appointed to bring in a militia bill. I am of your opinion, that
this matter requires great attention, and I wish with you to see
our militia formed not only into battalions, but also brigades.
But should we not be cautious of putting them under the direction
of the generals of the continent, at least until such a
legislative shall be established over all America, as every
colony shall consent to?
The continental army is very properly under the direction of the
continental congress. Possibly, if ever such a legislative should
be formed, it may be proper that the whole military power in
every Colony should be under its absolute direction. Be that as
it may, will it not till then be prudent that the militia of each
colony should be and remain under the sole direction of its own
legislative, which is and ought to be the sovereign and
uncontrollable power within its own limits or territory? I hope
our militia will always be prepared to aid the forces of the
continent in this righteous opposition to tyranny. But this ought
to be done upon an application to the government of the colony.
Your militia is your natural strength, which ought under your own
direction to be employed for your own safety and protection. It
is a misfortune to a colony to become the seat of war. It is
always dangerous to the liberties of the people to have an army
stationed among them, over which they have no control. There is
at present a necessity for it; the continental army is kept up
within our colony, most evidently for our immediate security. But
it should be remembered that history affords abundant instances
of established armies making themselves the masters of those
countries, which they were designed to protect. There may be no
danger of this at present, but it should be a caution not to
trust the whole military strength of a colony in the hands of
commanders independent of its established legislative.
It is now in the power of our assembly to establish many
wholesome laws and regulations, which could not be done under the
former administration of government. Corrupt men may be kept out
of places of public trust; the utmost circumspection I hope will
be used in the choice of men for public officers. It is to be
expected that some who are void of the least regard to the
public, will put on the appearance and even speak boldly the
language of patriots, with the sole purpose of gaining the
confidence of the public, and securing the loaves and fishes for
themselves or their sons or other connexions. Men who stand
candidates for public posts, should be critically traced in their
views and pretensions, and though we would despise mean and base
suspicion, there is a degree of jealousy which is absolutely
necessary in this degenerate state of mankind, and is indeed at
all times to be considered as a political virtue. It is in your
power also to prevent a plurality of places incompatible with
each other being vested in the same persons. This our patriots
have loudly and very justly complained of in time past, and it
will be an everlasting disgrace to them if they suffer the
practice to continue. Care I am informed is taking to prevent the
evil with as little inconvenience as possible, but it is my
opinion that the remedy ought to be deep and thorough.
After all, virtue is the surest means of securing the public
liberty. I hope you will improve the golden opportunity of
restoring the ancient purity of principles and manners in our
country. Every thing that we do, or ought to esteem valuable,
depends upon it. For freedom or slavery, says an admired writer,
will prevail in a country according as the disposition and
manners of the inhabitants render them fit for the one or the
other.
P.S. Nov. 4th. Yesterday the colours of the 7th regiment were
presented to the Congress. They were taken at Fort Chamblee; the
garrison surrendered prisoners of war to Major Brown of the
Massachusetts forces, with one hundred and twenty-four barrels of
gunpowder! May heaven grant us further success.1
_________________________________________________________________
1In the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library, is the draft of a
letter, endorsed as to James Warren, the body of which is almost
identical with the foregoing. The postscript, however, is as
follows:
Novr 4th
My Time is so little at my own Disposal that I am obligd to
improve a Moment as I can catch it to write to a Friend. I wish I
was at Liberty to communicate to you some of our Proceedings, but
I am restraind, and though it is painful to me to keep Secrets
from a few confidential Friends, I am resolvd that I will not
violate my Honor. I may venture to tell you one of our
Resolutions which in the Nature of it must be immediately made
publick, and that it is to recommend to our Sister Colony of N
Hampshire to exercise Government in such a form as they shall
judge necessary for the preservation of peace and good order,
during the continuance of the present Contest with Britain. This
I would not have you mention abroad till you see it published or
hear it publickly talkd of. The Government of the N England
Colonies I suppose will soon be nearly on the same Footing, and I
am of opinion that it; will not be long before every Colony will
see the Necessity of setting up Government within themselves for
reasons that appear to me to be obvious.
Yesterday the Congress was presented with the Colors of the 7th
Regiment taken at Fort Chamblee which was a few days ago
surrendered to Major Brown--ONE HUNDRED & TWENTY FOUR BARRILS OF
GUN POWDER--May Heaven grant us further success. I am
Your affectionate Friend,
TO MRS. ADAMS.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILADA, Novr 7th 1775
MY DEAR
My last Letter to you I sent by young Mr Gowen Brown who left
this place about a fortnight ago. I know not how many I have
written. I wish you would send me the Dates of those you have
receivd, in your next.
My Son informs me in a late Letter, that you were about removing
to little Cambridge. I am exceedingly pleasd with it, because I
am sure you could not be comfortable in your house at Dedham in
the cold Season. When we shall return to our Habitation in
Boston, if ever, is uncertain. The Barbarity of our Enemies in
the Desolations they have wantonly made at Falmouth and
elsewhere, is a Presage of what will probably befall that Town
which has so long endur'd the Rage of a merciless Tyrant. It has
disgracd the Name of Britain, and added to the Character of the
Ministry, another indelible Mark of Infamy. We must be content to
suffer the Loss of all things in this Life, rather than tamely
surrender the publick Liberty. The Eyes of the People of Britain
seem to be fast closed; if they should ever be opened they will
rejoyce, and thank the Americans for resisting a Tyranny which is
manifestly intended to overwhelm them and the whole British
Empire. Righteous Heaven will surely smile on a Cause so
righteous as ours is, and our Country, if it does its Duty will
see an End to its Oppressions. Whether I shall live to rejoyce
with the Friends of Liberty and Virtue, my fellow Laborers in the
Common Cause, is a Matter of no Consequence. I will endeavor by
Gods Assistance, to act my little part well--to approve my self
to Him, and trust every thing which concerns me to his all-
gracious Providence.
The Newspapers will give you an Account of the Surrender of the
Garrison at Fort Chambly to Major Brown of the Massachusetts. The
Colors of the 7th Regiment were taken there and were brought to
the Congress on Fryday last.
I wrote to my Daughter not long ago. I hope she has receivd the
Letter. Remember me to her and to Sister Polly and all the other
Friends.
You will believe, my dear Betsy, without the Formality of my
repeating it to you, that I am, most affectionately,
Your,
TO JAMES BOWDOIN.
[Proceedings of Massachusetts Historical Society, 1st ser., vol.
xii., pp. 226, 227.]
PHILADELPHIA. Nov. 16. 1775.
SIR,--I embrace this opportunity of writing to you by your son,
whose unexpected arrival from London the last week gave me much
pleasure. He seems in a great degree to have recovered his
health; & I dare say it will be still more satisfactory to you to
find, that he is warmly attached to the Rights of his Country &
of mankind. Give me leave to congratulate you, & also to express
to you the joy I feel on another occasion; which is, that your
own health is so far restored to you, as to enable you again, &
at so important a crisis, to aid our Country with your council.
For my own part, I had even buried you, though I had not forgot
you. I thank God who had disappointed our fears; & it is my
ardent prayer that your health may be perfectly restored & your
eminent usefulness long continued.
We live, my Dear Sir, in an important age--an age in which we are
called to struggle hard in support of the public Liberty. The
conflict, I am satisfied, will the next spring be more severe
than ever. The Petition of Congress has been treated with
insolent contempt. I cannot conceive that there is any room to
hope from the virtuous efforts of the people of Britain. They
seem to be generally unprincipled and fitted for the yoke of
arbitrary power. The opposition of the few is feeble and languid-
-while the Tyrant is flushed with expectations from his fleets &
armies, & has, I am told, explicitly declared, that "Let the
consequences be what they may, it is his UNALTERABLE
determination, to COMPEL the colonists to absolute obedience."
The plan of the British Court, as I was well informed the last
winter, was, to take possession of New York, make themselves
masters of Hudson's River & the Lakes, cut off all communication
between the Northern & Southern Colonies, & employ the Canadians
upon whom they greatly relied, in distressing the frontiers of
New England. Providence has smiled upon our northern expedition.
Already St. Johns is reduced, & if we gain the possession of all
Canada this winter, of which there is a fair prospect, their
design, so far as it respects this part of their plan, will be
totally frustrated.
I will not further trespass upon your time. If you can find
leisure, a letter from you will exceedingly oblige me, for you
may believe me when I assure you that I am with the greatest
esteem--
Your Friend and very humble Servant,
TO JAMES OTIS.1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a certified copy is in
the Massachusetts Archives, 194: 160; and a text is in Force,
American Archives, 4th ser., vol. iii, p. 1654, and in Acts and
Resolves of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, vol v., pp. 524,
525.]
PHILADELPHIA Nov 23 1775
SIR/
Having maturely considerd your Letter of the 11th of Novr written
in the Name & by order of the Honb the Council of the
Massachusetts Bay & directed to the Delegates of that Colony,2
and consulted with my Colleagues3 thereon, I beg Leave to offer
it as my opinion, that the Resolve of Congress passed on the 9th
of June last relative to establishing Civil Government must be
superseeded by the subsequent resolve of the 3 of July following
so far as they appear to militate with each other. By the last of
these Resolves the Conventions, or Assemblies of the several
Colonies annually elective are at their Discretion either to
adopt the Method pointed out for the regulation of their Militia
in whole or in part or to continue their former Regulations as
they on Consideration of all Circumstances shall think fit; It
seems manifest therefore that the Honbl Council are under no
restraint from yielding to the Honbl House a Voice . . . . them
in the Choice of the Militia officers in the Colony.
I am prevaild upon to believe that this is the Sense of the
Congress because they have lately recommended to the Colony of
New Hampshire to set up & exercise Government in such form as
they shall judge most conducive to the promotion of peace & good
order among themselves--without Restriction of any kind.
As the Hon Board have been pleasd to direct us to give our
opinion either with or without consulting our Brethren of the
Congress as we shall judge best, I hope I shall be justified in
declining on my part to have the Matter laid before Congress for
Reasons which were of Weight in my own Mind; and indeed I am of
opinion that the Congress would not chuse to take any order of
that kind, they having constantly declind to determine on any
Matter which concerns the internal Police of either of the united
Colonies.
It is my most ardent Wish that a cordial Agreement between the
two Houses may ever take place, and more especially in the
Establishment of the Militia, upon which the Safety of the Colony
so greatly depends.
I am with all due regards to the Honbl Board,
Sir, your most humble Servant,
________________________________________________________________
1Addressed as President of the Council of Massachusetts Bay.
2The words "in the Continental Congress" were stricken from the
draft.
3Originally "Brethren."
TO JAMES WARREN.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILADELPHIA, Decr 26 1775
MY DEAR SIR/
I have receivd your obliging Letter of the 5th Instt by Fessenden
for which I am very thankful to you. The present Government of
our Colony, you tell me, is not considerd as permanent. This
affords the strongest Motive to improve the Advantages of it,
while it continues. May not Laws be made and Regulations
establishd under this Government, the salutary Effects of which
the People shall be so convincd of from their own Experience, as
never hereafter to suffer them to be repeald or alterd. But what
other Change is expected? Certainly the People do not already
hanker after the Onions & the Garlick! They cannot have so soon
forgot the Tyranny of their late Governors, who, being dependent
upon and the mere Creatures of a Minister of State, and
subservient his Inclinations, have FORBID them to make such Laws
as would have been beneficial to them or to repeal those that
were not. But, I find EVERY WHERE some Men, who are affraid of a
free Government, lest it should be perverted, and made Use of as
a Cloke for Licenciousness. The fear of the Peoples abusing their
Liberty is made an Argument against their having the Enjoyment of
it; as if any thing were so much to be dreaded by Mankind as
Slavery. But the Bearer Mr Bromfield, of whose Departure I did
not know, till a few Minutes past, is waiting. I can therefore
say no more at present but that I am,
Your affectionate Friend,
Mr Bromfield who went in a Stage Coach, set off before I could
close my Letter. I shall therefore forward it by the Post or any
other Conveyance that may next offer. Your last Letter informd me
that "the late Conduct of the _______ had weakned that Confidence
& Reverence necessary to give a well disposd Government its full
operation and Effect." I am sorry for it; and presume it is not
to be imputed to a fault in the Institution of that order but a
Mistake in the Persons of whom it is composd. All Men are fond of
Power. It is difficult for us to be prevaild upon to believe that
we possess more than belongs to us. Even publick Bodies of men
legally constituted are too prone to covet more Power than the
Publick hath judgd it safe to entrust them with. It is happy when
their Power is not only subject to Controul while it is exercisd,
but frequently reverts into the hands of the People from whom it
is derivd, and to whom Men in Power ought for ever to be
accountable. That venerable Assembly, the Senate of Areopagus in
Athens, whose Proceedings were so eminently upright and impartial
that we are told, even "foreign States, when any Controversies
happend among them, would voluntarily submit to their Decisions,"
"not only their Determinations might be called into Question and
if need was, retracted by an Assembly of the People, but
themselves too, if they exceeded the due Bounds of Moderation
were liable to account for it." At present our Council as well as
our House of Representatives are annually elective. Thus far they
are accountable to the people, as they are lyable for Misbehavior
to be discarded; but this is not a sufficient Security to the
People unless they are themselves VIRTUOUS. If we wish for
"another Change," must it not be a Change of Manners? If the
youth are carefully educated--If the Principles of Morality are
strongly inculcated on the Minds of the People--the End and
Design of Government clearly understood and the Love of our
Country the ruling Passion, uncorrupted Men will then be chosen
for the representatives of the People. These will elect Men of
distinguishd Worth to sit at the Council Board, and in time we
may hope, that in the purity of their Manners, the Wisdom of
their Councils, and the Justice of their Determinations our
Senate may equal that of Athens, which was said to be "the most
sacred and venerable Assembly in all Greece." I confess, I have a
strong desire that our Colony should excell in Wisdom and Virtue.
If this proceeds from Pride, is it not . . . . . . Pride? I am
willing that the same Spirit of Emulation may pervade every one
of the Confederated Colonies. But I am calld off and must
conclude with again assuring you that I am, with the most
friendly Regards to Mrs Warren, very affectionately,
Yours,
Regina Azucena
razucena@gis.net
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
[J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp. 125-127; a
text is in Force, American Archives, 4th ser., vol. iv., p. 541;
and a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILADELPHIA, Jan. 2, 1776.
MY DEAR SIR,
Your very acceptable letter of the 13th of December is now before
me. Our opinions of the necessity of keeping the military power
under the direction and control of the legislative, I always
thought were alike. It was far from my intention in my letter to
you on the subject, to attempt the correcting any imagined errour
in your judgment, but rather shortly to express my own
apprehensions at this time, when it is become necessary to
tolerate that power, which is always formidable, and has so often
proved fatal to the liberties of mankind.
It gives me great satisfaction to be informed, that the members
of the house of representatives are possessed of so warm a spirit
of patriotism, as that "an enemy to America may as well attempt
to scale the regions of bliss, as to insinuate himself into their
favour." Whatever kind of men may be denominated enemies to their
country, certainly he is a very injudicious friend to it, who
gives his suffrage for any man to fill a public office, merely
because he is rich; and yet you tell me there are recent
instances of this in our government. I confess it mortifies me
greatly. The giving such a preference to riches is both
dishonourable and dangerous to a government. It is indeed equally
dangerous to promote a man to a place of public trust only
because he wants bread, but I think it is not so dishonourable;
for men may be influenced to the latter from the feelings of
humanity, but the other argues a base, degenerate, servile temper
of mind. I hope our country will never see the time, when either
riches or the want of them will be the leading considerations in
the choice of public officers. Whenever riches shall be deemed a
necessary qualification, ambition as well as avarice will prompt
men most earnestly to thirst for them, and it will be commonly
said, as in ancient times of degeneracy,
Quaerenda pecunia primum est,
Virtus post nummos.
"Get money, money still,
And then let virtue follow if she will."
I am greatly honoured, if my late letter has been acceptable to
the house. I hope the militia bill, to which that letter
referred, is completed to the satisfaction of both houses of the
assembly.
The account you give me of the success our people meet with in
the manufacture of salt-petre is highly pleasing to me. I
procured of a gentleman in the colony of New-York, the plan of a
powder mill, which I lately sent to Mr. Revere. I hope it may be
of some use.
I have time at present only to request you to write to me by the
post, and to assure that I am
Your affectionate friend,
RESOLVES OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.
JANUARY 5, 1776.1
[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. ii., pp. 342, 343; a
text is in Journals of the Continental Congress (Library of
Congress edition), vol. iv., pp. 32, 33.]
The committee appointed to consider the letter of General
Washington, dated the 18th of December, and the enclosed papers,
brought in a report upon that part which relates to James Lovell,
who has long been, and still is, detained a close prisoner in
Boston, by order of General Howe, which, being taken into
consideration, was agreed That it appears to your committee that
the said Mr. Lovell hath for years past been an able advocate for
the liberties of America and mankind; that by his letter to
General Washington, which is a part of said enclosed papers, he
exhibits so striking an instance of disinterested patriotism, as
strongly recommends him to the particular notice of this
continent.
Whereupon, RESOLVED, That Mr. James Lovell, an inhabitant of
Boston, now held a close prisoner there by order of General Howe,
has discovered under the severest trials the warmest attachment
to public liberty, and an inflexible fidelity to his country;
that by his late letter to General Washington he has given the
strongest evidence of disinterested public affection, in refusing
to listen to terms offered for his relief, till he could be
informed by his countrymen that they were compatible with their
safety and honor.
RESOLVED, That it is deeply to be regretted that a British
general can be found degenerate enough, so ignominiously and
cruelly to treat a citizen who is so eminently virtuous.
RESOLVED, That it be an instruction to General Washington to make
an offer of Governor Skene in exchange for the said Mr. Lovell
and his family.
RESOLVED, That General Washington be desired to embrace the first
opportunity which may offer of giving some office to Mr. Lovell
equal to his abilities, and which the public service may require.
ORDERED, That a copy of the foregoing resolutions be transmitted
to the General as speedily as possible.
________________________________________________________________
1See below, page 254. Wells, at vol. ii., pp. 364-366, prints
certain resolutions of the Continental Congress of
January 2, 1776, attributing them to Adams.
_______________________________________________________________
TO JAMES WARREN.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; Cf, R. Frothingham,
Rise of the Republic, p. 470.]
PHILADA Jany 7 1776
MY DEAR SIR--