MORE ABOUT IRELAND
It is, of course, as difficult as most such things to measure, but in
the course of my travels and talks, I received the impression that
there is less of religious intolerance amongst the Catholics than
amongst the Protestants; at any rate in the South. The faith of the
minority there appears to be treated with greater respect than the
faith of the minority in Ulster. I came across numerous instances in
the country between Dublin and Cork of a violent distaste for the
provocative behaviour of bigoted religionists.
I spoke with a Tipperary man about the cruel treatment in the Belfast
shipyards of the Catholic workmen by the Protestants. It will be
remembered that the decline in shipbuilding necessitated a reduction in
the staff in the shipyards, and that Catholic workmen were selected to
be the victims of the labour depression, and were driven with violence
from the yards. It was told me that they were forced into the sea and
stoned as they struggled to regain the land.
“Serves them roight,” said this Catholic workman of Tipperary
unperturbed, “they be always trailin’ thurr coats.”
This good-natured fellow had had a brother killed in an ambush. He had
lost his work through the firing of the shop where he worked. He had
his own and his brother’s family to maintain--“orr Oi would be wid the
bhoys on the mountains, I would.” He came to the hotel where I was
staying to say that some unknown person had stopped him and asked him
for the name of the lady to whom he was speaking.
“It’s wan av thurr dhirty sphies afther ye. I just told him ye was me
half-cousin, Mary Ann Watson, av Manchester, and ye’d called to see the
pore childer an yurr way to Dublin. So now ye’d better be afther takin’
yurr tickut for Corrk, forr Oi’m thinkin’ the crathur isn’t believin’
me at all.”
I had gone to Tipperary for a sentimental reason. Hundreds of thousands
of gallant young Britons had marched out to meet the foreign foe,
cheering one another and their own sad hearts with the refrain:
“It’s a long, long way to Tipperary.” This song has become for all
time associated with the British Army. On several social occasions
in foreign lands I have asked the orchestra for an English song; or
knowing my nationality the orchestra has volunteered the compliment.
It was invariably “Tipperary.” The very sound of it calls up visions
of healthy, sturdy young British manhood marching out in its millions
to engage its lives and fortunes in what it believed to be the most
righteous war that ever was waged. Surely, I thought, if any place in
Ireland should be sacred to Englishmen and to the memory of the 250,000
Irishmen who enlisted in England’s battles, it should be Tipperary. But
what did I see in Tipperary?
The whole of the principal street of this little market town was
blackened and disfigured with burnt and burning buildings. A
magnificent stone-fronted draper’s shop was completely gutted. Such
shops as remained were shuttered, for a murdered policeman was to
be brought through the town for burial later in the day, and the
authorities were afraid of a demonstration. The streets were full
of “Black and Tans,” the name derived from the nondescript clothing
which these military police wear, black coats and khaki trousers, blue
trousers and khaki coats, Scotch bonnets, and blue helmets--a mixture
of garments as varied as their wearers’ breeding. Officers on horseback
dashed about furiously. Numerous groups of idle men lolled against the
walls, regarding the ruins of their town with philosophy and curious
about the stranger within their gates. Was she an English spy? was
the query in their glances. Is she a Republican agent? the eye of the
soldier on duty at the street-corner questioned. It was an awkward
situation. I had no papers with me, nothing to identify me with one
party or the other. And it was a lawless time.
One hundred and twenty-seven buildings in Tipperary (whether town or
county was not quite clear) had been deliberately destroyed by fire.
The damage was estimated by a lawyer in the district at £300,000. A
girl had been taken to the barracks the day before, and not allowed
any female attendance. A young draper’s assistant had been bayoneted
to death in the guard-room a little while previously. “Shot trying to
escape,” was the report from the authorities on a Tipperary lad brought
into the barracks dead. But the wound was in the forehead, and men
trying to escape do not usually run backwards.
The young women of the town rarely undress when they go to bed, so
fearful are they of a midnight entry and search. The Irish girl has
a delicacy all her own in matters of this sort. The nerves of the
children are fearfully affected, and many of them scream in the dark.
Ruin, misery, desolation and death in Tipperary--“It’s a long, long way
to Tipperary, but my heart’s right there.”
* * * * *
It was not very easy to go about Ireland’s more remote districts. One
day I walked for several miles into the country alone. On the way back
I passed a country school. Through the open window came the sound of
singing. Sweet children’s voices sang of spring and the nightingale--an
English nursery song. I stopped to listen. There followed two verses of
“Men of Harlech,” “The Bluebells of Scotland,” was the next item on the
programme. I waited for the Irish song. It never came. A face appeared
at the window, a face with the strained look of every Irish eye. The
first song was begun again. I walked away slowly, full of pity. The
young voices shrilled forth:
“The awkward owl and the bashful jay
Wished each other a very good day,
Tra la la.”
Within a hundred yards of this school, full of bright young creatures
and their sad-eyed teacher, the smoke was still rising from a burning
homestead, and the smell of scorched timber spoilt the freshness of the
air.
A curious adventure befell me on this occasion. I sat on a low wall
covered with moss. There had been a heavy shower of rain, and the
country was very green and lovely. The sombre hills in the distance
were relieved by the intense blue of the sky and white of the clouds.
The long white lane wound coaxingly to the west calling for new
adventures. Nobody passed me for full twenty minutes. There was much
to think about: the stupid blunders of politicians and the many
injustices of life. I was content to sit alone and muse on things in
that loveliest bit of countryside. Suddenly the roar of a motor engine
broke upon the stillness, and there flashed past me a large military
lorry full of troops with grim faces and poised rifles. Ten seconds and
they were gone; and I too rose to go. At my elbow, as if sprung out of
the ground, was an old man who had come silently up during my musings.
“You are a stranger here, lady, and not an Irishwoman, and if you will
take advice from an old man you will never sit on a wall in an Irish
country lane. Not now, at any rate. I know a man who did that. He was
found dead in the lane. He was picked off by a crack British rifleman
who shot at the target from a distance to win a bet. Oh, it was an
accident,” he added hastily, noting my horrified expression. “It was
not known that the chosen target was a human being. It might have
been anything at a distance, a young tree, a large stone--anything.
What happened once might happen again. And in that red cloak of yours
what an excellent target you would be. You take great risks in Ireland
during the foreign occupation. Good day to you, ma’am.”
* * * * *
One day, having succeeded in hiring a car, I drove to some of the more
remote farms in the hills I had seen and admired from the side of the
road where I talked with the old man. The youth who drove me was a
member of the Republican Army, but a discreet and quiet boy, who would
not be drawn into conversation. We sped for an hour and a half along a
bad road in a high wind. It was bitterly cold, but fine and sunny. We
stopped at the cottage of an old widow to ask for some information, but
she lived in hourly terror of the barracks two miles away, and would
tell us nothing. On we went till we came to a farm at the crest of the
hill standing back a little from the high road.
It was a poor farm, one of the poorest in the district. The farmer was
a strong, thick-set type, not very easy to persuade to tell his story.
His wife was a pale, delicate woman without the words to express all
she felt and knew. Her ordinary speech was Irish. We sat down in the
kitchen, and the wife worked the bellows till a bright blaze burst from
the soft coal piled up on the old-fashioned huge hearthstone. The water
in the large potato cauldron began to steam, and the tiny potatoes
cooking for the pigs to stir in the pot. Three dogs of different breeds
invited the stranger to caress them. A couple of cats lay curled up on
the kitchen table. A white hen roosted on the top of a sack of grain,
and chickens walked up and down the floor. An immense sow peeped in at
the door just for friendliness, and turned away when she had satisfied
her curiosity.
“It was midnight,” began the farmer, “and the wife and Oi wurr in bed.
All av a sudden a bullet flew through the window. Thin Oi knew that
the Black and Tans was here. They broke in the door an’ asked furr moi
lads. The bhoys was slapin’ in the barrn. They ran away, but they was
caught, an’ the soldiers made them kneel in the yard wid thurr hands
above thurr heads whoile they surrched the house. They found nothin’
at all. Thin they told the lads to run. They ran out av the gate an’
the dirty blackguards shot at thim. But they got away, all but wan. He
was shot in the arrm and leg, an’ he’s lyin’ in the hospital now. We
found him in the turnup field the next mornin’ bleeding bad; for it
was foive hours he was lying thurr before we found him, the pore lad.”
He spoke quietly and without emotion, but there was a gleam in his eye
that spoke volumes of hate and fury. Later in the day I went to the
hospital and saw the wounded son, a beautiful, modest boy with the sort
of open face that invites perfect trust. He told me he neither smokes
nor drinks, and passed the cigarettes I brought him to his comrades.
“It is the rule of the Republican Army,” added the gentle Catholic
sister who was nursing these wounded boys, “that no alcohol must be
taken. Would to heaven it were the rule of the British Army too. But
they tell me that Dublin Castle gives drink freely to the men it sends
out upon its black errands.” She stopped suddenly, and busied herself
with one of her patients in some confusion for fear she had said too
much. It reminded me of a pathetic school teacher in Petrograd who told
me things about herself, thinking I was sympathetic, and then became
overwhelmed with fear lest she had made a mistake and revealed her
secrets to a Bolshevik spy. “You will not give me away, dear madame? I
have said nothing wrong, have I? Only that we are all very hungry and
very unhappy? Say you will not report what I have said. Swear it! Swear
it!” And she pressed my hand in her fear of what might befall her till
I could have shouted with pain.
The old peasant wife begged me to take tea, but there was much to
do that day, so I begged to be excused, and drove away to a small
farm still more remote from the broad highway. This farm was reached
through two ploughed fields. In it lived an elderly farmer, his wife
and daughter. I knocked loudly at the door, but there was no reply.
I knocked again and again, but nobody appeared. A dog barked loudly,
suggesting human habitation, so I persisted, and after a while the
farmer appeared and roughly demanded my business. I told him who I was
and what my errand--to hear his story and make it known.
“And what forr should Oi tell ye my sthory,” he demanded fiercely.
“Don’t ye know, don’t the people av England know that it was the
English Crown that killed my bhoy? Don’t the English people know widout
my tellin’ thim what thurr soldiers are doin’ to Oireland? Av course
they know; but they don’t care. Oi’ll not tell ye wan worrd av the
tale.”
His daughter came in, a buxom dark-haired girl, whose face was black
with the smoke from the peat fire, and we two listened for ten minutes
to the most terrible outpouring of hate and rage against England
that it has ever been my lot to hear. I sat perfectly still, but the
torrent of passionate words brought from an inner room the farmer’s
white-haired old wife, who greeted me with the grace of a queen and
tried to stem the torrent of the old man’s rage. “I understand, dear
friend,” I said to the old woman, “I understand. If I had lost a child
in such a way I should probably have said much worse things than this,
being a woman.”
The old man’s blue eyes softened a little at this, and after I had
tried to make him understand that it was no idle curiosity that had
brought me from England to his lonely farm, he said brokenly: “Well,
ma’am, ye seem to have a koind heart, an’ if it’s really wantin’ to
help sthop this koind av thing ye’re afther Oi’ll thry to tell ye.” And
he tried. But he failed. He broke into awful weeping instead. And when
she saw her old man broken down the old wife fell a-weeping too, and
there was such a wailing and a sobbing in that little farm kitchen as
almost drew the heart out of the body. I took the frail old woman in
my arms and tried to soothe her. I begged her to cry on my shoulder.
She said she couldn’t cry, hadn’t cried since they brought the boy home
dead. Her eyes were wild and burning. Between dry sobs and moans I got
the tale.
The men had come in the night, the same men who had shot the lad at
the farm below, and the same night, and demanded the whereabouts of
one of the sons. Neither man nor wife knew. They had not seen the boy
for weeks. They pushed the old farmer against the wall and threatened
to kill him if he didn’t tell. A young and delicate boy, never allowed
out at nights because of his lungs, hearing the noise and the scuffle
dressed quickly and rushed into the room crying: “Don’t shoot my old
dad. Shoot me.”
“Ah,” said one of the intruders, “here’s our man. I knew they had him
somewhere.”
“No,” said another. “He’s not the chap. It’s his brother we’re after.”
“Never mind,” was the retort. “This one will do.” And they dragged him
across the field to the waiting lorry and there they shot him dead.
“Trying to escape,” was the official story; but it was not true, and
nobody believes it. If in Ireland you speak of this excuse in any
company there are shouts of ironic laughter.
“And it was to save his father my poor bhoy went wid the murthering
men,” said the poor mother; “an’ for that they shot him, the
black-hearted scoundrels; an’ no priest wid him wan he died. But if
there’s a God in ’ivin me pore bhoy will go straight to his arms, forr
niver a word av wrong could be said against the lad. He was the best
son Oi had, an’ a good bhoy to his father.”
A small black cross on the side of the road and the letters R.I.P.
mark the spot where the young martyr was killed.
I left the farm sick with the sight of so much pain and sorrow. The
old man accompanied me to the gate, choosing the path for me and
offering his aid over the bad places with all the instinctive courtesy
of his race. His eye lit up when he heard that “the Prisident” had
arrived in Ireland. He idealized De Valera with all the power of his
native imagination. He told how, for miles around, men, women and
little children were afraid to sleep in their beds at night, but took
to the fields and hills, and slept in blankets under the hedges. The
wind whistled past me as he spoke, and the rain began to fall, and I
pulled my cloak more tightly around me, for I heard with the mind’s ear
small children in the night sobbing themselves to sleep under the dank
hedgerows.
I had planned to visit other sufferers, but farther I could not go. The
human spirit bruises itself to death in the perpetual contemplation
at close quarters of misery and wrong, and relief in action becomes
necessary for sanity. I would go to Cork and see the sacked city, and
then return to England with the story of it all.
* * * * *
The train drew into Cork station an hour late, only twenty minutes
before the hour of curfew. The jarvey who drove me to the hotel was
determined that I should have a swift view of the ruins; or was it a
laudable desire to earn more money made him take me by a circuitous
route? It did not matter. I was glad of the view. And the ruins were
softened by the moonlight into a poetry of aspect which the charred
walls of daylight could never display. The whole of the town’s business
centre appeared to have been destroyed. It stood out in my mind as
comparable with some of the newspaper pictures of Ypres after the
great battle. Of course, there was nothing like the same amount of
devastation; but the ruin of the particular section which met the eye
on entering the city’s centre was complete and very appalling.
The first thing I did at the hotel was to ask for the headquarters of
the Society of Friends. My friend, Miss Edith Ellis, was doing relief
work in the city, and I had mislaid her address. The Friends would
know it. I also inquired for Mrs. Despard, for I had seen a picture of
her in that day’s newspaper standing in the ruins with Madame McBride,
the beautiful widow of Major McBride, who was executed in the 1916
rebellion. I was told Mrs. Despard had left for Mallow two days before.
This was disappointing. A tall evil-looking man leaning up against the
hotel bureau scrutinized everybody who came into the hotel, and gave
the impression of being there for that purpose. I have seen so many
“Intelligence” men that I know them as well as I know a Lancashire
weaver, a Yorkshire miner, or a school teacher from anywhere.
I asked if it were possible to have something to eat at that hour, for
there was an ominous emptiness in the dining-room. This was 8.45 p.m.
“I hope, ma’am, that ye’ll be comfortable here,” said a kindly waiter.
“I heard ye asking after Mrs. Despard. I hope ye’ll have a better time
than the pore lady herself had.”
“Why, whatever was the matter with her?” I asked, with interest and
alarm.
“Nothing was the matter wid Mrs. Despard, lady; but the pore lady was
niver foive minutes widout somebody followin’ her about, though she
doesn’t know ut.”
“Mrs. Despard wouldn’t be troubled about that. She is a gallant soul,
and her only concern is the care of the poor and the oppressed. She is
an Irishwoman, you know, and a true friend of your country.”
“Indade an’ she is, ma’am, an’ if it’s her friend ye are, ye’ll be
wishin’ nothin’ but good to the counthry too. But be vurry careful or
wan side or the other’ll be shootin’ ye. The blood is up in Corrk.”
There was much laughing and screaming in the streets outside, and my
side-car had wormed its way through vast crowds of saunterers in the
splendid moonlit evening. The hour for curfew struck, and in an instant
an uncanny silence fell upon the city. Indoors, affected by the quiet
outside, men crept about softly, or sought their beds early, afraid
almost of the sudden and general noiselessness. The only sounds that
were heard till the dawn of day were those of the racing lorries full
of armed men and the armoured cars patrolling the city. Round the bend
of Patrick Street they came, noisy and aggressive, to arrest or shoot
at sight the unfortunate individual caught walking the streets after
the hour of nine. On the second night a new sound struck upon the ear,
cutting the perfect silence with its shrillness, the loud laughing and
screaming of coarse women’s voices, which suggested unspeakable things.
Apart from seeing the official reprisal to which reference has already
been made and the awful ruins of the city, which included the Carnegie
Library and the City Hall on the opposite side of the river, the short
visit to Cork was fruitful of the conviction that the unhappy citizens
of Cork are placed on the horns of a very terrible dilemma. General
Strickland has made them responsible for the outrages on soldiers and
police which are committed. He inflicts severe penalties on them for
failing to stop them. This they would endeavour to do, but they do not
know how and they are genuinely afraid to attempt. They believe that
the shooting of police is done by people who do not live in Cork. As
in all cities the citizens of Cork are for the most part not actively
interested in politics. They vote when occasion comes, but this is the
limit of their activity. And voting and not shooting is their chosen
method of expressing their views. They do not know who shoots. If
they did and informed they would be shot by the Republicans. As they
don’t know and cannot inform they are made to suffer reprisals by the
British authorities. Their position calls for the utmost sympathy and
understanding.
I cannot help feeling that the citizens of Cork who are against
violence would be greatly strengthened if the findings in the official
inquiry on the Cork burnings could be published and adequate punishment
administered to the evildoers. This has not been done. British
justice in Ireland is not evenhanded. Somebody is being sheltered.
The Black and Tans would mutiny. The authorities themselves organized
the looting. All sorts of things are being said, all sorts of things
believed. The belief in British fair play is gone. Can it really be
after all that we are living on our tradition in this matter as are the
French on their reputation for good manners?
Back to Dublin from Cork and a final meeting with my good friends
there. It was a splendid company, representative of the brilliant wit
and intellect for which Ireland is so justly famed. I was going home,
so it was entirely proper that these last hours should be devoted to
question and answer on both sides.
I spoke again of the difficulty of winning and maintaining sympathy
for Ireland in England so long as the killing of British soldiers
continued. All deplored the necessity, but those who believed that the
method could now be changed were in a small minority.
“Ask Englishmen who complain two questions,” said a distinguished
professor, whose name is known wherever scholarship is respected. “Who
began it, and how they would behave in the same circumstances.”
“Forgive the question,” I said, “but who do you really think did begin
it?”
“The Republicans certainly did not,” said a young lawyer rather hotly.
“I am not a Republican, but one must face facts. For two years after
the killing of Irish civilians by British Crown forces no member of
the forces lost his life. In the meantime unspeakable humiliations
were put upon the Irish people. The miscreants who killed two Irish
civilians in 1917 and five in 1918 were never brought to trial. No
steps were taken to bring them to trial. In the meantime innocent men
on the Irish side were arrested and imprisoned without trial; private
houses were raided and their contents stolen, meetings and newspapers
were violently suppressed, and deportations were very frequent. In 1918
alone 1,117 Irish men and women were arrested for political reasons; 77
Sinn Feiners were deported in one month; 260 private houses were raided
by night, and 81 meetings were broken up with bayonets.
“The bottom fact of the whole trouble lies in this: The British
Government is uneven in its administration of justice, and it breaks
its pledges. It hangs the Casements and puts the Carsons in the
Cabinet. What essential difference was there in their offences? The
death of a British soldier or policeman is bitterly avenged even upon
the innocent and out of all proportion to the crime. The death of a
Republican is applauded, and that of a non-partisan is rarely even
inquired into. Have you seen the kind of thing which is published and
circulated broadcast with the approval of the authorities?” Here he
handed to me a paper, an extract from which I quote. It was delivered
to the Cork newspaper offices:--
_Anti-Sinn Fein Society,
Cork Headquarters,
Grand Parade, Cork._
“In the event of a member of His Majesty’s Forces being wounded or an
attempt made to wound him, one member of the Sinn Fein Party will be
killed; or if a member of the Sinn Fein Party is not available two
sympathisers will be killed.
“(Signed) The Assistant Secretary.”
“And you must agree,” said a third speaker, “that Ireland has been
very badly tricked by your Government. Witness the Convention and
the use that was made of it to impose conscription upon Ireland; the
conscription of a country which has been reviled by Englishmen for
years, and which it was proposed even then to partition--conscription
which was by very many disapproved of for England, accepted with
extreme reluctance by Canada and rejected by Australia.”
I recalled at this stage of the proceedings the humorous hall-porter
at one of the hotels who had put his head round the corner of the
writing-room when I was alone there and whispered: “John Redmond’s the
man who made all the trouble. He wasn’t clever enough for your Lloyd
George. Why the divil didn’t he get the promise in writin’. There’s no
wrigglin’ out av somethin’ that’s in black and white, wid a good strong
name at the end av the paper. Shure,” he continued with a roguish smile
broadening his honest red face, “isn’t it the Kingdom av ’Ivin Oi’d be
afther promisin’ if Oi was the Proime Minister an thurr was throuble
brewin’?”
I am sure this must have been the man who tried to persuade one of the
Labour delegates not to go into the street when the Black and Tans were
busy shooting. “But I’m an Englishman, friend. They’ll not shoot me.”
“Shure, sorr, an’ I wouldn’t be trustin’ thim divils. They’ll shoot ye
first, and thin find out ye’re an Englishman aftherwards.”
* * * * *
“What about the rebellion of 1916? Talk to me a little about that,” I
said to a young fellow whose keenness was very attractive.
“It was a very small rising of extremists, a piece of insanity
repudiated by nearly everybody in Ireland. A group of idealists, who
believed they could imitate the Ulster Unionists and enjoy the same
immunity, thought they would make a similar demonstration. The hideous
severity with which the rebels were treated and the long-continued
persecution of perfectly innocent people suspected of sympathy with the
rebels were the causes of the rise of political Sinn Fein.”
“And now?” I asked. “What is the exact situation now? What are the
hopes for peace?”
“There is no hope unless the English people wake up, change this
Government and Parliament for one more competent and humane, which will
adopt a saner policy, the one for which they say they fought the war.
Ireland must have the right to choose her own form of government.”
“The Irish have chosen their government, and it is working very well,”
chimed in a determined-looking young woman wearing the uniform of the
Irish Republican Army. “All we ask is to be let alone. We can keep
order if the English will let us. _They_ cannot do so.”
I thought as these stern criticisms of England’s Government stormed my
ears, often expressed in stronger language than I have used here, that
it is no use going into the enemy’s country if one cannot stand fire.
The person who has no facility for getting into the skin of another had
better stay at home by his own fireside. The rôle of political pilgrim
is not for him.
“The fact is there are two Governments in Ireland: the Republican
Government representing roughly 75 per cent. of the population, and the
British Government representing the remaining 25 per cent. The will
of the majority should prevail in these democratic days. England says
not. Very well. If we must die to establish the rights of democracy in
Ireland we are ready.”
“And we will fight and die with our men!” exclaimed a hitherto silent
member of the company. She turned to me. “Do you know that the hate
of England is so intense in my part of the country that a woman told
me she scarcely knew how to bear the disgrace of having had a son who
fought for England in the war? And the neighbours are so sorry for her
they are breaking her heart with kindness and pity.”
“There is an old man lives near here,” said my hostess, “who is dying.
He has eight children, and his wife is delicate. He is tortured with
the fear of what will become of them when he goes. The priest came
to administer the sacrament: ‘I will get the boy a place in the
munitions,’ he said, speaking of the eldest son. ‘He will help his
mother.’
“‘Thank you very kindly, Father. You mean it well, and you are very
kind. But it cannot be. We are not of that way of thinking.’”
There was a long silence after this story. Memory took me back to the
scene in London when the Irish Labour leaders came to explain their
cause and solicit our co-operation. “You may remain indifferent or even
refuse to help us,” said Mr. Johnson, their spokesman. “Your Government
may torture our women and kill our men by the thousand, but you will
never break our spirit.” It was a proud boast, but the reason was a
revelation. “You will never defeat us, for we Irish have a _living
faith in God_.”
I believe this to be profoundly true; and he will misread the Irish
situation and misunderstand Irish men and women who fails to look
beyond the picture drawn by partisan newspapers for their own ends to
the vision in the souls of those to whom God and country are real and
noble passions.
“But will you take nothing less than complete separation?” I pleaded.
“On grounds of economy, for reasons of efficiency, for our common
safety, is not national self-government within the Commonwealth a
happier issue for us all?”
“Ourselves alone,” was murmured round the room; but from the general
smile I felt a lighter heart.
“Give us the right to choose, free and unfettered, and--wait and see.”
It is the least they can claim or that the British Government can give
in its own interests as well as those of the Irish. It would be an
act of faith such as few Governments in history have shown themselves
capable of performing; but there are national and international
situations where only a supreme act of faith will suffice.
And this is one of those.
CONCLUSION
And the fruits of these wanderings abroad are--what?
For two hours I sat in the old-world garden of an English manor house
pondering the answer to that question. Old-fashioned and variegated
flowers in every colour of the rainbow massed themselves around the
moss-covered rocks, climbed the walls, and peeped out of the crevices
and corners, throwing out strong, sweet scents of the wallflower and
the jasmine. The shadow on the sundial crept slowly round its withered
face. Tall elm trees sheltered the noisy crows. A bold cuckoo competed
with the lark for our attention and regard. A typical English scene,
suggestive of peace and plenty; so entirely different from any scene in
the torn and stricken lands of Europe.
The twofold character of my work abroad has been told in these pages.
The physical relief of suffering goes on through the American Relief
agencies, the Society of Friends and the Save the Children Fund.
The utmost that can be done is but a drop in the bucket of Europe’s
overwhelming needs. It is only the first dressing of wounds, which
cannot be cured except by probing to the cause and clearing away
the poison. This is not the business of philanthropy when the cause
is political. An exaggerated sympathy, which is the very essence of
charitable enterprise, could even hinder the work of political and
economic recovery by an uninformed emphasis of the patient’s suffering
and a forgetfulness of his guilt. A stable internationalism can be
built only upon a universal recognition of partnership in the guilt
which has laid the world so low. But in such internationalism lies the
hope of the future.
I returned from my travels reinforced a thousand-fold in the conviction
of the necessity of internationalism if the world is to be saved;
with this in addition, that the present problem for mankind is not to
persuade the world to internationalism. It is rather to teach it the
right kind of internationalism. Internationalism of one sort or another
is as inevitable as the rising of the sun. The League of Nations is the
second embodiment of an idea which held great masses of men and women
before even the first, the Workers’ International, was born. This idea
can be safely trusted to persist and grow in spite of every menace,
because it is in the direct line of political and economic evolution.
It is the next inevitable step in the march of ordered progress.
In the realms of art, science, invention, commerce, industry, economics
and finance nationalism is languishing towards its inevitable decay--if
it is not already dead. Political internationalism is destined to crown
the structure of the world society of the future as surely as the night
follows the day.
But what kind of political internationalism is it to be? That is
the question. Heaven forbid that it should be the anti-nationalism
of Lenin, wrongly called internationalism, which will prevail over
the earth. That would be to menace too alarmingly the truly valuable
differences amongst men. The characteristic differences of nations
should be, with very great reluctance and only for sufficient reason,
sought to be obliterated. The variety in dress, manners, customs,
speech of the various races and nations is the very spice of the
world’s life which gives it all its flavours. Difficulties of language,
so fruitful of the misunderstandings which create wars, should be
overcome by the provision of larger educational opportunities rather
than by the establishment of one universal tongue. Esperanto is a
wise and simple device to facilitate discussion between men and
nations; but the compulsory study of French, German and English in
the elementary schools would be of greater value to mankind than a
knowledge of the most useful of languages manufactured for a purpose,
and not born of a living nation’s intellectual and spiritual growth. A
knowledge of languages would add a richness and beauty to life which
might well give place to the boasted utilitarianism of most British
curricula.
But although Lenin’s anti-nationalism is to be avoided like the plague,
the militarist internationalism of a capitalist order of society should
be shunned like the pestilence. The new “Balance of Power” would then
be the balance of classes, the possessors in every country leagued
against the possessed in every land. Victory would go to that side
which controlled the fighting material. All the disorders of the old
system would afflict the new, with the added terror which increased
efficiency would produce.
To save the new international organization, the League of Nations,
from such an evolution, is enlightened Labour’s best reason for giving
its support to the League. It is Labour’s business to see that the
organization of the League is on thoroughly democratic lines; that it
admits at no distant date every country within its fold, and that the
broad matters of its discussions be not conducted in secrecy nor its
broad lines of policy be adopted without the knowledge and consent of
the peoples of the world themselves.
And for the Workers’ International, I know of no line of policy which
they could adopt more advantageous to themselves than that of educating
the public opinions of the various countries included therein to compel
their respective Governments to disarm. The rationality of total
disarmament has always been seriously questioned by those who have
passed for wise. But _total disarmament by all the nations_ is the
only rational solution of the problems of peace and war. Such action
may have to be gradual; it must certainly be taken in concert. But
if the responsible statesmen of all lands would together lead the van
and, scorning vested and professional interests, would declare for the
ploughshare and the pruning-hook instead of the sword and the spear,
the hosts of mankind would joyfully follow them in such a holy crusade.
It may be that men and women will have to wade through oceans of
suffering before they recognize modern warfare for the organized
filthiness it is. There was a certain personal dignity in physical
strife when men met with bare hands, or with a stick or even a single
sword, the human foe equally equipped. But the modern machine-gun,
the tank, the poison gas, the fighting aeroplane--all the resources
of science used against the innocent and guilty alike--women, old
folks and babes--what single element of dignity or decency in such
a conflict; honour, democracy, freedom, the pledged word setting
the monstrous machine in motion, since men are too good in the mass
to fight for anything less than these; and lurking in the shadow,
anxious but safe, that insatiable dragon of greed, which for oil-wells
and mining interests and timber concessions and goldfields will see
millions of men welter in blood and millions of children and their
mothers succumb to famine and disease.
Which brings me to my final word. That for the evils which afflict
mankind there is no remedy save the elimination of selfishness,
which is “the whole of the law and the prophets.” Selfishness in the
individual, selfishness in the State. When it is universally recognized
that every child born is entitled to the “development of all the
perfection of which it is capable”; when the equal rights of nations,
great and small, are admitted by all the States in Council; when the
power of law and not the rule of force is the governing factor in the
relations of men and nations, then begins the new era.
On such a foundation only can the true International Order be securely
built.
INDEX
Addams, Miss Jane, at International Conference of Women at the Hague,
13, 76
at Kingsway Hall, 78
author and, 77
peace mission of, 78, 79
personality of, 77
Adler, Friedrich, and Bolshevism, 33, 35, 182
at Berne Conference, 31
fidelity to principles of, 32
murderer of Count Sturgh, 31, 32
pardoned by Emperor Charles, 31
sent to quell riot, 33
trial of, 32, 33
Adlon, Hôtel, Berlin, 169
Ador, President, and Second International Conference, 4
Agoston, Professor, imprisonment of, 117
“Alfred and Omega” (Lord Northcliffe), 172
American Peace Delegation, at Hôtel Crillon, 7, 8, 38
American Relief Commission, work of, in Vienna, 114
Andrassy, Count Geza, 72
author and, 73
Angell, Norman, at Berne, 36, 52
Anti-Semitism, fallacies of, 182-4
Antwerp, author at, 173
Arco, Count, 85
Armenia, 149
Bolsheviks and, 225, 231
cruelties in, 150
Armistice, hard conditions of, 27
Ashton, Councillor Margaret, 75
Asquith, Mr., Germans and speeches of, 168
Astor, Lady, 167
Augspurg, Dr. Anita, at Zurich, 83
Austerlitz, Dr., 119
Austria, author’s tour through, 103 _et seq._
Christian Socialism in, 122
currency depreciation in, 111
“dying,” 103 _et seq._
evil of embargoes on, 25
fear of France in, 117
menace of union with Germany, 117
pro-German feeling in, 120
proposed union with Bavaria and, 120
Social Democratic Party of, and union with Germany, 118
Socialist Government of, 28
Union with Germany movement in, 119, 120
Austrian Government and Socialists, 32
Austrian Socialists, and union with Germany, 118
at Berne, 22
denounce the war, 32
Azerbaijan, Bolsheviks and, 149, 213, 225
Baku, Bolsheviks and, 149
Balabanova, Angelica, 3, 140, 181
“Balance of Power,” the new, 273
Baltic, minefields in, 155
Barbusse, M., and Clarté group, 129
Barnes, Mr., and Berne Conference, 4
Batoum, author at, 203, 228
capture of, by Bolsheviks, 226
Greek refugees at, 229
Bauer, Dr., and Austro-German union, 118
and Peace Treaty, 119
author and, 118, 119
on problems of Town _v._ Country, 121
personality of, 118, 119
the “Kreuzlbauer,” 133
writes in _National Zeitung_, 133
Bavaria, under Communism, 63, 83, 84
Beek en Donk, Dr. de Jong van, 54, 132
Beesly, Professor, founder of First International, 130
Belgarde, Passport and Customs examination at, 13
Belgian Socialists and Berne Conference, 11
and the war, 193
at Geneva, 12
Belgrade, author in, 234
Belle Vue Hotel, Berne, author at, 57, 58, 79, 132
secretariat of Second International at, 17
Berlin, author’s visit to, 159, 161-172
Communists of, 162
Hôtel Adlon at, 169
post-war condition of, 168
Berne, author on, 51, 132
League of Nations Conference at, 54 _et seq._
political agents (spies) at, 18 _et seq._
Second International Conference at, 1 _et seq._
arrival of delegates to, 14
delegates journey to, 4 _et seq._
Wiener Café at, 51, 52, 133, 134
Bernstein, Edouard, 29, 30
at Lucerne, 97
personality and views of, 97
refused admission to England, 98
“Biology of War,” by Professor Nicolai, 68
“Black and Tans,” 255, 265
Blockade of Germany, continuance of, after Armistice, 25
Bolshevism, author on, 139 _et seq._
fear of, in Border Republics, 155
fear of, in Central Europe, 181
Kautsky and, 25
Second International and, 35, 36
Third International and, 130
Bolshevik Government, and Kemalists, 149, 201
Armenia and, 149, 150, 213, 231
Azerbaijan and, 149, 213, 225
Baku and, 149
Caucasus and, 225
causes of long life of, 144
Georgia and, 149, 150, 212, 225, 226
Jews and, 182
Poland and, 178
propaganda of, 149
Bondfield, Margaret, and Berne Conference, 3
in Paris, 8
Börjom, author at, 221
Bornemiza, Baron, 137
Boulogne, post-war scenes at, 5
Bourgeois, Socialist interpretation of, 59
Bramley, Fred, 7
Branting, M., at Berne, 30
author and, 159, 160, 161
pro-Ally, 32
Breitschied, Herr, 166
Brentano, Professor, author and, 63
Brest-Litovsk, Peace of, Trotsky and, _xi_, 143
Allies and, 142
Lenin and, 142
“Briefe einer Deutsch-Franzosin,” by Annette Kolb, 67
Bristol Hotel, Vienna, author’s experiences in, 111, 112
British Delegation to Berne, harmony of, 23
meeting of, with German delegates, 24
British Military Mission, at Berlin, 161
at Constantinople, 229
at Vienna, 114
in Esthonia, 156
popularity of, 114
British Military Permit, 56
Buchs, author at, 105, 106
Budapest, Conference of National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies
at, 70
Bullitt, William, at Berlin, 170
at Berne, 38
Bunning, Mr. Stuart, at Berne, 23
Burns, John, and Miss Jane Addams, 77
Buxton, Mrs. Chas. Roden, author and, 135
delegate to League of Nations Conference, 60
Relief efforts for Viennese children, 61
“Save the Children Fund,” and, 61
Buxton, Mr. Charles Roden, 26
Capitalism, failure of, _xii_
replacement of, by Collectivist Internationalism, 143
Carmi, Maria, 172
Casement, Roger, 33, 266
Catt, Mrs. C. Chapman, 42
Caucasian Republics, Federation of, 213
Caucasus, Imperialist policy in, 149
Central Europe, post-war conditions in, 109, 110
Charles, ex-Emperor, Adler and, 31
attempts to recover throne, 33
Bohemian delegate and, 20
Count Teleki and, 69
Prince Windischgraetz and, 71
Charles, Prince of Sweden, and relief for Russia, 157, 158
Charlottenburg, Children’s Clinic at, 170-1
Child relief, International organization for, 60
Children, Austrian, sufferings of, 26, 61, 73, 74, 125
German, sufferings of, 25, 26, 164, 170
Polish, sufferings of, 180
Christian Socialism in Austria, 122
Claparéde René and Clarté group, 129
edits newspaper in Geneva, 139
Clarté Socialist group, 129
Clemenceau, story of, on Peace, 123
Cohn, Oscar, 166
Cologne, author at, 172-3
Communism, and spirit of hate, _xii_
Communists and Kautsky, 25
German, 162, 164, 165
Russian programme of, 144
“Comrade,” author’s protest at misuse of, 15, 16
Connolly, execution of, 246
Constantinople, author at, 200, 201, 229
Socialist movement in, 233
Cork, author in, 262-4
Courtney, Lord, 46
Crown Princess of Sweden, death of, 158
Cunninghame, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Thomas, author and, 114
Hungarian aristocracy and, 115
Czapsritski, K., 175
Czecho-Slovak Delegates, at Lucerne, 98
Czecho-Slovakia, opposition to economic union with Austria in, 120
_Daily Herald_, as representative of organized Labour, 17
Danubian federation suggested, 120
De Brouckere, M. Louis, delegate to Georgia, 189, 191
de Jong, Dr., _see_ Beek en Donk
De Kay, John, at Berne, 38, 39, 40, 41
at Lucerne, 133
Dernburg, Herr, author and, 167
De Valera, 182, 184
Despard, Mrs., and Lord French, 94
at Zurich, 93
in Berne, 138
in Ireland, 263
personality of, 93, 94
Dictatorship of the Proletariat, fallacy of, in Russia, 141
Disarmament, necessity for, 273
Dittmann, Herr, 166
Dobrenszky, Countess, 186
Drexel, Mr., 170
Dublin, author’s visit to, 241, 265
Dvarzaladze, M. and Mme., 195
Ebert, President, author and, 165
personality of, 165
Ehrlich, Professor, 187
Einam, Baroness von, and starving Austrian children, 73, 74
Einstein, Prof., 187
Eisner, Kurt, and Dr. Förster, 65, 66
and free speech, 118
author and, 86
incompetent as President, 63
murder of, 15, 86
personality of, 83, 84, 85, 165
welcomes British delegates at Berne, 15, 30, 85
Ellis, Miss Edith, 263
England, and Turkey, 230, 232
great Jews of, 187
“Entente husband,” 134
Esperanto, a wise device, 272
Esthonia, poverty in, 156
Extraordinary Commission, in Russia, 144
Fehrenbach, Herr, 161
“Fight the Famine” conference, 136
Finland, fear of Russia in, 155
First International, foundation and dissolution of, 130
Fitzgerald, Desmond, 252
Ford, Henry, and Jews, 182
Peace mission of, 47
Peace ship, 47, 48
Ford, Isabella, at Zurich, 82
author and, 82
Förster, Professor A. W., and Kurt Eisner, 66
as Minister to Switzerland, 65
as Pacifist, 65, 69
delegate to League of Nations Conference, 64
Fourteen Points, Wilson’s, 170
a German opinion of, 89, 90
France, Anatole, 129
France, and German coal, 171
Free Trade and Austrian Christian Socialists, 122
French, Lord, and Mrs. Despard, 94
French Military Permit, 56
French Socialists at Berne, 22
French Socialist Congress, Strasburg, author at, 129, 131, 132
differences at, 131
votes for Third International, 133
Freundlich, Frau, and Austrian Socialist policy, 118
Fried, and Clarté Group, 129
Frutigen, camp of Austrian children at, 73, 74
Fry, Miss Joan, delegate to League of Nations Conference, 60
Gallipoli, author sees, 199
Gavronsky, M., 177, 178
Geneva, author in, 135
Berne delegates at, 13, 14
Conference at, Belgian Socialists and, 12
Passport and Customs examination at, 13
“Save the Children Fund” Conference at, 131
Second International Conference at, 136
George, Mr. Lloyd, Germans and speeches of, 168
on Peace objects, _xi._, 89, 92
Georgia, and Bolshevism, 150, 223, 225
author’s visit to, 175, 189 _et seq._
Bolshevik Government and, 149, 150, 212, 213
Dance song of, 217
Foreign policy of, 211
National Anthem of, 226
Parliament of, 208
Radek on Bolshevization of, 150
Second International and, 175
Socialist Government of, 208
Steklov on, 150
Toast song of, 206
German Majority Socialists, at Berne, 22, 28, 29
Belgian Socialists and, 11
restraint and moderation of, 29
German Minority Socialists, at Berne, 22, 28
Germany, Alien Tax in, 159
an opinion of effect of Peace in, 91, 92
Communism and, 162, 164
disarmament default of, 162
export of coal from, 171
false reports concerning, 173-4
Independent Socialists of, 166
Nationalists of, 162-3
Socialist newspapers in, 17
sufferings of children in, from blockade, 25
thrift habits in, 167, 168
Gilles, Lieut., 19
Gobat, Mlle., at Zurich, 86
Golden, Mr., 136
Greece, attitude of, to Turkey, 230
Green, Mrs. A. Stopford, 251
Grockney, Otto, 124
Grumbach, Herr, Alsatian delegate to Berne, 128
Guest, Dr. Haden, 155
Guttmann, Dr., at Berne, 36
Haase, German delegate to Berne, 30
murder of, 30
Hague, The, International Conference of Women at, 12, 76
Hall, Captain, 7
_Hans in Schnakenloch_, by René Schickele, 129
Harden, Maximilian, 187
Hardie, Keir, 97
Haupt, Baron, author and, 103, 104
Hedin, Sven, author and, 158, 159
Henderson, Mr. Arthur, M.P., and author’s visit to Ireland, 239
and Berne Conference, 3, 4, 30
and spy’s report, 20
and Stockholm Socialist Conference, 1, 2
as member of War Cabinet, 32
work of, for Labour Party, 7
Henderson, Will, 7
Hennet, Baron, 118
Herzka, Frau, at Zurich, 86
Hobhouse, Miss, and foreign agent, 96
Hohenlohe, Prince Alexander, at Zurich, 92, 93
author and, 93
Horthy, Admiral, offensive cartoons of, 137
Hôtel Crillon, as headquarters of American Peace Delegation, 7, 8
House, Colonel, 7, 81
Hull House, Chicago, Miss Jane Addams and, 77, 78
Humperdinck, Egbert, 172
Hungarian Peace Treaty, 117
Hungarian Red Cross, author and petition from, to President Wilson, 81
members of, and Bolshevism, 135
Hungary, anti-democratic policy of White Government of, 117
aristocrats of, 115
Bolshevik Revolution in, 49
Count Teleki, Prime Minister of, 69
counter-revolution in, 95
Entente officials and counter-revolution of, 117
poverty in, 116
Red Terror in, 175
Socialist policy in, 72
White Terror in, 70, 116, 137, 184
Huysmans, M. Camille, at Berne Conference, 3, 4, 11, 30
at Second International Conference, Geneva, 137
author and, 189
delegate to Georgia, 189
personality of, 189, 190
Huysmans, Mme., 189, 195
Huysmans, Mlle. Sara, 191
Hyman, Fraulein L. G., at Zurich, 83
Imperialism, mischief of, _xii._
Independent Socialists, German, 160
India, Bolshevik propaganda and, 149
Inge, Dean, and democracy, 88
Inghels, M., delegate to Georgia, 189, 196
“Intelligence” man, in Cork, 263
International Conferences, method of conducting, 21, 22
International Council, Conference of, at Lucerne, 95 _et seq._
author as Press representative at, 95 _et seq._
“International, The,” sung at Batoum, 203
International Woman Suffrage Alliance, Conference of, 42
Internationalism, capitalists and, 130
collectivist, 143
difficulties of, 95
inevitability of, 272
Ireland, author visits, 237 _et seq._
Catholic _v._ Protestant in, 254
G. W. Russell on, 242 _et seq._
murder of soldiers in, 265
rebellion of 1916, 267
two Governments of, 268
“tyranny of the minority” in, 141
Jaurès, scandal of acquittal of murderer of, 9, 10
portrait of, in Chamber of Deputies, 10
scene of murder of, 9
Jebb, Miss Eglantyne, 61, 135
Jews, celebrated, 187
of Central Europe, 181 _et seq._
Socialist, 187
Vienna Press and, 187
Joachim, Prince at Hôtel Adlon, 115
Jordania, M., 208, 210
letter from, 224
Journalists, Continental and British, compared, 36, 37
Jugo-Slavia, prosperity of, 235
Kaiserhof, The, author at, 166
Karolyi, Count, and Frau Schwimmer, 42
author and, 42
Princess von Liechtenstein on policy of, 72
Kasbec, author’s visit to, 215 _et seq._
Kautsky, Herr, as Marxist and anti-Bolshevik, 25
author’s meeting with, 24, 25, 166
delegate to Georgia, 189, 229
hatred of, by Communists, 25
personality of, 25
Kellner, Professor Léon, 124, 187
Kemal Pasha, and Bolsheviks, 149, 201
at Trebizond, 201
France and Italy and, 230
Kerensky, M., personality and policy of, 212
Kilmarnock, Lord, 161
Kleist, Major von, author and daughter of, 80
Knock-out blow, evils of policy of, _xi_
Kolb, Annette, author and, 129
“Briefe einer Deutsch-Franzosin,” by, 67
personality of, 66, 67
Kommer, Rudolf, at Berne, 36, 52, 71, 72
in Berlin, 132
Koutäis, author’s visit to, 220
Kuenzer, Herr, 166
Kun, Bela, 69, 70, 117
a Jew, 181, 182
Labour Party, British, and Second International, 130
Anti-war demonstration of, 28
delegation to Ireland from, 239
delegation to Poland from, 176
devoted work of officials of, 7
“Jim” Middleton and, 6
lack of Press organization by, 17
Labour Temples, Continental, 17
Lansbury, George, at Berne, 38
Latzko, Andreas, author and, 67, 68
“Men in Battle,” by, 67
personality of, 67
Law, Bonar, Germans and speeches of, 169
Lawrence, Mrs. Pethick, at Zurich, 86
League of Nations, _xi_, 81
Armenia and, 231
Georgia and, 214
Internationalism and, 272
Labour and, 273
Labour Department, Miss Sophie Sanger and, 3
Vienna as centre for, 136
League of Nations Commission, of the Second International, author as
member of, 22
League of Nations Conference, author as delegate to, 54 _et seq._
first meeting with Women’s International League, 79
purpose of, 62
recommendations of, 63
types of delegates at, 59
Lenin, and bourgeois ideal of liberty, 59
and Brest-Litovsk manifesto, 142
anti-nationalism of, 273
as “only happy Socialist Minister,” 28
at Wiener Café, 53
author’s estimate of, 145, 146
changed views of, 99, 147, 148
differences of, with Trotsky, 148
difficulties of, 85
Georgia and, 226
Kerensky’s policy and, 212
moderate policy of, 144
Second International on, 35
speech of, at Russian Communist Conference, 146
World-Communism and World-revolution ideas of, 145
Leslie, Mr., Consul at Reval, 156
Liebknecht, 182
Liechtenstein, Prince Johan von, 73
Liechtenstein, Princess Maritza von, on Count Karolyi’s policy, 72
personality of, 72, 73
“Little Gillies,” 6
Longuet, M. Jean, and Bolshevism, 35
and British delegates to Berne, 9
at Strasburg Conference, 130, 131
personality of, 10
Lord, Mrs., 132
Lucerne, American millionaire socialist at, 100
Conference of International Council at, 95 _et seq._
Ludendorff, Gen., 165
MacArthur, Mary, 176
McBride, Major, execution of, 263
McBride, Mme., 263
Macdonald, Mr. J. Ramsay, and M. Gavronsky, 179
and M. Longuet, 9
at Batoum, 203, 204, 228
at Berne, 38, 52
delegate to Georgia, 189, 196
delegation to Georgia and, 175
in Geneva, 14
woman spy and, 96
Macmillan, Miss Crystal, 86
Malcolm, General, 161
Marquet, M., at Batoum, 229
at Strasburg conference, 130
delegate to Georgia, 189, 196, 218
in Belgrade, 234
Marshall, Miss Katharine, 102
Marx, Karl, founds First International, 130
Jean Longuet, grandson of, 9
Kautsky, as exponent of principles of, 25
Meinl, Mr. Julius, on decontrol of food, 122
Melan, Mlle., at Zurich, 86
“Men in Battle,” by Andreas Latzko, 67
Meyer, Herr Edouard, 164
Middleton, Jim, as secretary to delegates to Berne, 6
Militarism, _x._
Bolsheviks and, 141
failure of, _xii._
Miners, British, and “Save the Children Fund,” 171
Mölkenbuhr at Berne, 29, 30
Montgelas, Count Max, at League of Nations Conference, 60
_Morning Post_, author and, 183
Müller (ex-Chancellor), at Berne, 23, 29
author and, 165
supporter of Germany, 32
Munich, strange story of delegate from, 6
revolutionary scenes in, 84
Nansen, Dr., 81
National Council for Civil Liberties, 151
National Peace Council, author as representative of, 60
National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies, Conference of, at
Budapest, 70
Peace efforts of, 75
Nationalists, German, author and, 162-165
Nazarov, 196
Nemec, Dr., at Berne, 98
at Lucerne, 98
Nicolai, Professor, “Biology of War,” by, 68
escape to Denmark of, 69
personality of, 68
Nicolaivich, Grand Duke, author and palace of, 192, 221
Northcliffe, Lord, German Radicals and, 172
Ochme, Herr, 166
Ogenheim, Baron, 135
Pacifist, author as, 19
Pallenberg, Max, 172
Paris, delegates to Berne in, 7, 8
dirty condition of, after Armistice, 8, 9
Parliamentary Committee of the Trade Union Congress, delegates of, at
Berne, 3
Passports, difficulties of obtaining, 55, 56, 96
examination of, 5, 13, 106, 107
Peabody, George Foster, author and, 50
Peace, views on, _xi._
Peace Conference, Paris as “ill-chosen seat of,” 8
Peace ship, Henry Ford’s, 47
Miss Addams and, 79
Peasant _v._ Town worker, problem of, in Central Europe, 121
Peasant-proprietorship in Georgia, 209
Persia, Bolsheviks and, 149
Plunkett, Sir Horace, 244
Poland, Bolsheviks and, 177-9
children’s sufferings in, 180
Jews in, 185-6
Labour party and, 176, 177
plight of, 179-80
Political agents at Berne, 18 _et seq._
Poti, author’s visit to, 221
Prague, split among Socialists of, 99
Price, Phillips, and Germany’s disarmament, 162
Radek, 25
a Jew, 181
and bourgeois institutions, 59
and Treaty of Sèvres, 149
on Bolshevization of Georgia, 150
Reading, Lord, 187
Redlich, Dr., Christian Socialist leader, 122
Redmond, John, 267
Red Terror, in Hungary, 175
in Russia, 35
Reichstag, and Peace Resolution, _xi_
author’s visit to, 162
women members of, 166
Reinhardt, Max, 187
Renaudel, M., at Berne, 15, 23
at Strasburg Conference, 130, 131
delegate to Georgia, 189, 196, 218
Renner, Dr., 104
Reprisals in Ireland, 243
Reval, author at, 155
Rhine, The, author and, 173
Rome, author in, 197, 198
Royden, Miss Maude, 75
Rusiecka, Dr. Marie de, 133
and League of Nations Conference, 138
and Serbian retreat, 137
at Zurich, 138
personality of, 138
Russell, G. W., author and, 242
Russell, Hon. Bertrand, 65, 70
Russia, author’s views on, 139 _et seq._
democratic programme of, 147
Red Terror in, 35
Russian Revolution and Third International, 130
Russo-Georgian Treaty, 225
Russo-Polish Treaty, 148
Samuel, Sir Herbert, 187
Sanger, Miss Sophie, 3
Sapieha, Princess, 180
Savery, Mr., 133
“Save the Children” Fund, author as member of executive of, 155
conference at Geneva, 131
foundation and work of, 61
organization of, 136
relief work of, 271
work of, in Vienna, 114
Schickele, René, 128, 129
_Hans in Schnakenloch_, by, 129
Schönbrunn Palace, children’s hospital in, 125
Schwartz-Hillen, Dr., and Galician Jewish refugees, 118
Schwimmer, Rosika, and Henry Ford, 47, 48
and President Wilson, 44, 45
appointed Minister to Switzerland, 42
author and, 42, 43, 48, 49
personality of, 49
Second International, Adler’s reception by, 31, 32
author at conference of, 18
Belgian Socialists and, 11
British delegates, 23
British Labour Party decides for, 130
conference of, at Berne, 1 _et seq._
conference of, at Geneva, 136
countries represented at Berne, 30
delegation to Georgia from, 175, 189 _et seq._
Executive Committee at Berne, 30
foundation of, 130
German delegates at Berne, 24, 28
League of Nations commission of, 22
main achievement of Berne Conference, 34
newspaper men at conference of, 36
on Bolshevism, 35
Socialist differences with, 130, 166
Secret diplomacy, 118
Seitz, President, at Berne, 26
author and, 111, 124
personality of, 124, 165
Selfishness, elimination of, 274
Semmering, author at, 124
Serbia, prosperity of, 235
Sèvres, Treaty of Radek and, 149
Shaw, Dr. Anna, 77
Shaw, Tom, M.P., 176
delegate to Georgia, 189, 196
Shinwell, 182
Siberian prisoners, sufferings of, 80
Sinn Fein, causes of political rise of, 268
Skobeloff, Mme., 195
Smeral, Dr., at Lucerne, 98
personality of, 99
Social Democracy, Kautsky and, 25
Socialist Conference, International, at Stockholm, 2
Socialist Government of Georgia, 208
Socialist Governments, European, difficulties of, 27
_Société des Amis_, good work of, 62
Society of Friends, and Continental distress, 62
in Cork, 263
relief work of, 114, 271
Russians’ trust in, 158
Spy, political, author and, 18, 19, 96
fear of, at Berne, 18,
at Lucerne, 97
Steklov on Georgia, 150
Stinnes, Hugo, 169
Stockholm, author in, 157
proposed Socialist conference at, 2
Strasburg, author at French Socialist Congress at, 129
Strunsky, Simeon, at Berne, 36
Sturgh, Count, murder of, 31
Swanwick, Mrs., and Zurich Conference, 79
personality of, 81, 82
Swedish Red Cross and relief expedition to Russia, 157
Swiss Government, and Second International Conference, 4
efforts at neutrality of, 133
Szamuely, atrocities of, 184
“pervert and madman,” 115
Szilassy, Baron, 81, 133
Taranto, author at, 198
Tchicherine, and Georgians, 213
and Swedish relief expedition, 158
personality of, 151
Teleki, Count, and ex-Emperor Charles, 69
author and, 69, 70
“The 2¹⁄₂ International,” 34
Third International, Bolsheviks and, 130
efforts of, to absorb Second, 130
establishment of, 35, 36
influence of, 166
Strasburg Conference and, 133
Thomas, Albert M., at Berne, 23
French “patriot,” 32
Thomas, Mr. J. H., and Second International Conference, 4
“Through Bolshevik Russia,” by Mrs. Philip Snowden, 139, 181
Tiflis, author at, 208
Bolsheviks at, 225
Tipperary, destruction at, 256
Toller, author and, 64
Tracey, Herbert, 7
Trebizond, author at, 201, 229
Trotsky, a Jew, 181, 182
and Peace of Brest-Litovsk, _xi_, 143
and Poland, 177
as Russian Napoleon, 148
at Wiener Café, 53
differences between Lenin and, 148
in Vienna, 123
Kerensky’s policy and, 212
on Armenia and Georgia, 225
Second International on, 35
story of, 124
Tseretelli, M., 175, 197
Turco-Russian Treaty, 236
Turk, virtues and vices of, 230, 231
Turkey, position of, 232-3
Turkish Nationalists, and Bolsheviks, 149
Union of Democratic Control, author as delegate from, 54
similarity of policy with Clarté group, 129
Vaillant-Couturier, at Strasburg Conference, 131
Vandervelde, Emil, delegate to Georgia, 189, 191, 192
speech of, at Geneva Conference, 12
Vandervelde, Mme., 194
Versailles, Treaty of, and German coal, 171
author’s condemnation of, at Zurich, 87
at Berne, 138
Branting and, 160
German Socialists and, 166
German view of, 88-92
injustice of, 26, 27
Women’s International Conference and, 87
Vienna, as centre for League of Nations, 136
author’s distressing journey to, 105 _et seq._
Bristol Hotel at, 111, 112
British Military Mission at, 114
children’s holiday camps in, 125
food profiteering in, 109
hotel charges in, 111
Jews and Press in, 187
poverty in, 112, 113, 126
Schönbrunn Palace, children’s hospital at, 125
terrible condition of children in, 60
“The 2¹⁄₂ International” Conference at, 34, 60
unemployment in, 113
Villard, Oswald G., and President Wilson, 49, 50
at Berne Conference, 36
author and, 50, 51
personality of, 49, 50
views on war and peace, 50
Volkshaus, Berne, Second International Conference in, 17
Vollmoeller, Karl, author and, 171-2
“Voltaire of Würternberg,” the, 171
Wake, E. P., 7
Warfare, modern, “filthiness” of, 274
Warsaw, and Bolshevik attack, 179
Washington, author at, 44, 45, 46
Weardale, Lord, and “Save the Children” Fund, 61
Webb, Mr. Sidney, and Gavronsky, 179
Wels, M., at Berne, 23
“White Terror,” in Hungary, 70, 116, 184
Admiral Horthy and, 137
Wied, Prince, 159
Wiener Café, Berne, 51, 52, 53, 133, 134
Lenin and Trotsky at, 53
Wiesbaden, saluting French flag at, 115
Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Countess, 157, 169
Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Professor, author and, 163
Wilson, Mr. Hugh, in Berlin, 170
Wilson, President, author and, 43, 44
failure of, 34
“Fourteen Points” of, 87, 89, 90, 170
League of Nations Conference and, 63
O. G. Villard and, 49, 50
on rights of small nations, _xi_
petition to, from Hungarian Red Cross, 81
Windischgraetz, Prince Ludwig, 53
author and, 70
ex-Emperor Charles and, 71
in Paris, 132
personality of, 70, 71
Windischgraetz, Princess Maria, author and, 72
in Prague, 132
personality of, 71
Winter, Dr. Max, author and, 125
Wise, Rabbi, 80
Women, International Conference of, at the Hague, 12
at Zurich, 18
Women spies at Berne, 20, 96
Women’s International League for Permanent Peace, British delegates
to, 76
differences in, 75
first conference of, at the Hague, 76
foundation of, 75
Swiss branch of, and League of Nations Conference, 79
Treaty of Versailles, 87
Women’s Peace Crusade, and petition for negotiated peace, 2
Workers’ International, Berne Conference and, 30
policy for, 273
Zalewski, M., author and, 133
Zelkin, Clara, 3
Zinoviev, 25
a Jew, 181
Zuckerkandl, Mdme., author and, 118, 122, 123
Zurich, author on, 79
Women’s Conference at, 18, 75 _et seq._
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Transcriber’s Notes
Minor errors in punctuation have been corrected.
Page 97: “less of mankind then” changed to “less of mankind than”
Page 172: “Egelbert Humperdinck” changed to “Engelbert Humperdinck”