extraordinary phenomenon presented itself. A violent current was rushing
out through a channel or strait not more than two leagues wide, causing
great perturbation of the sea, with such an uproar of rushing water that
the crews were filled with alarm for the safety of the vessels. The
admiral named the channel "La Boca de la Sierpe." He piloted his little
squadron safely through it and reached the Gulf of Paria, named by him
"Golfo de la Ballena." The land to the westward, forming the mainland
of Paria, received the name of "Isla de Gracia." Standing across to the
western side of the Gulf, the admiral was delighted with the beauty of
the country and with the view of distant mountains. Near a point named
"Aguja" the country was so fruitful and charming that he called it
"Jardines," and here he saw many Indians, among them women wearing
bracelets of pearls, and when they were asked whence the pearls were
obtained they pointed to the westward. As many pearls as could be
bartered from the natives were collected for transmission to the
sovereigns, for here was a new source of wealth, another precious
commodity from the New World.
Columbus was astonished at the vast mass of fresh water that was pouring
into the Gulf of Paria. He correctly divined the cause, and made the
deduction that a river with such a volume of water must come from a great
distance. His prescient mind showed him the mighty river Orinoco, the
wide savannas, and the lofty range of the Andes; but the trammels of the
erroneous measurements of astronomers bound them to Asia, and prevented
him from picturing them to himself in the New World he had really
discovered. That the land must be continuous appeared to be proved, not
only from the deductions of science, but also from the Word of God. For
he believed it to be established from the revealed Word (II Esdras vi.
42) that the ocean only covered one-seventh of the globe, and that the
other six-sevenths was dry land. Moreover, his splendid intellect was
united with a powerful imagination. When he had grasped the facts with
masterly intuition, his fancy often raised upon them some strange theory,
derived partly from his extensive reading, partly from his own teeming
brain. Thinking that a long and rapid course was insufficient to account
for the volume of water and the violence of the currents, he conceived
the idea that the earth, though round, was not a perfect sphere, and that
it rose in one part of the equinoctial line so as to be somewhat of a
pear shape. Thus he accounted for the exceptional volume of water by the
motion of rivers flowing down from the end of the pear. One step farther
in the realms of fancy, and he indulged in a dream that this centre and
apex of the earth's surface, with its mighty rivers, could be no other
than the terrestrial paradise. Writing as one thought coursed after
another in his teeming fancy, we find these passing whims of a vivid
imagination embodied in the journal intended for the information of the
sovereigns.
But time was passing on, and it was important that he should convey the
provisions with which his vessels were loaded to his infant colony. He
had seen that another narrow channel led from the northern side of the
gulf, and had named it "Boca del Dragon." On August 12th he had piloted
his vessels to the Punta de Paria, and prepared to pass through the
channel. At that critical moment it fell calm, while the two currents
flowed violently toward the opening, where they met and formed a broken,
confused sea. But the admiral made use of the currents, and by the
exercise of consummate seamanship took his three vessels clear of the
danger and out into the open sea. The islands of Tobago and Granada were
sighted, receiving the names of "Asuncion" and "Concepcion." Then the
rocks and islets to the westward came in view, named the "Testigos" and
"Guardias," and the island "Margarita." The latter name shows that the
admiral had obtained the correct information from the natives of Paria
respecting the locality of the pearl-fishery.
The admiral now crowded all sail to reach Espanola, intending to make a
landfall at the mouth of the river Azuma, where he knew that his brother,
the Adelantado (Governor), had founded the new city, and named it Santo
Domingo, in memory of their old father, Domenico Colombo. But the current
carried him far to the westward, and on August 19th he sighted the coast
fifty leagues to leeward of the new capital. On hearing of his arrival on
the coast, Bartolome got on board a caravel and joined him; but it was
not until the 31st that the two brothers entered San Domingo together,
the admiral for the first time. Young Diego, the third and youngest
brother, welcomed them on their arrival. The admiral had been absent for
two years and a half, during which time the Adelantado had conducted the
government of the colony with remarkable vigor and ability. Yet, owing
to the mutinous conduct of the worst of the settlers, there was a very
disastrous report to make.
When the Adelantado assumed the command on the departure of the admiral
for Spain in March, 1496, his first step, in compliance with the
instructions he had received, was to proceed to the valley on the south
side of the island, in which the gold mine of Hayna was situated, and to
build a fort, which he named "San Cristoval." He next, having received
supplies and reënforcements, together with letters from the admiral,
by the caravels under Nino, took steps for the foundation of the new
capital. Still following his brother's instructions, he selected a site
at the mouth of the river Azuma, where there were good anchorage in
the bay and a fertile valley along the banks of the river. On a bank
commanding the harbor a fortress was erected, and named "Santo Domingo,"
while the city was subsequently built on the east bank of the river. It
became the capital of the colony. Before long Isabella, on the north
coast, was entirely abandoned. Trees soon grew upon the streets and
through the roofs of the houses. It presented a scene of wild desolation,
and ghosts were believed to wander in crowds through the abandoned city.
Ruins of the house of Columbus, of the church, and the fort can still be
traced out by those who penetrate into the dense jungle which now covers
that part of the coast.
The next proceeding of the indefatigable Adelantado was the settlement of
the beautiful province of Xaragua, forming the southwestern portion of
the island. It was ruled over by a chief named Behechio, with whom dwelt
the famous Anacaona, his sister, widow of Caonabo, but, unlike that
fierce Carib, a constant friend of the Spaniards. Behechio met the
Adelantado in battle array on the banks of the river Neyva, the eastern
boundary of his dominions. But as soon as they were informed that the
errand of the Spanish Governor was a peaceful one, both Behechio and
Anacaona, who was a princess of great ability and of a most amiable
disposition, received him with cordial hospitality. When, after a time,
he opened the subject of tribute to them, they showed opposition. But
Bartolome proved himself to be a masterly diplomatist, and in the end
Behechio not only consented to impose a tribute, the details of which
were amicably arranged, but undertook to collect and deliver it
periodically to the Spanish authorities. These Indians were quite ready
to submit to beings who appeared to be superior in power and intelligence
to themselves. If the sovereigns of Spain had trusted Columbus and his
brothers fully and completely, had established trading-stations and
imposed a moderate tribute, and had absolutely prohibited the overrunning
of the country by penniless and worthless adventurers, they would have
had a rich and prosperous colony. The discontent and rebellion of the
natives were solely caused by the misconduct of the Spaniards.
An insurrection broke out in the Vega Real, headed by the chief
Guarionex, who, after suffering innumerable wrongs from the Spaniards,
was at last driven to desperation by an outrage on his wife. He assembled
a number of dependent caciques, but the news was promptly communicated
to the garrison of Fort Concepcion and forwarded to Santo Domingo. The
Adelantado stamped out the rebellion with his accustomed vigor. He came
by forced marches to Concepcion, and thence, without stopping, to the
camp of the natives, who were completely taken by surprise. Guarionex and
the other caciques were captured, and their followers dispersed. Always
generous after victory, Bartolome Columbus released Guarionex at the
prayer of his people, a measure which was alike magnanimous and politic.
But it was impossible to rule over the natives satisfactorily unless
the Spanish settlers could be forced to submit to the laws, and the
Adelantado was not powerful enough to keep the bad characters in
subjection. The loyal and decent men of the colony were in a small
minority. The consequence was that the unfortunate Guarionex was again
goaded into insurrection. On the approach of the Adelantado he fled into
the mountains of Ciguey, on the northeast coast, and took refuge with a
dependent cacique named Mayobanex, whose residence was near Cape Cabron,
the western extreme of the Samana peninsula. A difficult and arduous
mountain campaign followed, which Bartolome conducted with remarkable
military skill. It ended in the capture and imprisonment of both the
chiefs.
Behechio now announced that he had collected the required tribute,
consisting of a very large quantity of cotton, and that it was ready for
delivery. The Adelantado therefore proceeded to Xaragua, and not only
found this great store of cotton, but received an offer from the generous
chief to supply him with as much cassava-bread as he needed for the
use of the colony. This was a most acceptable present, for the lazy,
ill-conditioned settlers had neglected to cultivate their fields, and a
famine was imminent. The Adelantado ordered a caravel to be sent round to
Xaragua to be freighted with cotton and bread, and returned himself to
Isabella after taking a cordial farewell of his native friends. He had
shown extraordinary talent in his government of the native population,
and his rule had been a complete success. Always moderate in victory, he
had suppressed the insurrections without bloodshed, and had conciliated
the people by his moderation. He had made long and difficult marches,
had subdued opposition by his readiness of resource and energy, and had
administered the native affairs with humanity and excellent judgment.
Unfortunately his power was insufficient to cope successfully with the
insubordinate Spaniards. The ringleader of the mutineers was Francisco
Roldan, a man whom Columbus had raised from the dust. He had been a
servant; and the admiral, noting his ability, had intrusted him with some
judicial functions. When he sailed for Spain he appointed Roldan chief
justice of the colony. This ungrateful miscreant fostered discontent and
mutiny by every art of persuasion and calumny at his command, and soon
had a large band of worthless and idle ruffians ready to follow his lead.
His first plan was to murder the Adelantado and seize the government, but
he lacked the courage or the opportunity to put it into execution. His
next step was to march into the Vega Real with seventy armed mutineers,
and attempt to surprise Fort Concepcion. The garrison was commanded by a
loyal soldier named Miguel Ballester, who closed the gates and defied the
rebels, sending to the Adelantado for help. Bartolome at once hastened to
his assistance, and on his arrival at Fort Concepcion he sent a messenger
to Roldan, remonstrating with him, and urging him to return to his
duty. But Roldan found his force increasing by the adhesion of all the
discontented men in the colony, and his insolence increased with his
power. All would probably have been lost but for the opportune arrival of
Pedro Hernandez Coronel in February, 1498, who had been despatched
from San Lucar by the admiral in the end of the previous year with
reënforcements. He also brought out the confirmation of Bartolome's rank
as Adelantado.
The Adelantado was thus enabled to leave Fort Concepcion and establish
his head-quarters at Santo Domingo. He sent Coronel as an envoy to
Roldan, to endeavor to persuade him to return to his duty; but the
mutineer feared to submit, believing that he had gone too far for
forgiveness. He marched into the province of Xaragua, where he allowed
his dissolute followers to abandon themselves to every kind of excess.
The three caravels which had been despatched from Gomera by the admiral
unfortunately made a bad landfall, and appeared off Xaragua. Roldan
concealed the fact that he was a leader of mutineers, and, receiving the
captains in his official capacity, induced them to supply him with stores
and provisions, while his followers busily endeavored to seduce the
crews, and succeeded to some extent. When Roldan's true character was
discovered, the caravels put to sea with the loyal part of their crews,
while Alonzo Sanchez de Carbajal, a loyal and thoroughly honest man, who
was zealous for the good of the colony, remained behind to endeavor to
persuade Roldan to submit to the admiral's authority. He only succeeded
in obtaining from him a promise to enter into negotiations with a view to
the termination of the deplorable state of affairs he had created, and
with this Carbajal proceeded to Santo Domingo.
Such was the state of affairs when Columbus arrived at the new seat of
his government. His brother had ruled with ability and vigor during his
absence, had administered native affairs very successfully, but his power
had been insufficient to subdue the band of Spanish miscreants who
were still in open mutiny. The admiral was filled with grief and
disappointment at the turn affairs had taken. A thoroughly loyal man
himself, with no thought or desire but for the good of the colony, he
was thwarted by treacherous miscreants, who cared for nothing but the
accumulation of riches for themselves, and a life of indulgence and
licentious ease. After long consideration he resolved upon a policy of
conciliation. The unsettled state of affairs was bringing ruin on the
island, and the restoration of peace was an absolute necessity. The
magnanimous Genoese was incapable of personal resentment. The men
themselves were, indeed, beneath his contempt; but he felt bound to treat
with them, and even to make great concessions, if necessary, for the good
of the public service. The welfare of the colony was his sole object, and
he did not hesitate to sacrifice every personal feeling to his sense of
duty. It is with some impatience that one finds the grand schemes of
discovery and colonization interrupted by such contemptible means, and
the course of the narrative checked by the necessity for recording,
however briefly, the paltry dissensions of vile miscreants such as Roldan
and his crew.
The mutineers were most unwilling to make any agreement. They were
leading the sort of lawless and licentious life that exactly suited them,
and were disinclined to submit to any authority. The interests of
their leaders, however, were not quite the same, and the acceptance of
advantageous terms would suit them. Carbajal was employed by the admiral
to conduct the negotiations, while the veteran Ballester returned to
Spain in November, 1498, with the news of the rebellion, and a request
from the admiral that a learned and impartial judge might be sent out to
decide all disputes.
It was finally agreed that Roldan should return to his duty, still
retaining the office of chief justice; that all past offences should be
condoned, and that he and his followers should receive grants of land,
with the services of the Indians. The admiral consented to these terms
most unwillingly, and under the conviction that this was the only way to
avoid the greater evil of civil dissension. He resolved, however, that
any future outbreak must be firmly and vigorously suppressed by force.
Although Roldan had now resumed his position as a legitimate official
ready to maintain order, it could hardly be expected that his fatal
example would not be followed by other unprincipled men of the same stamp
when the opportunity offered.
Trouble arose owing to the conduct of a young Castilian named Hernando
de Guevara. Roldan was established in Xaragua, when the youthful gallant
arrived at the house of his cousin, Adrian de Mujica, one of the
ringleaders in Roldan's mutiny, and fell in love with Higueymota, the
daughter of Anacaona. Guevara, for some misconduct, had been ordered by
the admiral to leave the island, but instead of obeying he had made his
way to Xaragua, and caused trouble by this love passage, for he had a
rival in Roldan himself, who ordered him to desist from the pursuit of
the daughter of Anacaona, and to return to Santo Domingo. Guevara refused
to obey, but he was promptly arrested and sent as a prisoner to the
capital. When his cousin Mujica, who was then in the Vega Real, received
the news, he raised a mutiny, offering rewards to the soldiers if they
would follow him in an attempt to rescue Guevara. The admiral, though
suffering from illness, showed remarkable energy on this occasion.
Marching very rapidly at the head of eighteen chosen men, he surprised
the mutineers, captured the ringleader, and carried him off to the
fort of Concepcion. Some severity had now become incumbent upon the
authorities, and Mujica was condemned to death. The admiral regretted the
necessity, but in no other way could a motive be supplied to deter
others from keeping the country in a constant state of lawless disorder.
Guevara, Riqueline, and other disorderly characters were imprisoned
in the fort at Santo Domingo, and by August, 1500, peace was quite
established throughout the island.
Thus had Columbus restored tranquillity to the colony. By prudent and
conciliatory negotiations, during which he had exercised the most
wonderful self-abnegation and patience, he had succeeded in averting the
serious danger caused by the formidable revolt of Roldan. But as the
habit of disorder was threatening to become chronic, he wisely took
another way with the sedition of Mujica, maintaining order by a resort
to prompt and vigorous action, and making a salutary example which was
calculated to be deterrent in its effects.
With the restoration of peace, trade revived and prosperity began to
return. The receivers of grants of land found that they had a stake
in the country, and sought to derive profit from their crops. Similar
activity appeared at the mines, and the building at Santo Domingo
progressed rapidly. The admiral began to hope that the first troubles
incident to an infant colony were over, and that the time had arrived
for Spain to feel the advantages of his great achievement. He now
looked forward to further and more important discoveries followed by
colonization on the main continent.
Yet at this very time a blow was about to come from a quarter whence it
was least to be expected, which was destined to shatter all the hopes
of this long-suffering man, and dissipate all his bright visions of the
future[1].
[Footnote:1 On the arrival (August 24, 1500) of Francisco de Boabdilla as
royal commissioner, he deposed Columbus and his brothers and sent them in
chains to Spain. Although they were immediately released, Columbus was
not reinstated in his dignities. His fourth and final voyage (1502-1504)
came far short of his anticipations].
ESTABLISHMENT OF SWISS INDEPENDENCE
A.D. 1499
HEINRICH ZSCHOKKE
The powerful family of the Hapsburgs, still rulers of the Tyrol, or
eastern portion of the Alps, long claimed authority over the western part
as well. The severity of their rule led to an organized resistance on the
part of the mountaineers, and the natural strength of the country secured
to its defenders victory after victory. The battles of Morgarten
(1315) and of Sempach (1386) were each accepted as final by their own
generation; but the house of Hapsburg never formally relinquished its
ancient rights, and its heads grew in power. From being dukes of Austria
they advanced to be hereditary emperors of all Germany, and at length in
1499 the powerful Emperor Maximilian determined to enforce his double
authority as duke and emperor. His projects were encouraged by the
discord rife among the little states or cantons which composed the Swiss
league.
The following account of the war that ensued is from the pen of a
well-known Swiss historian, and is perhaps colored by rather more
enthusiasm and racial pride than historic accuracy. Yet the struggle was
final. Never after did German or Austrian dispute the independence of the
Swiss. The unfortunate consequences brought by success upon the natives
are not only true, but profoundly worthy of note.
Fortunately danger and trouble soon appeared from abroad. This united all
the cantons anew, and was therefore salutary.
Maximilian I of Austria was Emperor of Germany. He had received from
France the country of Lower Burgundy, and, to hold it more securely,
incorporated it with the German empire as a single circle. He wished to
make Switzerland, also, such a German imperial circle. The Confederates
refused, preferring to remain by themselves as they had been until then.
In Swabia, the existing states had formed a league among themselves
for the suppression of small wars and feuds. This pleased the politic
Emperor; by becoming an associate, he placed himself at the head of the
league, which he was able to direct for the aggrandizement of his house
of Austria. He desired that the Confederates, also, should enter the
Swabian League. The Swiss again refused, preferring to remain by
themselves as before.
The Emperor was irritated at this, and at Innspruck he said to the
deputies of the Confederates: "You are refractory members of the empire;
some day I shall have to pay you a visit, sword in hand." The deputies
answered and said: "We humbly beseech your imperial majesty to dispense
with such a visit, for our Swiss are rude men, and do not even respect
crowns."
The boldness of the Confederates wounded the Swabian League no less. Many
provocations and quarrels took place, here and there, between the people
on the borders, so that the city of Constance, for her own security,
joined the Swabian League. For, one day, a band of valiant men of
Thurgau, incited by the bailiff from Uri, had tried to surprise the city,
in order to punish her for her bravadoes against the Swiss.
Neither were the Austrians good neighbors to the Grisons. The Tyrol
and Engadine were constantly discussing and disputing about markets,
privileges, and tolls. Once, indeed, in 1476, the Tyrolese had marched
armed into the valley of Engadine, but were driven back into their own
country, through the narrow Pass of Finstermunz, with bloody heads. Now
there was a fresh cause of quarrel. In the division of the Toggenburger
inheritance, the rights of Toggenburg in the Ten Jurisdictions had fallen
to the counts of Matsch, Sax, and Montfort, and afterward, 1478-1489, by
purchase, to the ducal house of Austria. Hence much trouble arose.
As the Grisons had equal cause with the Confederates to fear the power
and purposes of Emperor Maximilian, the Gray League, 1497, and that of
God's House, 1498, made a friendly and defensive alliance with Zurich,
Lucerne, Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, Zug, and Glarus. The Ten Jurisdictions
dared not join them for fear of Austria.
Then the Emperor restrained his anger no longer. And, though already
burdened with a heavy war in the Netherlands, he sent fresh troops into
the Tyrol, and the forces of the Swabian League advanced and hemmed in
Switzerland from the Grison Pass, near Luziensteig, between the Rhetian
mountains and Germany, along the Lake of Constance and the Rhine, as far
as Basel.
Then Switzerland and Rhetia were in great danger. But the Grisons rose
courageously to defend their freedom, as did all the Confederates. The
Sargansers, also, and the Appenzellers hastened to the Schollenberg; the
banners of Valais, Basel, and Schaffhausen soon floated in view of the
enemy. No man stayed at home.