The greater part, alas! of all his splendor has passed away. One pure and

perfect glory, the little Chapel of San Lorenzo, painted by the tender

hand of Fra Angelico, remains unharmed, the only work of that grand

painter to be found in Rome. If one could have chosen a monument for the

good Pope, the patron and friend of art in every form, there could not

have been a better than this. Fra Angelico seems to have been brought to

Rome by Pope Eugenius, but it was under Nicholas, in two or three years

of gentle labor, that the work was done. It is, however, impossible to

enumerate all the undertakings of Pope Nicholas. He did something to

reestablish or decorate almost all the great basilicas. It is feared--but

here our later historians speak with bated breath, not liking to bring

such an accusation against the kind Pope, who loved men of letters--that

the destruction of St. Peter's, afterward ruthlessly carried out by

succeeding popes, was in his plan, on the pretext, so constantly

employed, and possibly believed in, of the instability of the ancient

building. But there is no absolute certainty of evidence, and at all

events he might have repented, for he certainly did not do that deed. He

began the tribune, however, in the ancient church, which may have been a

preparation for the entire renewal of the edifice; and he did much toward

the decoration of another round church, that of the Madonna delle Febbre,

an ill-omened name, attached to the Vatican. He also built the Belvedere

in the gardens, and surrounded the whole with strong walls and towers

(round), one of which, according to Nibby, still remained fifty years

ago, which very little of Nicholas' building has done. His great sin was

one which he shared with all his brother-popes, that he boldly treated

the antique ruins of the city as quarries for his new buildings, not

without protest and remonstrance from many, yet with the calm of a mind

preoccupied and seeing nothing so great and important as the work upon

which his own heart was set.

This excellent Pope died in 1455, soon after having received the news of

the downfall of Constantinople, which is said to have broken his heart.

He had many ailments, and was always a small and spare man of little

strength of constitution; "but nothing transfixed his heart so much as to

hear that the Turks had taken Constantinople and killed the Europeans,

with many thousands of Christians, among them that same 'Imperadore

de Gostantinopli' whom he had seen seated in state at the Council of

Ferrara, listening to his own and other arguments, only a few years

before--as well as the greater part, no doubt, of his own clerical

opponents there. When he was dying, 'being not the less of a strong

spirit,' he called the cardinals round his bed, and many prelates with

them, and made them a last address. His pontificate had lasted a little

more than eight years, and to have carried out so little of his great

plan must have been heavy on his heart; but his dying words are those

of one to whom the holiness and unity of the Church came before all. No

doubt the fear that the victorious Turks might spread ruin over the whole

of Christendom was first in his mind at that solemn hour.

"'Knowing, my dearest brethren, that I am approaching the hour of my

death, I would, for the great dignity and authority of the apostolic see,

make a serious and important testimony before you, not committed to the

memory of letters, not written, neither on a tablet nor on parchment, but

given by my living voice, that it may have more authority. Listen, I pray

you, while your little Pope Nicholas, in the very instant of dying, makes

his last will before you. In the first place I render thanks to the

Highest God for the measureless benefits which, beginning from the day of

my birth until the present day, I have received of his infinite mercy.

And now I recommend to you this beautiful Spouse of Christ, whom, so

far as I was able, I have exalted and magnified, as each of you is well

aware; knowing this to be the honor of God, for the great dignity that is

in her, and the great privileges that she possesses, and so worthy, and

formed by so worthy an Author, who is the Creator of the universe. Being

of sane mind and intellect, and having done that which every Christian is

called to do, and specially the Pastor of the Church, I have received the

most sacred body of Christ with penitence, taking it from his table with

my two hands, and praying the Omnipotent God that he would pardon my

sins. Having had these sacraments I have also received the extreme

unction, which is the last sacrament for the redeeming of my soul.

Again I recommend to you, as long as I am able, the Roman Church,

notwithstanding that I have already done so; for this is the most

important duty you have to fufil in the sight of God and men. This is the

true Spouse of Christ which he bought with his blood. This is the robe

without seam, which the impious Jews would have torn, but could not. This

is that ship of St. Peter, Prince of the Apostles, agitated and tossed

by varied fortunes of the winds, but sustained by the Omnipotent God, so

that she could never be submerged or shipwrecked. With all the strength

of your souls sustain her and rule her: she has need of your good works,

and you should show a good example by your lives. If you with all your

strength care for her and love her, God will reward you, both in this

present life and in the future with life eternal; and to do this with all

the strength we have, we pray you, do it diligently, dearest brethren.'

"Having said this he raised his hands to heaven and said: 'Omnipotent

God, grant to the holy Church, and to these fathers, a pastor who will

preserve her and increase her; give to them a good pastor who will rule

and govern thy flock the most maturely that one can rule and govern. And

I pray for you and comfort you as much as I know and can. Pray for me to

God in your prayers.' When he had ended these words he raised his right

arm and, with a generous soul, gave the benediction,' _Benedict vos Deus,

Pater et Filius et Spiritus Sanctus_'--speaking with a raised voice and

solemnly, _in modo pontificate_"

These tremulous words, broken and confused by the weakness of his last

hours, were taken down by the favorite scribe, Giannozzo Manetti, in the

chamber of the dying Pope; with much more of the most serious matter

to the Church and to Rome. His eager desire to soften all possible

controversies and produce in the minds of the conclave about his bed, so

full of ambition and the force of life, the softened heart which would

dispose them to a peaceful and conscientious election of his successor,

is very touching, coming out of the fogs and mists of approaching death.

In the very age that produced the Borgias, and himself the head of that

band of elegant scholars and connoisseurs, everything but Christian,

to whom Rome owes so much of her external beauty and splendor, it is

pathetic to stand by this kind and gentle spirit as he pauses on the

threshold of a higher life, subduing the astute and worldly minded

churchmen around him with the tender appeal of the dying father, their

_Papa Niccolato_, familiar and persuasive--beseeching them to be of one

accord without so much as saying it, turning his own weakness to account

to touch their hearts, for the honor of the Church and the welfare of the

flock.

MAHOMET II TAKES CONSTANTINOPLE.

END OF THE EASTERN EMPIRE

A.D. 1453

GEORGE FINLAY

By the greater number of historians the fall of Constantinople under the

Moslem power is considered as the decisive event which separates the

modern from the mediaeval period. From the same event dates the final

establishment of the Ottoman empire both in Asia Minor and in Europe. At

that moment, when the Moorish power in Spain had been almost destroyed,

Christian Europe was threatened for the second time with Mahometan

conquest.

From 1354, when Suleiman crossed the Hellespont and captured Gallipoli,

the Turks from Asia Minor had kept their foothold on European soil. Under

Amurath I (1359-1389), Bajazet I (1389-1403), Mahomet I and Amurath

II (1404-1451)--the last of whom, in 1422, unsuccessfully besieged

Constantinople--the Ottoman dominions in Europe were much extended. When

Mahomet II, son of Amurath II, became Sultan (1451), the Turks were so

strongly established, and the Eastern Empire was so much weakened, that

he was prepared to finish the work of his predecessors and make the

Ottoman power in Europe what it has ever since been.

Mahomet "the Conqueror"--such was his surname--had for his adversary

Constantine XIII, the last of the Greek emperors, who was proclaimed in

1448, with the consent of Amurath II, whose power is thus attested. The

Empire was torn by the quarrels of political factions and by theological

dissensions. When Mahomet succeeded to the sultanate he was but

twenty-one years old, but had already given proof of great talents,

learning, and ambition, all guided by a judgment of remarkable maturity.

The first object of Mahomet's ambition was the conquest of

Constantinople, the natural capital of his dominions. As long as it was

held by Eastern Christians the Ottoman empire was open to invasion

by those of the West. The first threatening act of Mahomet was the

construction of a fortress on Constantine's territory, at the narrowest

part of the Bosporus, and within five miles of Constantinople.

Constantine was too weak to resent the menace with vigor, and Mahomet

treated his mild protest with contempt, denying the right of a vassal of

the Porte to dispute the Sultan's will. A feeble resistance by some

of the Greeks only gave Mahomet pretexts for further aggression, soon

followed by his formal declaration of war.

Both parties began to prepare for the mortal contest. The siege of

Constantinople was to be the great event of the coming year. The Sultan,

in order to prevent the Emperor's brothers in the Peloponnesus from

sending any succors to the capital, ordered Turakhan, the Pacha of

Thessaly, to invade the peninsula. He himself took up his residence at

Adrianople, to collect warlike stores and siege artillery. Constantine,

on his part, made every preparation in his power for a vigorous defence.

He formed large magazines of provisions, collected military stores, and

enrolled all the soldiers he could muster among the Greek population of

Constantinople. But the inhabitants of that city were either unable or

unwilling to furnish recruits in proportion to their numbers. Bred up in

peaceful occupation, they probably possessed neither the activity nor the

habitual exercise which was required to move with ease under the weight

of armor then in use. So few were found disposed to fight for their

country that not more than six thousand Greek troops appeared under arms

during the whole siege.

The numerical weakness of the Greek army rendered it incapable of

defending so large a city as Constantinople, even with all the advantage

to be derived from strong fortifications. The Emperor was therefore

anxious to obtain the assistance of the warlike citizens of the Italian

republics, where good officers and experienced troops were then numerous.

As he had no money to engage mercenaries, he could only hope to succeed

by papal influence. An embassy was sent to Pope Nicholas V, begging

immediate aid, and declaring the Emperor's readiness to complete the

union of the churches in any way the Pope should direct. Nicholas

despatched Cardinal Isidore, the Metropolitan of Kiev, who had joined the

Latin Church, as his legate. Isidore had represented the Russian Church

at the Council of Florence; but on his return to Russia he was imprisoned

as an apostate, and with difficulty escaped to Italy. He was by birth

a Greek; and being a man of learning and conciliatory manners, it was

expected that he would be favorably received at Constantinople.

The Cardinal arrived at Constantinople in November, 1452. He was

accompanied by a small body of chosen troops, and brought some

pecuniary aid, which he employed in repairing the most dilapidated

part of the fortifications. Both the Emperor and the Cardinal deceived

themselves in supposing that the dangers to which the Greek nation and

the Christian Church were exposed would induce the orthodox to yield

something of their ecclesiastical forms and phrases. It was evident that

foreign aid could alone save Constantinople, and it was absurd to imagine

that the Latins would fight for those who treated them as heretics and

who would not fight for themselves. The crisis therefore compelled the

Greeks to choose between union with the Church of Rome or submission to

the Ottoman power. They had to decide whether the preservation of the

Greek empire was worth the ecclesiastical sacrifices they were called

upon to make in order to preserve their national independence.

In the mean time the emperor Constantine celebrated his union with the

papal Church, in the Cathedral of St. Sophia, on December 12, 1452. The

court and the great body of the dignified clergy ratified the act by

their presence; but the monks and the people repudiated the connection.

In their opinion, the Church of St. Sophia was polluted by the ceremony,

and from that day it was deserted by the orthodox. The historian Ducas

declares that they looked upon it as a haunt of demons, and no better

than a pagan shrine. The monks, the nuns, and the populace publicly

proclaimed their detestation of the union; and their opposition was

inflamed by the bigotry of an ambitious pedant, who, under the name of

Georgius Scholarius, acted as a warm partisan of the union at the Council

of Florence, and under the ecclesiastical name of Gennadius is known in

history as the subservient patriarch of Sultan Mahomet II. On returning

from Italy, he made a great parade of his repentance for complying

with the unionists at Florence. He shut himself up in the monastery

of Pantokrator, where he assumed the monastic habit and the name of

Gennadius, under which he consummated the union between the Greek Church

and the Ottoman administration.

At the present crisis he stepped forward as the leader of the most

bigoted party, and excited his followers to the most furious opposition

to measures which he had once advocated as salutary for the Church, and

indispensable to the preservation of the State. The unionists were now

accused of sacrificing true religion to the delusion of human policy, of

insulting God to serve the Pope, and of preferring the interests of their

bodies to the care of their souls. In place of exhorting their countrymen

to aid the Emperor, who was straining every nerve to defend their

country--in place of infusing into their minds the spirit of patriotism

and religion, these teachers of the people were incessantly inveighing

against the wickedness of the unionists and the apostasy of the Emperor.

So completely did their bigotry extinguish every feeling of patriotism

that the grand duke Notaras declared he would rather see Constantinople

subjected to the turban of the Sultan than to the tiara of the Pope.

His wish was gratified; but, in dying, he must have felt how fearfully he

had erred in comparing the effects of papal arrogance with the cruelty of

Mahometan tyranny. The Emperor Constantine, who felt the importance of

the approaching contest, showed great prudence and moderation in his

difficult position. The spirit of Christian charity calmed his temper,

and his determination not to survive the empire gave a deliberate

coolness to his military conduct. Though his Greek subjects often raised

seditions, and reviled him in the streets, the Emperor took no notice of

their behavior. To induce the orthodox to fight for their country, by

having a leader of their own party, he left the grand duke Notaras in

office; yet he well knew that this bigot would never act cordially with

the Latin auxiliaries, who were the best troops in the city; and the

Emperor had some reason to distrust the patriotism of Notaras, seeing

that he hoarded his immense wealth, instead of expending a portion of it

for his country.

The fortifications were not found to be in a good state of repair.

Two monks who had been intrusted with a large sum for the purpose of

repairing them had executed their duty in an insufficient and it was

generally said in a fraudulent manner. The extreme dishonesty that

prevailed among the Greek officials explains the selection of monks as

treasurers for military objects; and it must lessen our surprise at

finding men of their religious professions sharing in the general

avarice, or tolerating the habitual peculations of others.

Cannon were beginning to be used in sieges, but stone balls were used in

the larger pieces of artillery; and the larger the gun, the greater was

the effect it was expected to produce. Even in Constantinople there was

some artillery too large to be of much use, as the land wall had not been

constructed to admit of their recoil, and the ramparts were so weak as

to be shaken by their concussion. Constantine had also only a moderate

supply of gunpowder. The machines of a past epoch in military science,

but to the use of which the Greeks adhered with their conservative

prejudices, were brought from the storehouses, and planted on the walls

beside the modern artillery. Johann Grant, a German officer, was the most

experienced artilleryman and military engineer in the place.

A considerable number of Italians hastened to Constantinople as soon as

they heard of its danger, eager to defend so important a depot of Eastern

commerce. The spirit of enterprise and the love of military renown had

become as much a characteristic of the merchant nobles of the commercial

republics as they had been, in a preceding age, distinctions of the

barons in feudal monarchies. All the nations who then traded with

Constantinople furnished contingents to defend its walls. A short time

before the siege commenced, John Justiniani arrived with two Genoese

galleys and three hundred chosen troops, and the Emperor valued his

services so highly that he was appointed general of the guard. The

resident bailo of the Venetians furnished three large galeases and a body

of troops for the defence of the port. The consul of Catalans, with his

countrymen and the Aragonese, undertook the defence of the great palace

of Bukoleon and the port of Kontoskalion. Cardinal Isidore, with the

papal troops, defended the Kynegesion, and the angle of the city at the

head of the port down to St. Demetrius. The importance of the aid which

was afforded by the Latins is proved by the fact that of twelve military

divisions, into which Constantine divided the fortifications, the

commands of only two were intrusted to the exclusive direction of Greek

officers. In the others, Greeks shared the command with foreigners, or

aliens alone conducted the defence.

When all Constantine's preparations for defence were completed, he found

himself obliged to man a line of wall on the land side of about five

miles in length, every point of which was exposed to a direct attack. The

remainder of the wall toward the port and the Propontis exceeded nine

miles in extent, and his whole garrison hardly amounted to nine thousand

men. His fleet consisted of only twenty galleys and three Venetian

galeases, but the entry of the port was closed by a chain, the end of

which, on the side of Galata, was secured in a strong fort of which the

Greeks kept possession. During the winter the Emperor sent out his fleet

to ravage the coast of the Propontis as far as Cyzicus, and the spirit of

the Greeks was roused by the booty they made in these expeditions.

Mahomet II spent the winter at Adrianople, preparing everything necessary

for commencing the siege with vigor. His whole mind was absorbed by

the glory of conquering the Roman Empire and gaining possession of

Constantinople, which for more than eleven hundred fifty years had been

the capital of the East. While the fever of ambition inflamed his soul,

his cooler judgment also warned him that the Ottoman power rested on a

perilous basis as long as Constantinople, the true capital of his

empire, remained in the hands of others. Mahomet could easily assemble a

sufficient number of troops for his enterprise, but it required all his

activity and power to collect the requisite supplies of provisions

and stores for the immense military and naval force he had ordered to

assemble, and to prepare the artillery and ammunition necessary to insure

success.

Early and late, in his court and in his cabinet, the young Sultan could

talk of nothing but the approaching siege. With the writing-reed and

a scroll of paper in his hand he was often seen tracing plans of the

fortifications of Constantinople, and marking out positions for his own

batteries. Every question relating to the extent and locality of the

various magazines to be constructed in order to maintain the troops was

discussed in his presence; he himself distributed the troops in their

respective divisions and regulated the order of their march; he issued

the orders relating to the equipment of the fleet, and discussed the

various methods proposed for breaching, mining, and scaling the walls.

His enthusiasm was the impulse of a hero, but the immense superiority of

his force would have secured him the victory with any ordinary degree of

perseverance.

The Ottomans were already familiar with the use of cannon. Amurath II had

employed them when he besieged Constantinople in 1422; but Mahomet now

resolved on forming a more powerful battering-train than had previously

existed. Neither the Greeks nor Turks possessed the art of casting large

guns. Both were obliged to employ foreigners. An experienced artilleryman

and founder named Urban, by birth a Wallachian, carried into execution

the Sultan's wishes. He had passed some time in the Greek service; but,

even the moderate pay he was allowed by the Emperor having fallen in

arrear, he resigned his place and transferred his services to the Sultan,

who knew better how to value warlike knowledge. He now gave Mahomet

proof of his skill by casting the largest cannon which had ever been

fabricated. He had already placed one of extraordinary size in the

new castle of the Bosporus, which carried across the straits. The gun

destined for the siege of Constantinople far exceeded in size this

monster, and the diameter of its mouth must have been nearly two feet

and a half. Other cannon of great size, whose balls of stone weighed one

hundred fifty pounds, were also cast, as well as many guns of smaller

calibre. All these, together with a number of ballistae and other ancient

engines still employed in sieges, were mounted on carriages in order to

transport them to Constantinople. The conveyance of this formidable train

of artillery, and of the immense quantity of ammunition required for its

service, was by no means a trifling operation.

The first division of the Ottoman army moved from Adrianople in February,

1453. In the mean time a numerous corps of pioneers worked constantly at

the road, in order to prepare it for the passage of the long train of

artillery and baggage wagons. Temporary bridges, capable of being

taken to pieces, were erected by the engineers over every ravine and

water-course, and the materials for every siege advanced steadily, though

slowly, to their destination. The extreme difficulty of moving the

monster cannon with its immense balls retarded the Sultan's progress, and

it was the beginning of April before the whole battering-train reached

Constantinople, though the distance from Adrianople is barely a hundred

miles. The division of the army under Karadja Pacha had already reduced

Mesembria and the castle of St. Stephanus. Selymbria alone defended

itself, and the fortifications were so strong that Mahomet ordered it to

be closely blockaded, and left its fate to be determined by that of the

capital.

On April 6th Sultan Mahomet II encamped on the slope of the hill facing

the quarter of Blachern, a little beyond the ground occupied by the

crusaders in 1203, and immediately ordered the construction of lines

extending from the head of the port to the shore of the Propontis. These

lines were formed of a mound of earth, and they served both to restrain

the sorties of the besieged and to cover the troops from the fire of

the enemy's artillery and missiles. The batteries were then formed; the

principal were erected against the gate of Charsias, in the quarter of

Blachern, and against the gate of St. Romanus, near the centre of the

city wall. It was against this last gate that the fire of the monster gun

was directed and the chief attack was made.

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