Dr. Williamson, who sailed with Capt. ----------in December last.
The general assembly has since been sitting, and the important
subject of the judges of the superior court being made dependent
on the crown for thier salaries, was again taken up by the house
of representatives with spirit and firmness. The house had in a
former session passed divers resolutions expressing their sense
of the dangerous tendency of this innovation, and declaring that
unless the justices should renounce the salaries from the crown,
and submit to a constitutional dependence upon the the assembly
for their support, they would proceed to impeach them before the
governor and council. One of them, Mr. Trowbridge, very early in
the session, in a letter to the speaker, expressed his former
compliance with that resolve, which letter was communicated to
the house and voted satisfactory. The other four had taken no
notice of the resolve. The house therefore having waited from the
26th of January, which was the first day of the session, till the
1st of February, then came to a resolution, that unless they
should conform to their order on or before the fourth of the same
month, farther proceedings would be had on such neglect. The
effect of this resolve was, that three of them, viz:--Hutchinson,
(a brother to him who is called governor), --------, ----------,
made similar declarations to that of Trowbridge, which were also
voted satisfactory. Mr. Justice Oliver, who is a brother of the
lieutenant-governor, and is connected with the governor by the
marriage of their children, came to a different determination;
which occasioned a controversy between the governor and the two
houses, inserted at large in the enclosed papers. Therein you
will see that the governor has treated the petitions, complaints,
and remonstrances of the representative body, with haughty
contempt. The people view it with deep resentment as an effect of
his independency; whereby he is aliened from them, and become a
fitter instrument in the hands of the ministry to carry into
effect their destructive plans. They are irritated to the highest
degree, and despair of any constitutional remedy against the
oppressions of a corrupt officer, while the governor, BE HE WHO
HE MAY, is thus dependent on ministers of state. They have ever
since the trial of Preston and his soldiers been murmuring at the
conduct of the superior court, and the partiality which many say
is so clearly discovered in causes between revenue officers and
the government, abettors, and other subjects. Indeed, the house
of representatives two or three years ago passed a resolution
that such conduct in several instances had been observed, as
appears in their printed journals. To give you some idea of what
the temper of that court has been, a lawyer1 of great eminence in
the province, and a member of the house of representatives, was
thrown over the bar a few days ago, because he explained in a
public newspaper the sentiments he had advanced in the house when
he had been misrepresented; and a young lawyer of great genius in
this town, who had passd the regular course of study, (which is
more than can be said of the chief-justice) has been and is still
refused by the governor, only because he mentioned the name of
Hutchinson with freedom, and that not in court, but in a Boston
town-meeting some years before. And to show you from whence this
influence springs, I must inform you that not long ago the
governor, the lieutenant-governor, and three of the judges, which
make a majority of the bench, were nearly related; and even now
the governor has a brother there, and is brother-in-law to the
chief-justice. Such combinations are justly formidable, and the
people view them with a jealous eye. They clearly see through a
system formed for their destruction. That the parliament of
Britain is to make laws, binding them in all cases whatsoever;
that the colonies are to be taxed by that parliament without
their own consent; and the crown enabled to appropriate money for
the support of the executive and arbitrary powers; that this
leaves their own assembly a body of very little significance;
while the officers of government and judges, are to be totally
independent of the legislature, and altogether under the control
of the king's ministers and counselors; and there an union will
be effected, as dangerous as it will be powerful; the whole power
of government will be lifted from the hands into which the
constitution has placed it, into the hands of the king's
ministers and their dependents here. This is in a great measure
the case already; and the consequences will be, angry debates in
our senate, and perpetual tumults and confusions abroad; until
these maxims are entirely altered, or else, which God forbid, the
spirits of the people are depressed, and they become inured to
disgrace and servitude. This has long been the prospect in the
minds of speculative men. The body of the people are now in
council. Their opposition grows into a system. They are united
and resolute. And if the British administration and government do
not return to the principles of moderation and equity, the evil
which they profess to aim at preventing by their rigorous
measures, will the sooner be brought to pass, viz:--THE ENTIRE
SEPARATION AND INDEPENDENCE OF THE COLONIES.
Mr. Cushing obliged me with a sight of your letter to him of the
22d Dec. last. I think I am not so clearly of opinion as you seem
to be, that "the declaratory act is a mere nullity," and that
therefore "if we can obtain a repeal of the revenue acts from
1764, without their pernicious appendages, it will be enough."
Should they retract the exercise of their assumed power, you ask
when will they be able to renew it? I know not when, but I fear
they will soon do it, unless, as your worthy brother in Virginia
in a letter I yesterday received from him expresses himself, "we
make one uniform, steady effort to secure an explicit bill of
rights for British America." Let the executive power and right on
each side be therein stipulated, that Britain may no longer have
a power or right to make laws to bind us, in all cases
whatsoever. While the claim is kept up, she may exercise the
power as often as she pleases; and the colonies have experienced
her disposition to do it too plainly since she in anger made the
claim. Even imaginary power beyond right begets insolence. The
people here I am apt to think will be satisfied on no other terms
but those of redress; and they will hardly think they are upon
equitable terms with the mother country, while by a solemn act
she continues to claim a right to enslave them, whenever she
shall think fit to exercise it. I wish for a permanent union with
the mother country, but only on the principles of liberty and
truth. No advantage that can accrue to America from such an union
can compensate for the loss of liberty. The time may come sooner
than they are aware of it, when the being of the British nation,
I mean the being of its importance, however strange it may now
appear to some, will depend on her union with America. It
requires but a small portion of the gift of discernment for any
one to foresee, that providence will erect a mighty empire in
America; and our posterity will have it recorded in history, that
their fathers migrated from an ISLAND in a distant part of the
world, the inhabitants of which had long been revered for wisdom
and valour. They grew rich and powerful; these emigrants
increased in numbers and strength. But they were at last absorbed
in luxury and dissipation; and to support themselves in their
vanity and extravagance they coveted and seized the honest
earnings of those industrious emigrants. This laid a foundation
of distrust, animosity and hatred, till the emigrants, feeling
their own vigour and independence, dissolved every former band of
connexion between them, and the ISLANDERS sunk into obscurity and
contempt.
May I whisper in your ear that you paid a compliment to the
speaker when you told him you "always spoke under the correction
of his better judgment." I admire what you say to him, and I hope
it will have a good impression on his mind; THAT WE SHALL BE
RESPECTED IN ENGLAND EXACTLY IN PROPORTION TO THE FIRMNESS AND
STRENGTH OF OUR OPPOSITION.
I am sincerely your friend,
As Capt. Wood is now about to sail, there is not time to have
copies of the papers; I will send them by the next opportunity.
In the mean time I refer you to Dr. Franklin, to whom they are
sent by this vessel.
________________________________________________________________
1Joseph Hawley, Esq., of North Hampton. [back]
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 220, 221.]
BOSTON, April , 1774.
MY DEAR SIR,--Capt. Wood being still detained, I have the
opportunity of acknowledging your favour of the 22d Dec. last,1
which is just now come to my hand. As Mr. Cushing received your
letter of the same date near three weeks ago, I am at a loss to
conjecture the reason of my not receiving it at the same time.
I do not depend much upon Lord Dartmouth's inclination to relieve
America, upon terms which we shall think honourable; upon his
ability to do it, I have no dependence at all. He might have said
with safety, when called upon by Lord Shelburne, that he had
prepared a plan to pursue at the hazard of his office; for I have
reason to believe it was grounded upon the hopes that we could be
prevailed upon, at least impliedly, to renounce our claims. This
would have been an acceptable service to the ministry, and would
have secured to him his office. No great advantage can be made
against us from the letter which you mention to Lord Dartmouth
from the two houses of our assembly; for upon a review of it I
think the most that is said in it is, that if we are brought back
to the state we were in at the close of the last war, we shall be
as easy as we then were. I do not like any thing that looks like
accommodating our language to the humour of a minister; and am
fully of your opinion that "the harmony and concurrence of the
colonies, is of a thousand times more importance in our dispute,
than the friendship or patronage of any great man in England."
At the request of our friend, Mr. Hancock, I beg your acceptance
of an oration delivered by him on the fifth of March last. I
intend to write to you again very soon; in the mean time I remain
your assured friend,
_________________________________________________________________
1R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. i., pp. 238-240.
TO JOHN DICKINSON.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON April 21 1774.
SIR/
I take the Liberty to inclose an Oration deliverd on the last
Anniversary of the 5th of March 1770, by Mr Hancock; which I beg
you to accept as a Token of my great Regard for you. This
Institution in a great Measure answers the Design of it, which
is, to preserve in the Minds of the People a lively Sense of the
Danger of standing Armies. We are again threatned with that great
Evil; the British Ministry being highly provoked at the Conduct
of the People here in destroying the East India Companys Tea.
They shut their Eyes to what might appear obvious to them, that
the Governors Refusal to suffer it to repass our Castle,
compelled to that Extremity. The Disappointment of the Ministry,
and, no doubt, the Govrs aggravated Representations, have
inflamed them to the highest Degree. May God prepare this People
for the Event, by inspiring them with Wisdom and Fortitude! At
the same time they stand in Need of all the Countenance that
their Sister Colonies can afford them; with whom to cultivate and
strengthen an Union, was a great object in View. WE have borne a
double Share of ministerial Resentment, in every Period of the
Struggle for American Freedom. I hope this is not to be
attributed to our having, in general, imprudently acted our Part.
Is it not rather owing to our having had constantly, Governors
and other Crown officers residing among us, whose Importance
depended solely upon their blowing up the flame of Contention? We
are willing to submit our Conduct to the Judgment of our Friends,
& would gladly receive their Advice.
Coll Lee the Bearer of this Letter and Mr Dalton his Companion,
are travelling as far as Maryland. They are Gentlemen of Fortune
and Merit; and will be greatly disappointed if they should miss
the Pleasure of seeing the common Friend of America, The
Pennsylvania Farmer. Allow me, Sir, to recommend them to you, and
to assure you that I am with great Sincerity,
Your affectionate Friend and humble servt,
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
[J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp. 45, 46.]
BOSTON, May 12, 1774.
MY DEAR SIR,
I duly received your excellent letter of this day, while I was in
town-meeting. I read it there, to the great satisfaction of my
fellow townsmen, in as full a town-meeting as we have ever had. I
think you and the worthy colonel Orne must by no means refuse to
come to the general assembly. Every consideration is to give way
to the public. I cannot see how you can reconcile a refusal to
your own principles. Excuse my honest freedom. I can write no
more at present, being now in committee of correspondence upon
matters of great importance. This waits on you by Mr. Oliver
Wendel, who is one of a committee of this town to communicate
with the gentlemen of Salem and Marblehead, upon the present
exigency.
I am, in haste, your friend,
TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF PORTSMOUTH, NEW HAMPSHIRE.
[MS., Public Record Office, London.1]
BOSTON 12th May 1774.
GENTLEMEN
I am Desired by the freeholders and other Inhabitants of this
Town to enclose you an attested copy of their Vote passed in Town
meeting Legally Assembled this day--The Occasion of this meeting
is most Alarming: we have receiv'd a Copy of an Act of the
British Parliament--which is inclosed, wherein it appears that
the Inhabitants of this Town have been Tryed condemn'd and are to
be punished by shutting up the Harbour and otherways, without
their having been called to Answer for, nay, for ought that
appears without their having been accused of any crime committed
by them, for no such crime is alleged in the Act--the town of
Boston is now Suffering the stroke of Vengeance in the Common
cause of America, I hope they will sustain the Blow with Becoming
Fortitude, and that the Effect of this cruel act Intended to
intimidate and subdue the Spirits of all America will by the
joint efforts of all be frustrated.
The people receive this Edict with indignation; it is expected by
their Enemies, and fear'd by some of their Friends, that this
town singly will not be able to support the cause under so severe
a Tryal--as the very Being of every Colony considered as a free
people depends upon the event a thought so Dishonorable to our
Brethren cannot be entertain'd as that this town will be left to
struggle alone.
Your Hume St
_________________________________________________________________
1The copy from which the text is printed was an enclosure in a
letter of Governor Wentworth, dated June 8, 1774.
THE TOWN OF BOSTON TO THE COLONIES.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON May 13th : 1774
I am Desired by the Freeholders and other Inhabitants of this
Town to enclose you an Attested Copy of their Vote passed in Town
meeting legally assembled this day.2 The Occasion of this Meeting
is most Alarming: We have receiv'd a Copy of an Act of the
British Parliament (which is also inclos'd) wherein it appears
that the Inhabitants of this Town have been tryed and condemned
and are to be punished by the shutting up of the Harbour, and
other Ways, without their having been called to answer for, nay,
for aught that appears without their having been even accused of
any crime committed by them; for no such Crime is alleged in the
Act.
The Town of Boston is now Suffering the Stroke of Vengeance in
the Common Cause of America. I hope they will sustain the Blow
with becoming fortitude; and that the Effects of this cruel Act,
intended to intimidate and subdue the Spirits of all America will
by the joynt Efforts of all be frustrated.
The People receive this Edict with Indignation. It is expected by
their Enemies and feard by some of their Friends, that this Town
singly will not be able to support the Cause under so severe a
Tryal. As the very being of every Colony, considerd as a free
People depends upon the Event, a Thought so dishonorable to our
Brethren cannot be entertaind, as that this Town will now be left
to struggle alone.
General Gage is just arrivd here, with a Commission to supercede
Govr Hutchinson. It is said that the Town of Salem about twenty
Miles East of this Metropolis is to be the Seat of Government--
that the Commissioners of the Customs and their numerous Retinue
are to remove to the Town of Marblehead a Town contiguous to
Salem and that this if the General shall think proper is to be a
Garrisond Town. Reports are various and contradictory.
I am &c.
Sent to the Come of Correspondence for
Connecticutt New York New Jersey & Philadelphia
by Mr Revere--and in that sent to Philadelphia there were Copies
of the Vote of the Town inclosd for the Colonies to the
Southward of them which they were desired to forward with all
possible Dispatch with their own Sentiments.
to
Rhode Island Providence p Post Portsmouth p Ditto
to Peyton Randolph Esqr to be communicated by him to the
Gentlemen in Virginia which was sent by Mr Perez Moulton as far
as Philadelphia to be thence forwarded by the Post.
_______________________________________________________________
1The letter was signed by Adams, but only the annotations at the
end are in his autograph. Another draft is also in the Committee
of Correspondence Papers. The final text of the letter as sent to
the Committee of Correspondence of Connecticut, with the
subscription and signature in the autograph of Adams and the body
of the letter in the autograph of Thomas Cushing, is in Emmet
MS., No. 344, Lenox Library, and is printed in Bulletin of New
York Public Library, vol. ii., p. 201.
2Boston Record Commissioner's Report, vol. xviii., pp. 173, 174.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF
CORRESPONDENCE OF PHILADELPHIA.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON May 13 1774
GENTLEMEN
We have just receivd the Copy of an Act of the British Parliament
passd in the present Session whereby the Town of Boston is
treated in a Manner the most ignominious cruel and unjust. The
Parliament have taken upon them, from the Representations of our
Governor & other Persons inimical to and deeply prejudiced,
against the Inhabitants, to try, condemn and by an Act to punish
them, UNHEARD; which would have been in Violation of NATURAL
JUSTICE even if they had an acknowledgd Jurisdiction. They have
orderd our port to be entirely shut up, leaving us barely so much
of the Means of Subsistance as to keep us from perishing with
Cold and Hunger; and it is said, that [a] Fleet of British Ships
of War is to block up our Harbour, until we shall make
Restitution to the East India Company, for the Loss of their Tea,
which was destroyed therein the Winter past, Obedience is paid to
the Laws and Authority of Great Britain, and the Revenue is duly
collected. This Act fills the Inhabitants with Indignation. The
more thinking part of those who have hitherto been in favor of
the Measures of the British Government, look upon it as not to
have been expected even from a barbarous State. This Attack,
though made immediately upon us, is doubtless designd for every
other Colony, who will not surrender their sacred Rights &
Liberties into the Hands of an infamous Ministry. Now therefore
is the Time, when ALL should be united in opposition to this
Violation of the Liberties of ALL. Their grand object is to
divide the Colonies. We are well informd, that another Bill is to
be brought into Parliament, to distinguish this from the other
Colonies, by repealing some of the Acts which have been complaind
of and ease the American Trade; but be assured, YOU will be
called upon to surrender your Rights, if ever they should succeed
in their Attempts to suppress the Spirit of Liberty HERE. The
single Question then is, Whether YOU consider Boston as now
suffering in the Common Cause, & sensibly feel and resent the
Injury and Affront offerd to her? If you do, (and we cannot
believe otherwise) May we not from your Approbation of our former
Conduct, in Defence of American Liberty, rely on your suspending
your Trade with Great Britain at least, which, it is acknowledgd,
will be a great, but necessary Sacrifice, to the Cause of
Liberty, and will effectually defeat the Design of this Act of
Revenge. If this should be done, you will please to consider it
will be, though a voluntary Suffering, greatly short of what we
are called to endure under the immediate hand of Tyranny.
We desire your Answer by the Bearer; and after assuring you,
that, not in the least intimidated by this inhumane Treatment we
are still determind to maintain to the utmost of our Abilities
the Rights of America we are,
Gentlemen,
your Friends & Fellow Countrymen,
________________________________________________________________
1Intended also for the Committees of Correspondence of New York,
New Jersey, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Portsmouth. An
endorsement upon the draft also states that it was written with
the concurrence of the Committees of Correspondence of
Charlestown, Cambridge, Brookline, Newton, Roxbury, Dorchester,
Lexington, and Lynn. Cf. Proceedings, Bostonian Society, 1891,
pp. 39, 40.
TO JAMES WARREN.
[Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 4th ser., vol.
iv., pp. 390-392; a draft, with several variances, is in the
Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, May 14, 1774.
MY DEAR SIR,
This Town has received the Copy of an Act of the British
Parliament, wherein it appears that we have been tried and
condemned, and are to be punished, by the shutting up of the
harbor and other marks of revenge, until we shall disgrace
ourselves by servilely yielding up, in effect, the just and
righteous claims of America. If the Parliament had a Right to
pass such an EDICT, does it not discover the want of every moral
principle to proceed to the destruction of a community, without
even the accusation of any crime committed by such community? And
for any thing that appears, this is in fact the case. There is no
crime alleged in the Act, as committed by the Town of Boston.
Outrages have been committed within the Town, and therefore the
community, as such, are to be destroyed, without duly inquiring
whether it deserved any punishment at all. Has there not often
been the same kind of reason why the Port of London should be
shut up, to the starving of hundreds of thousands, when their own
mobs have surrounded the Kings Palace? But such are the councils
of a nation, once famed and revered for the character of humane
just and brave.
The people receive this cruel edict with abhorrence and
indignation. They consider themselves as suffering the stroke
ministerial--I may more precisely say, Hutchinsonian vengeance,
in the common cause of America. I hope they will sustain the blow
with a becoming fortitude, and that the cursed design of
intimidating and subduing the spirits of all America, will, by
the joint efforts of ALL, be frustrated. It is the expectation of
our enemies, and some of our friends are afraid, that this Town,
SINGLY, will not be able to support the cause under so severe a
trial. Did not the very being of every sea-port town, and indeed
of every Colony, considered as a free people, depend upon it, I
would not even then entertain a thought so dishonorable of them
as that they would leave us now to struggle alone.
I enclose you a copy of a vote, passed by this Town at a very
full meeting yesterday, which stands adjourned till Wednesday
next, to receive the report of a committee appointed to consider
what is proper further to be done. The inhabitants in general
abhor the thought of paying for the tea, which is one condition
upon which we are to be restored to the grace and favor of Great
Britain. Our Committee of Correspondence have written letters to
our friends in the Southern Colonies, and they are about writing
to the several towns in this Province. The merchants of
Newburyport have exhibited a noble example of public spirit, in
resolving that, if the other sea-port Towns in this Province
alone, will come into the measure, they will not trade to the
southward of South Carolina, nor to any part of Great Britain and
Ireland, till the harbor of Boston is again open and free; or
till the disputes between Britain and the Colonies are settled,
upon such terms as all rational men ought to contend for. This is
a manly and generous resolution. I wish Plymouth, which has
hitherto stood foremost, would condescend to second Newburyport.
Such a determination put into practice would alter the views of a
nation, who are in full expectation that Boston will be unthought
of by the rest of the continent, and even of this Province, and
left, as they are devoted, to ruin. The heroes who first trod on
your shore, fed on clams and muscles, and were contented. The
country which they explored, and defended with their richest
blood, and which they transmitted as an inheritance to their
posterity, affords us a superabundance of provision. Will it not
be an eternal disgrace to this generation, if it should now be
surrendered to that people who, if we might judge of them by one
of their laws, are barbarians. IMPIUS HAEC TAM CULTA NOVALIA
MILES HABEBIT? BARBARUS HAS SEGETES? If our brethren feel and
resent the affront and injury now offered to this town; if they
realize of how great importance it is to the liberties of all
America that Boston should sustain this shock with dignity; if
they recollect their own resolutions, to defend the public
liberty AT THE EXPENSE OF THEIR FORTUNES AND LIVES, they cannot
fail to contribute their aid by a temporary suspension of their
trade.
I am your friend,
TO SILAS DEANE.1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text, with
variations, is in Correspondence of Samuel B. Webb, W. C. Ford,
vol. i., pp. 23, 24.]
BOSTON May 18 1774
SIR