CHAPTER IV

THE LANGLEYS

That same day there was a luncheon party at the new town house of the

Langleys, Prince's Gate. The Langleys were two in number all told,

father and daughter.

Sir Rupert Langley was a remarkable man, but his daughter, Helena

Langley, was a much more remarkable woman. The few handfuls of people

who considered themselves to constitute the world in London had at one

time talked much about Sir Rupert, but now they talked a great deal more

about his daughter. Sir Rupert was once grimly amused, at a great party

in a great house, to hear himself pointed out by a knowing youth as

Helena Langley's father.

There was a time when people thought, and Sir Rupert thought with them,

that Rupert Langley was to do great deeds in the world. He had entered

political life at an early age, as all the Langleys had done since the

days of Anne, and he made more than a figure there. He had travelled in

Central Asia in days when travel there or anywhere else was not so easy

as it is now, and he had published a book of his travels before he was

three-and-twenty, a book which was highly praised, and eagerly read. He

was saluted as a sort of coming authority upon Eastern affairs in a day

when the importance of Eastern affairs was beginning to dawn dimly upon

the insular mind, and he made several stirring speeches in the House of

Commons' which confirmed his reputation as a coming man. He was very

dogmatic, very determined in his opinions, very confident of his own

superior knowledge, and possessed of a degree of knowledge which

justified his confidence and annoyed his antagonists. He formed a little

party of his own, a party of strenuous young Tories who recognised the

fact that the world was out of joint, but who rejoiced in the conviction

that they were born for the express purpose of setting it right. In Sir

Rupert they found a leader after their own heart, and they rallied

around him and jibed at their elders on the Treasury Bench in a way that

was quite distressing to the sensitive organs of the party.

Sir Rupert and his adherents preached the new Toryism of that day--the

new Toryism which was to work wonders, which was to obliterate

Radicalism by doing in a practical Tory way, and conformably to the best

traditions of the kingdom, all that Radicalism dreamed of. Toryism, he

used to say in those hot-blooded, hot-headed days of his youth, Toryism

is the triumph of Truth, and the phrase became a catchword and a

watchword, and frivolous people called his little party the T. T.s--the

Triumphers of Truth. People versed in the political history of that day

and hour will remember how the newspapers were full of the T. T.s, and

what an amazing rejuvenescence of political force was supposed to be

behind them.

Then came a general election which carried the Tory Party into power,

and which proved the strength of Langley and his party. He was offered a

place in the new Government, and accepted it--the Under-Secretaryship

for India. Through one brilliant year he remained the most conspicuous

member of the Administration, irritating his colleagues by daring

speeches, by innovating schemes; alarming timid party-men by a Toryism

which in certain aspects was scarcely to be distinguished from the

reddest Radicalism. One brilliant year there was in which he blazed the

comet of a season. Then, thwarted in some enterprise, faced by a refusal

for some daring reform of Indian administration, he acted, as he had

acted always, impetuously.

One morning the 'Times' contained a long, fierce, witty, bitter letter

from Rupert Langley assailing the Government, its adherents, and, above

all, its leaders in the Lords. That same afternoon members coming to the

Chamber found Langley sitting, no longer on the Treasury Bench, but in

the corner seat of the second row below the gangway. It was soon known

all over the House, all over town, all over England, that Rupert Langley

had resigned his office. The news created no little amazement, some

consternation in certain quarters of the Tory camp, some amusement among

the Opposition sections. One or two of the extreme Radical papers made

overtures to Langley to cross the floor of the House, and enter into

alliance with men whose principles so largely resembled his own. These

overtures even took the form of a definite appeal on the part of Mr.

Wynter, M. P., then a rising Radical, who actually spent half an hour

with Sir Rupert on the terrace, putting his case and the case of

youthful Radicalism.

Sir Rupert only smiled at the suggestion, and put it gracefully aside.

'I am a Tory of the Tories,' he said; 'only my own people don't

understand me yet. But they have got to find me out.' That was

undoubtedly Sir Rupert's conviction, that he was strong enough to force

the Government, to coerce his party, to compel recognition of his

opinions and acceptance of his views. 'They cannot do without me,' he

said to himself in his secret heart. He was met by disappointment. The

party chiefs made no overtures to him to reconsider his decision, to

withdraw his resignation. Another man was immediately put in his place,

a man of mediocre ability, of commonplace mind, a man of routine,

methodical, absolutely lacking in brilliancy or originality, a man who

would do exactly what the Government wanted in the Government way. There

was a more bitter blow still for Sir Rupert. There were in the

Government certain members of his own little Adullamite party of the

Opposition days, T. T.s who had been given office at his insistence, men

whom he had discovered, brought forward, educated for political success.

It is certain that Sir Rupert confidently expected that these men, his

comrades and followers, would endorse his resignation with their own,

and that the Government would thus, by his action, find itself suddenly

crippled, deprived of its young blood, its ablest Ministers. The

confident expectation was not realised. The T. T.s remained where they

were. The Government took advantage of the slight readjustment of places

caused by Sir Rupert's resignation to give two of the most prominent T.

T.s more important offices, and to those offices the T. T.s stuck like

limpets.

Sir Rupert was not a man to give way readily, or readily to acknowledge

that he was defeated. He bided his time, in his place below the gangway,

till there came an Indian debate. Then, in a House which had been roused

to intense excitement by vague rumours of his intention, he moved a

resolution which was practically a vote of censure upon the Government

for its Indian policy. Always a fluent, ready, ornate speaker, Sir

Rupert was never better than on that desperate night. His attack upon

the Government was merciless; every word seemed to sting like a poisoned

arrow; his exposure of the imbecilities and ineptitudes of the existing

system of administration was complete and cruel; his scornful attack

upon 'the Limpets' sent the Opposition into paroxysms of delighted

laughter, and roused a storm of angry protest from the crowded benches

behind the Ministry. That night was the memorable event of the session.

For long enough after those who witnessed it carried in their memories

the picture of that pale, handsome young man, standing up in that corner

seat below the gangway and assailing the Ministry of which he had been

the most remarkable Minister with so much cold passion, so much fierce

disdain. 'By Jove! he's smashed them!' cried Wynter, M.P., excitedly,

when Rupert Langley sat down after his speech of an hour and a quarter,

which had been listened to by a crowded House amidst a storm of cheering

and disapproval. Wynter was sitting on a lower gangway seat, for every

space of sitting room in the chamber was occupied that night, and he had

made this remark to one of the Opposition leaders on the front bench,

craning over to call it into his ear. The leader of the Opposition heard

Wynter's remark, looked round at the excited Radical, and, smiling,

shook his head. The excitement faded from Wynter's face. His chief was

never wrong.

The usual exodus after a long speech did not take place when Rupert sat

down. It was expected that the leader of the House would reply to Sir

Rupert, but the expectation was not realised. To the surprise of almost

everyone present the Government put up as their spokesman one of the men

who had been most allied with Sir Rupert in the old T.T. party, Sidney

Blenheim. Something like a frown passed over Sir Rupert's face as

Blenheim rose; then he sat immovable, expressionless, while Blenheim

made his speech. It was a very clever speech, delicately ironical,

sharply cutting, tinged all through with an intolerable condescension,

with a gallingly gracious recognition of Langley's merits, an irritating

regret for his errors. There was a certain languidness in Blenheim's

deportment, a certain air of sweetness in his face, which made his

satire the more severe, his attack the more telling. People were as much

surprised as if what looked like a dandy's cane had proved to be a sword

of tempered steel. Whatever else that night did, it made Blenheim's

reputation.

Langley did not carry a hundred men with him into the lobby against the

Government. The Opposition, as a body, supported the Administration; a

certain proportion of Radicals, a much smaller number of men from his

own side, followed him to his fall. He returned to his seat after the

numbers had been read out, and sat there as composedly as if nothing had

happened, or as if the ringing cheers which greeted the Government

triumph were so many tributes to his own success. But those who knew, or

thought they knew, Rupert Langley well said that the hour in which he

sat there must have been an hour of terrible suffering. After that great

debate, the business of the rest of the evening fell rather flat, and

was conducted in a House which rapidly thinned down to little short of

emptiness. When it was at its emptiest, Rupert Langley rose, lifted his

hat to the Speaker, and left the Chamber.

It would not be strictly accurate to say that he never returned to it

that session; but practically the statement would be correct. He came

back occasionally during the short remainder of the session, and sat in

his new place below the gangway. Once or twice he put a question upon

the paper; once or twice he contributed a short speech to some debate.

He still spoke to his friends, with cold confidence, of his inevitable

return to influence, to power, to triumph; he did not say how this would

be brought about--he left it to be assumed.

Then paragraphs began to appear in the papers announcing Sir Rupert

Langley's intention of spending the recess in a prolonged tour in India.

Before the recess came Sir Rupert had started upon this tour, which was

extended far beyond a mere investigation of the Indian Empire. When the

House met again, in the February of the following year, Sir Rupert was

not among the returned members. Such few of his friends as were in

communication with him knew, and told their knowledge to others, that

Sir Rupert was engaged in a voyage round the world. Not a voyage round

the world in the hurried sense in which people occasionally made then,

and frequently make now--a voyage round the world, scampering, like the

hero of Jules Verne, across land and sea, fast as steam-engine can drag

and steamship carry them. Sir Rupert intended to go round the world in

the most leisurely fashion, stopping everywhere, seeing everything,

setting no limit to the time he might spend in any place that pleased

him, fixing beforehand no limit to chain him to any place that did not

please him. He proposed, his friends said, to go carefully over his old

ground in Central Asia, to make himself a complete master of the

problems of Australasian colonisation, and especially to make a very

profound and exhaustive study of the strange civilisations of China and

Japan. He intended further to give a very considerable time to a

leisurely investigation of the South American Republics. 'Why,' said

Wynter, M.P., when one of Sir Rupert's friends told him of these plans,

'why, such a scheme will take several years.' 'Very likely,' the friend

answered; and Wynter said, 'Oh, by Jove!' and whistled.

The scheme did take several years. At various intervals Sir Rupert wrote

to his constituents long letters spangled with stirring allusions to the

Empire, to England's meteor flag, to the inevitable triumph of the New

Toryism, to the necessity a sincere British statesman was under of

becoming a complete master of all the possible problems of a

daily-increasing authority. He made some sharp thrusts at the weakness

of the Government, but accused the Opposition of a lack of patriotism in

trading upon that weakness; he almost chaffed the leader in the Lower

House and the leader in the Lords; he made no allusion to Sidney

Blenheim, then rapidly advancing along the road of success. He concluded

each letter by offering to resign his seat if his constituents wished

it.

His constituents did not wish it--at least, not at first. The

Conservative committee returned him a florid address assuring him of

their confidence in his statesmanship, but expressing the hope that he

might be able speedily to return to represent them at Westminster, and

the further hope that he might be able to see his way to reconcile his

difficulties with the existing Government. To this address Sir Rupert

sent a reply duly acknowledging its expression of confidence, but taking

no notice of its suggestions. Time went on, and Sir Rupert did not

return. He was heard of now and again; now in the court of some rajah in

the North-West Provinces; now in the khanate of some Central Asian

despot; now in South America, from which continent he sent a long letter

to the 'Times,' giving an interesting account of the latest revolution

in the Gloria Republic, of which he had happened to be an eye-witness;

now in Java; now in Pekin; now at the Cape. He did not seem to pursue

his idea of going round the world on any settled consecutive plan.

Of his large means there could be no doubt. He was probably one of the

richest, as he was certainly one of the oldest, baronets in England, and

he could afford to travel as if he were an accredited representative of

the Queen--almost as if he were an American Midas of the fourth or fifth

class. But as to his large leisure people began to say things. It began

to be hinted in leading articles that it was scarcely fair that Sir

Rupert's constituents should be disfranchised because it pleased a

disappointed politician to drift idly about the world. These hints had

their effect upon the disfranchised constituents, who began to grumble.

The Conservative Committee was goaded almost to the point of addressing

a remonstrance to Sir Rupert, then in the interior of Japan, urging him

to return or resign, when the need for any such action was taken out of

their hands by a somewhat unexpected General Election. Sir Rupert

telegraphed back to announce his intention of remaining abroad for the

present, and of not, therefore, proposing to seek just then the

suffrages of the electors. Sidney Blenheim succeeded in getting a close

personal friend of his own, who was also his private secretary, accepted

by the Conservative Committee, and he was returned at the head of the

poll by a slightly decreased majority.

Sir Rupert remained away from England for several years longer. After he

had gone round the world in the most thorough sense, he revisited many

places where he had been before, and stayed there for longer periods. It

began to seem as if he did not really intend to return to England at

all. His communications with his friends grew fewer and shorter, but

wandering Parliamentarians in the recess occasionally came across him in

the course of an extended holiday, and always found him affable,

interested to animation in home politics, and always suggesting by his

manner, though never in his speech, that he would some day return to his

old place and his old fame. Of Sidney Blenheim he spoke with an equable,

impartial composure.

At last one day he did come home. He had been in the United States

during the closing years of the American Civil War, and in Washington,

when peace was concluded, he had met at the English Ministry a young

girl of great beauty, of a family that was old for America, that was

wealthy, though not wealthy for America. He fell in love with her, wooed

her, and was accepted. They were married in Washington, and soon after

the marriage they returned to England. They settled down for a while at

the old home of the Langleys, the home whose site had been the home of

the race ever since the Conquest. Part of an old Norman tower still held

itself erect amidst the Tudor, Elizabethan, and Victorian additions to

the ancient place. It was called Queen's Langley now, had been so called

ever since the days when, in the beginning of the Civil War, Henrietta

Maria had been besieged there, during her visit to the then baronet, by

a small party of Roundheads, and had successfully kept them off. Queen's

Langley had been held during the Commonwealth by a member of the family,

who had declared for the Parliament, but had gone back to the head of

the house when he returned with his king at the Restoration.

At Queen's Langley Sir Rupert and his wife abode for a while, and at

Queen's Langley a child was born to them, a girl child, who was

christened after her mother, Helena. Then the taste for wandering, which

had become almost a passion with Sir Rupert, took possession of Sir

Rupert again. If he had expected to re-enter London in any kind of

triumph he was disappointed. He had allowed himself to fall out of the

race, and he found himself almost forgotten. Society, of course,

received him almost rapturously, and his beautiful wife was the queen of

a resplendent season. But politics seemed to have passed him by. The New

Toryism of those youthful years was not very new Toryism now. Sidney

Blenheim was a settled reactionary and a recognised celebrity. There was

a New Toryism, with its new cave of strenuous, impetuous young men, and

they, if they thought of Sir Rupert Langley at all, thought of him as

old-fashioned, the hero or victim of a piece of ancient history.

Nevertheless, Sir Rupert had his thoughts of entering political life

again, but in the meantime he was very happy. He had a steam yacht of

his own, and when his little girl was three years old he and his wife

went for a long cruise in the Mediterranean. And then his happiness was

taken away from him. His wife suddenly sickened, died, unconscious, in

his arms, and was buried at sea. Sir Rupert seemed like a broken man.

From Alexandria he wrote to his sister, who was married to the Duke of

Magdiel's third son, Lord Edmond Herrington, asking her to look after

his child for him--the child was then with her aunt at Herrington Hall,

in Argyllshire--in his absence. He sold his yacht, paid off his crew,

and disappeared for two years.

During those two years he was believed to have wandered all over Egypt,

and to have passed much of his time the hermit-like tenant of a tomb on

the lovely, lonely island of Phylæ, at the first cataract of the Nile.

At the end of the two years he wrote to his sister that he was returning

to Europe, to England, to his own home, and his own people. His little

girl was then five years old.

He reappeared in England changed and aged, but a strong man still, with

a more settled air of strength of purpose than he had worn in his wild

youth. He found his little girl a pretty child, brilliantly healthy,

brilliantly strong. The wind of the mountain, of the heather, of the

woods, had quickened her with an enduring vitality very different from

that of the delicate fair mother for whom his heart still grieved. Of

course the little Helena did not remember her father, and was at first

rather alarmed when Lady Edmond Herrington told her that a new papa was

coming home for her from across the seas. But the feeling of fear passed

away after the first meeting between father and child. The fascination

which in his younger days Rupert Langley had exercised upon so many men

and women, which had made him so much of a leader in his youth, affected

the child powerfully. In a week she was as devoted to him as if she had

never been parted from him.

Helena's education was what some people would call a strange education.

She was never sent to school; she was taught, and taught much, at home,

first by a succession of clever governesses, then by carefully chosen

masters of many languages and many arts. In almost all things her father

was her chief instructor. He was a man of varied accomplishments; he was

a good linguist, and his years of wandering had made his attainments in

language really colloquial; he had a rich and various store of

information, gathered even more from personal experience than from

books. His great purpose in life appeared to be to make his daughter as

accomplished as himself. People had said at first when he returned that

he would marry again, but the assumption proved to be wrong. Sir Rupert

had made up his mind that he would never marry again, and he kept to his

determination. There was an intense sentimentality in his strong nature;

the sentimentality which led him to take his early defeat and the

defection of Sidney Blenheim so much to heart had made him vow, on the

day when the body of his fair young wife was lowered into the sea,

changeless fidelity to her memory. Undoubtedly it was somewhat of a

grief to him that there was no son to carry on his name; but he bore

that grief in silence. He resolved, however, that his daughter should be

in every way worthy of the old line which culminated in her; she should

be a woman worthy to surrender the ancient name to some exceptional

mortal; she should be worthy to be the wife of some great statesman.

In those years in which Helena Langley was growing up from childhood to

womanhood, Sir Rupert returned to public life. The constituency in which

Queen's Langley was situated was a Tory constituency which had been

represented for nearly half a century by the same old Tory squire. The

Tory squire had a grandson who was as uncompromisingly Radical as the

squire was Tory; naturally he could not succeed, and would not contest

the seat. Sir Rupert came forward, was eagerly accepted, and

successfully returned. His reappearance in the House of Commons after so

considerable an interval made some small excitement in Westminster,

roused some comment in the press. It was fifteen years since he had left

St. Stephen's; he thought curiously of the past as he took his place,

not in that corner seat below the gangway, but on the second bench

behind the Treasury Bench. His Toryism was now of a settled type; the

Government, which had been a little apprehensive of his possible

antagonism, found him a loyal and valuable supporter. He did not remain

long behind the Treasury Bench. An important vacancy occurred in the

Ministry; the post of Foreign Secretary was offered to and accepted by

Sir Rupert. Years ago such a place would have seemed the highest goal of

his ambition. Now he--accepted it. Once again he found himself a

prominent man in the House of Commons, although under very different

conditions from those of his old days.

In the meantime Helena grew in years and health, in beauty, in

knowledge. Sir Rupert, as an infinite believer in the virtues of travel,

took her with him every recess for extended expeditions to Europe, and,

as she grew older, to other continents than Europe. By the time that she

was twenty she knew much of the world from personal experience; she knew

more of politics and political life than many politicians. After she was

seventeen years old she began to make frequent appearances in the

Ladies' Gallery, and to take long walks on the Terrace with her father.

Sir Rupert delighted in her companionship, she in his; they were always

happiest in each other's society. Sir Rupert had every reason to be

proud of the graceful girl who united the beauty of her mother with the

strength, the physical and mental strength, of her father.

It need surprise no one, it did not appear to surprise Sir Rupert, if

such an education made Helena Langley what ill-natured people called a

somewhat eccentric young woman. Brought up on a manly system of

education, having a man for her closest companion, learning much of the

world at an early age, naturally tended to develop and sustain the

strongly marked individuality of her character. Now, at

three-and-twenty, she was one of the most remarkable girls in England,

one of the best-known girls in London. Her independence, both of thought

and of action, her extended knowledge, her frankness of speech, her

slightly satirical wit, her frequent and vehement enthusiasms for the

most varied pursuits and pleasures, were much commented on, much admired

by some, much disapproved of by others. She had many friends among women

and more friends among men, and these were real friendships, not

flirtations, nor love affairs of any kind. Whatever things Helena

Langley did there was one thing she never did--she never flirted. Many

men had been in love with her and had told their love, and had been

laughed at or pitied according to the degree of their deserts, but no

one of them could honestly say that Helena had in any way encouraged his

love-making, or tempted him with false hopes, unless indeed the

masculine frankness of her friendship was an encouragement and a

treacherous temptation. One and all, she unhesitatingly refused her

adorers. 'My father is the most interesting man I know,' she once said

to a discomfited and slightly despairing lover. 'Till I find some other

man as interesting as he is, I shall never think of marriage. And really

I am sure you will not take it in bad part if I say that I do not find

you as interesting a man as my father.' The discomfited adorer did not

take it amiss; he smiled ruefully, and took his departure; but, to his

credit be it spoken, he remained Helena's friend.

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