enemy as if he were one day

to be our friend. He has too much good sense to be affronted at

insults, he is too well employed to remember injuries, and too

indolent to bear malice. He is patient, forbearing, and resigned,

on philosophical principles; he submits to pain, because it is

inevitable, to bereavement, because it is irreparable, and to

death, because it is his destiny. If he engages in controversy

of any kind, his disciplined intellect preserves him from the

blundering discourtesy of better, perhaps, but less educated minds;

who, like blunt weapons, tear and hack instead of cutting clean,

who mistake the point in argument, waste their strength on trifles,

misconceive their adversary, and leave the question more involved

than they find it. He may be right or wrong in his opinion, but

he is too clear-headed to be unjust; he is as simple as he is

forcible, and as brief as he is decisive. Nowhere shall we find

greater candour, consideration, indulgence: he throws himself into

the minds of his opponents, he accounts for their mistakes. He

knows the weakness of human reason as well as its strength, its

province, and its limits. If he be an unbeliever, he will be too

profound and large-minded to ridicule religion or to act against

it; he is too wise to be a dogmatist or fanatic in his infidelity.

He respects piety and devotion; he even supports institutions as

venerable, beautiful, or useful, to which he does not assent; he

honours the ministers of religion, and it contents him to decline

its mysteries without assailing or denouncing them. He is a friend

of religious toleration, and that, not only because his philosophy

has taught him to look on all forms of faith with an impartial eye,

but also from the gentleness and effeminacy of feeling which is the

attendant on civilisation.”

(NEWMAN: _Idea of a University_, Discourse VIII, Section 10.)

* * * * *

“He has besides the principle of common honesty, which would

prevent him from doing wrong, a principle of nice honour, which

will always urge him to do right. By honour I do not mean a

fashionable mistaken principle which would only lead a man to court

popular reputation and avoid popular disgrace, whether the opinion

upon which they are founded is false or true; whether the conduct

which they require is in itself just or unjust, or its consequences

hurtful or beneficial to mankind. I mean a quality which is not

satisfied with doing right when it is merely the alternative

of wrong; which prompts a man to do what he might lawfully and

honestly leave undone; which distinguishes a thousand different

shades in what is generally denominated the same colour, and is as

much superior to a mere conformity to prescribed rules as forgiving

a debt is to paying what we owe.”

(LORD JOHN CAVENDISH: From speech proposing Mr. Thos. Tounshend

for Speaker, 1770. _Parliamentary History_, vol. xvi, col.

737, A.D. 1770.)

On November 8, Pope, an old member of the squadron, who had come

through the Arras battle with us, destroyed two hostile two-seaters

in one day. This was a good pilot and a popular officer, who for some

reason was a long time before he began to get Huns, but, having once

found his form, became a very useful and formidable fighter. He went

home soon after this, and showed himself to be an exceptionally gifted

trainer of pilots, both in flying and fighting.

On November 20 the Cambrai attack was launched by the 1st and 3rd

Armies, and the pressure in the air on the Passchendale sector became

sensibly less. This meant that the low-flying patrols, which were extra

to the ordinary O.P. work, ceased for the time being, a relief which

was very welcome because low flying was never popular, the pilot being

not only exposed to very severe fire from the ground, but also, being

so low, was at a disadvantage when meeting enemy machines, who could

dive upon him at their leisure, and frequently availed themselves of

this privilege.

By this time they had made themselves quite comfortable at Marie

Capelle, and the necessary precautions had been taken to give

protection against bombs. It is really remarkable how soon a good

squadron will make itself at home in a new station, and how, if all

ranks work together, messes, recreation rooms, and a theatre rise up

like pumpkins. Sixty could always make themselves comfortable, as

the following extracts from the letters of 2/Lieut. R. W. Maclennan

will show. These letters have been collected and published, after

Maclennan’s death from wounds on December 23, 1917, by his father, a

well-known Toronto barrister, who has courteously allowed them to be

reprinted. They describe his arrival at the squadron from the base:

“60 SQUADRON R.F.C.,

“B.E.F., FRANCE.

“_November 28, 1917._

“When the tender came we collected our kit and started on a long

cold ride to the aerodrome, which we reached in three-quarters of

an hour. The first thing was to report to the squadron commander, a

captain who last summer had been one of my instructors. He was in

temporary command in the absence of the Major, who was on leave,

but has since returned. When we went to the mess we ran into a

lot more of Central Flying School boys, who had been there in our

time. There are about twenty-four officers in the squadron, and

more than half of these are Canadians, so I feel quite at home. As

a new-comer I shall not get much flying during the first fortnight.

I shall do all I can round the aerodrome for practice, so that when

the time comes for me to go over the line I shall know something

about it.

“Of all the S.E.5 squadrons in France, we seem to have struck the

best. It is one which has done exceedingly well in the past. Both

the late Captain Ball and Major Bishop belonged to it, and there

have been fewer casualties than in any other similar squadron.[40]

Having had so few, the chaps have been in the game a long time, and

so have had wide experience, and this is bound to be of inestimable

benefit to new people. The aerodrome is a good twenty miles behind

the line, and is practically immune from shell fire. None have

landed anywhere near for months.

“You ought to see our quarters. I share a hut with three others and

we have lots of room. The huts are like half a barrel laid on the

ground; the curved roof is corrugated iron and the ends are wood.

We have several tables, comfortable chairs, our camp beds, and

innumerable rugs on the floor. A coal stove and an oil stove give

plenty of heat, and petrol lamps give excellent light. I have not

had such comfortable permanent quarters since leaving Canada, and

yet we are within sound range of the guns, which never cease. I was

able to bring over practically every article of kit I possessed. An

infantry officer would have had to leave nine-tenths of it behind.

“One great comfort is that here we can wear just exactly what we

like. We can come to breakfast in pyjamas and wear comfortable

old clothes all day long. Puttees I am discarding for good, and

in their place will wear long stockings. They have always been an

abomination, as their tightness stops circulation and induces cold.

We do not wear belts and can fly in sweaters. In fact, it will be a

long summer holiday with lots of excitement thrown in. Leave comes

round every three months, and lasts for fourteen days.”

* * * * *

“60 SQUADRON R.F.C.,

“B.E.F., FRANCE.

“_December 2, 1917_.

“To add to the comfort of the mess, besides dogs, we have a fairly

good piano and a gramophone. Every time anyone goes on leave he

brings back a few records, and the collection is now quite large.

“The hours for actual flying are of necessity short on account of

the shortness of daylight. Consequently we get lots of time for

exercise, most of which consists in kicking a Rugby ball around

the aerodrome. It is about the best way of keeping warm in these

cold days.

“Our tenders frequently run to St. Omer and even as far as

Boulogne, so when not flying there are chances of seeing these

places. It does seem funny to be able to go from practically the

trenches to Boulogne (within sight of England) almost any time we

want to. We in the R.F.C. are about the only people who can do this.

“When artillery horses are in need of rest, they are sent back from

the front line. We have two or three at the squadron, and I shall

probably get some riding if I can pluck up courage enough to try.

“It is bound to be muddy here before the winter is over; at present

everything is dry. In preparation for later we have ‘duck-boards,’

or wooden slat-walks, laid down between all the huts, the mess, the

hangars, etc. On a dark night it is rather a problem to keep on

these boards. This reminds me that my little pocket flash lamp is

almost indispensable out here.

“All the heavy labour in this part of France is now being done by

Chinese coolies, brought specially from China for this purpose.

They are enlisted as soldiers and wear a peculiar blue padded

uniform. They are employed around the aerodrome levelling ground,

putting sand-bags about the huts as a protection against bombs,

making roads and paths, etc. They are terribly interested in our

phonograph, and if we leave the door open they almost come in. To

keep them out, the interpreter has painted a large sign in Chinese

characters, and it sticks up in front of the mess and gives it

quite an Oriental appearance.

“Moving picture shows are given every night or so in a Church Army

hut in the camp. We had several good films last night. It hardly

seems at all like war yet.”

* * * * *

“FRANCE,

“_December 3, 1917_.

“I am still merely watching operations from the ground. Two fresh

pilots have been posted to the squadron since Hemsworth and I

arrived, and we shall probably commence flying to-morrow if the

weather is suitable.

“Great interest is being shown out here in the coming general

election in Canada, and the authorities are endeavouring to have

every Canadian register his vote. Quite contrary to army precedent

and regulations, the authorities are openly urging everyone to vote

against Laurier. Most of us share this view, but it is interesting

to see the officials of an army in the field canvassing votes for

one party.

“The Canadians are no longer near us. I imagine they needed a rest

badly after their recent push.

“You ought to see our strength in dogs. The squadron boasts sixteen

canines at present. The officers’ mess possesses five. We are very

proud of them. Besides these, we have six pigs and twenty-five

hens. There is no shortage of eggs about the mess.”

* * * * *

“FRANCE,

“_December 9, 1917_.

“Since last Sunday I have been waiting, waiting, waiting for a

flight, and not till last Thursday did I get it. The day was

cloudy and the visibility poor. Hemsworth and I were to have a

practice flight, and we spent about twenty minutes at it. When we

finished, I had lost sight of the aerodrome and so had he, for I

could see him flying aimlessly one way and then another, diving on

one hill and then on several more. As our aerodrome is near a town

perched on a high hill, I knew what he was looking for, but none

of the hills seemed to be the right one. After that he flew east

for a time, and, although I knew such a course would take us into

Hunland, I followed, deciding to go with him as far as the trenches

and then turn west again. Just our side of the line I spotted a

town[41] which I recognised from the great relief map we had at

Oxford. It is a town that has undergone more shelling than any

other during the whole war. I never saw such a sight of desolation.

Nothing but shell-holes in all directions. Practically all the

buildings in ruins, and every now and then a shell would burst in

the desolate city with a blinding flash. Of course, I could hear

nothing of the explosion. I knew my way back to the aerodrome and

felt much relieved, as it is most undignified to get lost on

one’s first flip. I opened my engine and soon caught up the other

machine, and signalled Hemsworth to turn round and follow me. We

were at the aerodrome twenty minutes later. I have not been in the

air since owing to a temporary shortage of machines.

“... The little town[42] near our aerodrome, perched on a high

hill, has a fine square, from which a beautiful church can be

seen, and the square and streets are cobbled. The road which leads

into the town from the east enters through a short tunnel, which

emerges right into the square itself. When I was last there,

several howitzer batteries were coming from the line for a rest,

and the caterpillar tractors, which haul these huge guns, were

grunting and chugging from the tunnel into the town, and through

it, making for some spot further to the rear. All units which come

out of the trenches for a rest are sent far enough back to be out

of earshot of the guns. The Casino, at the highest part of the

town, is devoted to military purposes. From it a wonderful view

of the Western Front may be had, puffs of smoke in the distance,

captive sausage observation balloons, aeroplanes, and roads teeming

with hundreds and hundreds of motor-lorries slowly crawling along.

A batch of miserable-looking German prisoners were engaged in

cleaning the streets. Their appearance gave the impression that

they must have been reduced to sorry straits before their capture,

as they all looked white, pinched, and sickly. I think they are

pretty fairly treated by our people, and certainly given enough to

eat.

“Speaking of food reminds me that you may be interested to know

that we do pretty well in our mess. I quote from our ordinary

dinner menu: Soup (mock turtle), toast; fish (grilled sole, mustard

sauce); entrée (beefsteak, pastry, boiled potatoes, green peas);

sweets (stewed prunes, cornstarch pudding); biscuits, cheese,

coffee. Does this satisfy you? It does me.

“We have the correct number of machines, six in each flight, and

there are three flights, ‘A,’ ‘B,’ and ‘C.’ I am in ‘B’ Flight.

There are eighteen pilots, an equipment officer who is also

quartermaster, a recording officer (adjutant) and the commanding

officer. So we have twenty-two in our mess.

“Lunch is served at one o’clock. Sometimes I have spent the

afternoons walking in the near-by town. Tea is at 4 p.m., and now

it is dark at that time. After tea we read or play cards till

dinner, at 7.30. After dinner some music. By the way, we have a

ragtime band, composed of a piano, a snare drum, two sets of bones,

a triangle and brass cymbals, and an auto horn. It is ‘some’ band.

We all go to bed fairly early.”

Patrick was transferred to H.E. on December 29, 1917, to take up

an appointment in the Training Division of the Air Board--as it

was then--and Major B. F. Moore, Royal Warwickshire Regiment and

R.F.C., was given the command.

It was about this time, also, that General Trenchard went home to

become Chief of the Air Staff, prior to the official formation of

the Royal Air Force by the amalgamation of the R.F.C. and R.N.A.S.

His successor to the command of the R.F.C. in the field was General

Sir J. Salmond, who remained in this position till the end of the

war.

January 1918 passed fairly quietly. Morey collided in the air with

an Albatros scout during a fight and both pilots must have been

killed, but as this was some way over the lines, we never heard

the German pilot’s fate. Up to this time, the Huns had been very

good in sending information about the fate of our pilots, nor were

we behind them in courtesy. On one occasion, during May 1917,

a message was dropped on Douai aerodrome, two hours after his

capture, announcing the safety of a German scout pilot whom we had

driven down near St. Pol. A study of the lists sent over by the

Germans showed that just over 50 per cent. of our missing airmen

were alive--wounded or injured most probably--but alive. Later,

after March 1918, these amenities were not so nicely observed and

information became harder to get. February came and went with the

squadron still at Marie Capelle. A. C. Ball, brother of Albert

Ball, was missing on the 5th of this month. He was a very promising

young officer, but it was too early in his flying career to say

that he would have rivalled his brother. Happily he is alive, and

was repatriated at the end of the war. Lieuts. H. Crompton and

W. Duncan, 2/Lieuts. H. Hegarty and V. Priestly may perhaps be

mentioned as fighting most pluckily and well during this month.

Soden, by now a flight commander, did a good show on February 5,

1918. He attacked an Albatros scout, which he drove down out of

control, and was then attacked by two other hostile machines, who

drove him down from 15,000 to 50 feet, eight miles over the line;

he came back “hedge-hopping” and banking round trees, and when

halfway home saw the leading Hun crash into a tree; he then began

to gain on the other, and, finally outdistancing him, crossed the

trenches, still at 50 feet, and came home.

On February 18, Hammersley, Clark, Evans, and Kent took on four

triplanes and got three of them, Evans and Clark sharing one, and

Kent and Hammersley taking one each.

During the last month, before moving south, a lot of work was done,

and a great many bombs were dropped from a low altitude on rest

billets and other targets, this form of annoying the Hun having

become fashionable.

Another unusual incident occurred when W. Kent opened fire, one day

in March, at an enemy scout with both guns from a distance of about

400 yards. Usually it was considered complete waste of ammunition

to shoot at ranges exceeding 100 yards, while 10 or 15 yards was

the really effective distance. This scout caught fire all right,

however, and crashed in our lines. Bishop did a similar thing

once in the summer of 1917, but it was not a practice that was

encouraged.

Hammersley was still doing very well, while J. A. Duncan, H. D.

Crompton, and J. S. Griffiths were all prominent during March. H.

H. Balfour, now commanding a flight in 43, but an original member

of 60, was adequately maintaining the high standard which was

expected of one who had served in the squadron.

The S.E.5A., with which the squadron was equipped from July 1917

till the Armistice, deserves some description. A single-seater

fighting scout, it was armed with a Lewis gun mounted on the top

plane like the Nieuport, but carried, in addition, a Vicker’s

firing through the propeller. Its speed, with the 200 h.p. Hispano

engine, would reach 130 miles per hour near the ground and was, in

consequence, at least 25 miles per hour faster than the Nieuport.

This increase of speed made a great difference, as it meant that

the enemy could not run away, and, further, that the S.E.5, if

caught at a disadvantage, could outdistance its adversaries.

Against the advantage gained in speed by this change must be set

off a certain loss in respect of power to manœuvre quickly, but,

in spite of this, the change was very greatly to the pilot’s

advantage.

Every machine has its strong and its weak points, and though at

first we found the S.E. heavy on the controls and sluggish on

her turns, and though some were inclined to regret the silver

Nieuports, yet we soon found that the former was a far better

fighting instrument. In actual weight the S.E., when fully

loaded (including the pilot), was about 700 lb. heavier than the

Nieuport--roughly 2,000 lb. as against 1,300 lb. The new machine,

too, was distinctly more difficult to land, as the under-carriage

was relatively a good deal weaker, and, owing to the extra weight,

she would run on much farther on the ground.

During the first few months, therefore, a great many machines were

crashed on the aerodrome, more particularly after leaving Izel le

Hameau, which was a beautiful landing ground, and moving to Marie

Capelle, where there was not nearly so much room. There were more

crashes in this period than we had had since the days of the Morane

“bullets,” and from this point of view we often regretted the

little Nieuport, which a good pilot could put down on a postage

stamp anywhere.

Sixty Squadron R.A.F.: A History of the Squadron from its Formation · 第 4 / 6 章