Something akin to stereotyping is another method of printing, called

logography, invented by John Walter of the London _Times_, in 1783, and

for which he took out a patent. This means a system of printing from type

cast in words instead of single letters, which it was thought would save

time and corrections when applied to newspapers, but it was not found to

answer. A joke of the time was a supposed order to the type-founder for

some words of frequent occurrence, which ran thus: "Please send me a

hundredweight, sorted, of murder, fire, dreadful robbery, atrocious

outrage, fearful calamity, alarming explosion, melancholy accident; an

assortment of honourable member, whig, tory, hot, cold, wet, dry; half

a hundred weight, made up in pounds, of butter, cheese, beef, mutton,

tripe, mustard, soap, rain, etc., and a few devils, angels, women,

groans, hisses, etc." This method of printing did not succeed; for if

twenty-four letters will give six hundred sextillions of combinations, no

printing-office could keep a sufficient assortment of even popular words.

[Footnote 1: See Vol 1, 8]

[Footnote 2: See accompanying fac-simile of a page of the English

edition--a reproduction as faithful as possible in text, color, texture

of paper, etc.]

JOHN HUNYADY REPULSES THE TURKS[1]

A.D. 1440-1456

ARMINIUS VAMBÉRY

From the time (1354) when the Turks took Gallipoli and secured their

first dominion in Europe, the Ottoman power on that side of the

Hellespont was gradually increased. In 1360 Amurath I crossed from Asia

Minor, ravaged an extensive district, and took Adrianople, which he made

the first seat of his royalty and the first shrine of Mahometanism in

Europe. He next turned toward Bulgaria and Servia, where in the warlike

Slavonic tribes he found far stronger foes than the Greek victims of

earlier Turkish conquests.

Pope Urban V preached a crusade against the Turks; and Servia, Hungary,

Bosnia, and Wallachia leagued themselves to drive the Ottomans out of

Europe. Amurath defeated them and added new territory to his previous

acquisitions. A peace was made in 1376, but a new though fruitless

attempt of the Slavonic peoples against him gave Amurath a pretext for

further assault upon southeastern Europe. In 1389 he conquered and

annexed Bulgaria and subjugated the Servians. In the same year Amurath

was assassinated.

Bajazet I, the son and successor of Amurath, still further extended

the Turkish conquests. Under Bajazet's son, Mahomet I (1413-1421),

comparative peace prevailed; but his son, Amurath II, rekindled the

flames of war. A strong combination, including, with other peoples,

the Hungarians and Poles, was made against him. In the struggle that

followed, and which for a time promised the complete expulsion of the

Turks from Europe, the great leader was the Hungarian, John Hunyady, born

in 1388. According to some writers, he was a Wallach and the son of a

common soldier. Creasy calls him "the illegitimate son of Sigismund, King

of Hungary, and the fair Elizabeth Morsiney." With him appeared a new

spirit, such as the Ottomans up to that time could not have expected to

encounter in that part of Europe. In Vambéry's narrative we have the

authority of Hungary's greatest historian for the leading events in the

life of her greatest hero.

In Europe a new power pulsating with youthful life had arrived from

somewhere in the interior of Asia with the intention of conquering the

world. This power was the Turk--not merely a single nation, but a whole

group of peoples clustered round a nation, inspired by one single idea

which urged them ever forward--"There is no god but God, and Mahomet is

the apostle of God."

The Mahometan flood already beat upon the bounds of Catholic Christendom,

in the forefront of which stood Hungary. Hungary's King, Sigismund, was

able for a moment in 1396 to unite the nations of Europe against the

common danger, but the proud array of mail-clad knights were swept away

like chaff before the steady ranks of the janizaries.

And herewith began the long series of desolating inroads into Hungary,

for the Turks were wont to suck the blood of the nation they had marked

down as their prey. They took the country by surprise, secretly,

suddenly, like a summer storm, appearing in overwhelming numbers,

burning, murdering, robbing, especially men in the hopes of a rich

ransom, or children whom they might bring up as Mahometans and

janizaries. This body, the flower of the Turkish armies, owed its origin

for the most part to the Christian children thus stolen from their

parents and their country. This infantry of the janizaries was the first

standing army in Europe. Living constantly together under a common

discipline, like the inmates of a cloister, they rushed blindly forward

to the cry of "God and his Prophet!" like some splendid, powerful wild

beast eager for prey. The Turkish sultans published the proud order:

"Forward! Let us conquer the whole world; wheresoever we tie up our

horses' heads, that land is our own."

To resist such a nation, that would not listen to negotiation, but only

thirsted for war and conquest, seemed already an impossibility. Europe

trembled with fear at the reports of the formidable attacks designed

against her, and listened anxiously for news from distant Hungary, which

lay, so to say, in the lion's very mouth.

Against such an enemy a soldier of the modern type was useless, one who

slays only in defence of his own life and at the word of command, whose

force consists in the high development of the military art and the

murderous instruments of modern technical science. What was wanted was a

heroic soul, inspired by a burning faith like to that which impelled the

Mahometan soldier. This heroic soul, this burning faith, united to

the tenacious energy of youth, were all found united in John Hunyady,

accompanied withal by a singular talent for leadership in war. He could

not rely for support upon the haughty magnates who could trace their

descent back for centuries and despised the parvenu with a shorter

pedigree and a smaller estate. He was consequently obliged to cast in

his lot with the mass of the lesser nobility, individually weaker, it is

true, but not deficient in spirit and a consciousness of their own worth.

Of this class he soon became the idolized leader. Around him gathered the

hitherto latent forces of Hungarian society, especially from Transylvania

and South Hungary and the Great Hungarian Plain, which suffered most from

the incursions of the Turks, and were therefore most impressed with the

necessity of organizing a system of defence. It was these who were the

first to be inspired by Hurvyady's heroic spirit.

Before commencing his career as independent commander he, following

his father's example, attached himself to the court of Sigismund, the

Emperor-king, in whose train he visited the countries of Western Europe,

Germany, England, and Italy, till he at length returned home, his mind

enriched by experience but with the fervor of his first faith unchilled.

When over fifty years old, he repaired at his sovereign's command to the

south of Hungary to organize the resistance to the Turks. At first he

was appointed ban of Severin, and as such had the chief command of the

fortified places built by the Hungarians for the defence of the Lower

Danube. After that he became waywode of Transylvania, the civil and

military governor of the southeastern corner of the Hungarian kingdom.

Before, however, he had reached these dignities he had fought a

succession of battles and skirmishes with such success that for the

fanatical Turkish soldiery his form, nay, his very name, was an object

of terror. It was Hunyady alone whom they sought to slay on the field of

battle, well persuaded that, he once slain, they would easily deal with

the rest of Hungary. Thus in 1442 a Turkish leader, named Mezid Bey,

burst into Transylvania at the head of eighty thousand men in pursuance

of the Sultan's commands, with no other aim than to take Hunyady dead or

alive.

Nor, indeed, did Hunyady keep them waiting for him. He hurried at the

head of his troops to attack the Turkish leader, who was laying siege to

Hermannstadt. Upon this, Mezid Bey, calling his bravest soldiers around

him, described to them once more Hunyady's appearance, his arms, his

dress, his stature, and his horse, that they might certainly recognize

him. "Slay him only," he exclaimed, "and we shall easily deal with the

rest of them; we shall drive them like a flock of sheep into the presence

of our august master."

On that occasion was seen with what self-sacrificing enthusiasm his

soldiers loved their heroic leader. When they learned from their spies

the purpose of the Turks, they took all possible measures to secure his

precious life. One of their number, Simon Kemeny, who bore a striking

resemblance to Hunyady, determined to sacrifice himself for his leader.

He announced that he would put on Hunyady's clothes and armor. The Turks

would then attack him under the belief that he was the celebrated chief,

and while they were thus engaged the real Hunyady would fall upon them

unexpectedly and put them to flight. At first Hunyady would by no means

consent to this plan, as he did not wish to expose Kemeny to such mortal

danger; but at last, seeing the great military advantages likely to

accrue from it, he consented.

And so, indeed, it fell out. As soon as the battle began, the Turks,

perceiving Simon Kemeny in the garb of Hunyady, directed all their force

against him. Kemeny, after a stout defence, fell, together with a great

number of his followers, and the Turks, seeing him fall, set up a general

cry of triumph and exultation. Just at this critical moment they were

hotly attacked in the flank by the genuine Hunyady. Thus attacked in the

very moment when they imagined that they had already gained the day,

the Turks were thrown into confusion and took wildly to flight. Twenty

thousand corpses were left on the battlefield; among them lay Mezid Bey

himself, together with his sons.

Fearful was the rage of the Turkish Sultan when he heard of the defeat

and death of Mezid Bey, and he at once despatched another army against

Hunyady, which like the first numbered eighty thousand men. This time,

however, Hunyady did not let them enter Transylvania, but waited for

them at the pass known as the Iron Gate, among the high mountains on the

southern boundary of Hungary.

The Hungarian army was not more than fifteen thousand men, so that the

Turks were at least five times as strong. But the military genius of

Hunyady made up for the small number of his followers. He posted them in

a strong position in the rough pass, and attacked the enemy in places

where it was impossible for him to make use of his strength. Thus more

than half the Turkish army perished miserably in the battle. Again their

commander-in-chief fell on the field, together with six subordinate

commanders, while two hundred horse-tail standards fell into Hunyady's

hands as trophies of his victory.

These two splendid victories filled all Europe with joy and admiration.

Christendom again breathed freely; for she felt that a champion sent by a

special providence had appeared, who had both the courage and the ability

to meet and to repel the haughty and formidable foe. But Hunyady was not

content with doing so much. He thought that by this time he might

carry the war into the enemy's country. The plan of operations was

exceptionally daring, yet Hunyady had not resolved on it without careful

consideration. In the mean time, through Hunyady's exertions, Wladislaw

III, the young King of Poland, had been elected king of Hungary. Hunyady

gained the new King over to his plans, and by this means secured the

coöperation of the higher aristocracy and the armed bands which they

were bound to lead into the field at the King's summons. Hunyady counted

besides on the assistance of Europe; in the first place on the popes, who

were zealous advocates of the war against the Mahometans; next on Venice,

which, as the first commercial city and state at that time, had suffered

severe losses owing to the spread of Turkish dominions; on the gallant

Poles, whose King now wore the Hungarian crown; and lastly upon the

peoples of Christendom in general, whose enthusiasm for a war against the

infidels had been quickened by the report of Hunyady's victories. And,

indeed, at his request the Pope sent some small sums of money, the Poles

furnished an auxiliary force, while numerous volunteers from the rest of

Europe flocked to serve under his banner.

Although the assistance thus furnished was comparatively unimportant, it

nevertheless served to increase his zeal for the daring undertaking. He

and his heroic companions were not only proud of defending their own

native country, but felt that they were the champions of all Christendom

against Ottoman aggression, and their religious enthusiasm kept pace with

their patriotism. If they did not get regiments sent to their aid, they

felt that the eyes of all Europe were upon them, ready to grieve at their

possible ill-success, while their victories would be celebrated with the

_Te Deum_ in the cathedrals of every capital in Europe.

The aggressive campaign was commenced without delay; Hunyady's resolves

were at once translated into fact; he would not allow the beaten foe

time to recover breath. His plan was to cross the Danube, and penetrate

through the passes of the Balkan to Philippopolis, at that time the

capital of the Sultan's dominions, where he kept the main body of his

army. About Christmas, a season in which the Turk does not like to fight,

amid heavy snow and severe cold, the Hungarian army of about thirty

thousand men pressed forward. Hunyady marched in advance with the

vanguard of twelve thousand picked men; after him the King and the Pope's

legate, with the rest of the army. The Sultan, however, with a large body

of men had occupied the passes of the Balkans and prevented their further

advance. This impediment, coupled with the cold and severe weather,

depressed the spirits of the troops, worn out with fatigue. Hunyady,

however, raised their spirits by gaining a victory; lighting one night

upon a body of the enemy, twenty thousand in number, he attacked them at

once and after a few hours' struggle succeeded in dispersing them.

Later on he took two large towns with their citadels, and in three

engagements triumphed over three separate divisions of the enemy.

Learning that a still larger body of Turks was attempting to cut off his

communications with the King's army, he attacked that also and put it to

flight. After that he joined his corps with the main army under the King,

and, indeed, none too soon. Sultan Amurath suddenly arrived with the main

body of his forces, which he strongly intrenched in the narrowest passes

of the Balkans. Hunyady saw that these intrenchments could not be forced,

and did all he could to entice his enemy down into the plain. This he

succeeded in doing. In the battle that ensued the King, too, played

a conspicuous part and received a wound. In the end, however, the

Hungarians gained the victory, and the younger brother of the Grand

Vizier was taken prisoner. So much success was sufficient for Hunyady for

the time, especially as the natural obstacles had proved insurmountable.

The Hungarian army returned home in good order, and the young King made

a triumphal entry into his capital, preceded by a crowd of Turkish

prisoners and captured Turkish ensigns. These last trophies of victory

were deposited in the Coronation Church in the fortress of Buda.

And now something happened which had hitherto been deemed incredible:

the Sultan sued for peace--a true believer and a sovereign, from an

"unbelieving giaour." The peace was concluded, and Hungary again became

possessed of those dependent (South Slavonic) provinces which lay between

the territories of the Sultan and the kingdom of Hungary in the narrower

sense of the word. In three short years Hunyady had undone the work of

years on the part of the Turks. The Sultan, however, soon repented of

what he had done, and continually delayed the fulfilment of his promise

to evacuate certain frontier fortresses. For this cause the young King,

especially incited thereto by the Pope, determined to renew the war.

Hunyady at first opposed the King's resolution, and wished to wait; later

on he was gained over to the King's view, and took up the matter with his

whole soul. The opportunity was inviting, for the Sultan with his main

army was engaged somewhere in Asia, and the Venetians promised to prevent

with their fleet his return to Europe across the narrow seas in the

neighborhood of Constantinople.

The Hungarian army, indeed, set out (1444) on its expedition, and,

continually expecting the arrival of the troops of their allies--the

Emperor of Constantinople and the princes of Albania--penetrated ever

farther and farther into the hostile territory. They were to be joined by

their allies at the town of Varna on the shores of the Black Sea. When,

however, the Hungarians had arrived at that town, they found no trace of

their expected allies, but on the contrary learned with certainty that

the Sultan had succeeded in eluding the vigilance of the Venetians, had

brought his army in small boats over into Europe, and was now following

fast on their track.

Thus all hope of aid from allies was at an end; the brave general and his

small Hungarian force had to rely on their own resources, separated as

they were by some weeks' journey from their own country, while the enemy

would be soon upon them in numbers five times their own. Yet, even so,

Hunyady's faith and courage did not desert him. The proverb says, "If thy

sword be short, lengthen it by a step forward." And Hunyady boldly,

but yet with the caution that behooved a careful general, took up his

position before the Sultan's army. Both he and his Hungarians fought with

dauntless courage, availing themselves of every advantage and beating

back every assault. Already victory seemed to be assured. A few hours

after the battle had begun both the Turkish wings had been broken, and

even the Sultan and the brave janizaries were thinking of flight, when

the young King, the Pole Wladislaw, whom Hunyady had adjured by God to

remain in a place of safety until the combat should be decided, was

persuaded by his Polish suite to fling himself, with the small band in

immediate attendance upon him, right on the centre of the janizaries, so

that he too might have a share in the victory and not leave it all

to Hunyady. The janizaries wavered for a moment under this new and

unexpected attack, but, soon perceiving that they had to do with the King

of Hungary, they closed round his band, which had penetrated far into

their ranks. The King's horse was first hamstrung, and, as it fell, the

King's head was severed from his body, stuck upon the point of a spear,

and exposed to the view of both armies. The Hungarians, shocked at the

unexpected sight, wavered, and, feeling themselves lost, began to fly.

All the entreaties and exhortations of Hunyady were in vain. Such was the

confusion that he could be neither seen nor heard, and in a few minutes

the whole Hungarian army was in headlong flight.

Hunyady, left to himself, had also to seek safety in flight. Alone,

deserted by all, he had to make his way from one place of concealment to

another, till after some weeks' wandering he arrived in Hungary. The bad

news had preceded him, and in consequence everything was in confusion.

Again arose that difficult question: Who should be the new king under

such difficult circumstances? The Sultan's army had, however, suffered

so much in the battle of Varna that for the time he left the Hungarians

unmolested.

The nation was disposed to choose for its king the child Ladislaus, son

of King Albert, the predecessor of Wladislaw. The child, however, was in

the power of the neighboring Prince, Frederick, the Archduke of Austria,

who was not disposed to let him go out of his hands without a heavy

ransom. In these circumstances the more powerful nobles in Hungary took

advantage of the confusion to strengthen each his own position at the

expense of the nation. At first the government of the country was

intrusted to a number of captains, but this proved so evidently

disastrous that the better sort of people succeeded in having them

abolished and Hunyady established as sole governor. For all that,

however, Hunyady had a good deal of trouble with the chief aristocrats,

Garay, Czillei, Ujlaki, who, envying the parvenu his sudden promotion and

despising his obscure origin, took up arms to resist his authority. Thus

Hunyady, instead of blunting the edge of his sword upon foreign foes, had

to bridle the insubordination of his own countrymen. Luckily it did not

take long to force the discontented to own the weight of his arm and his

superiority as a military leader.

Order being thus to some extent reestablished at home, Hunyady was again

able to turn his attention to the Turks. He felt that he had in fact

gained the battle of Varna, which was only lost through the jealous humor

of a youthful king; that it behooved him not to stop half way; that it

was his duty to continue offensive operations. But in so doing he had to

rely upon his own proper forces. It is true that he was governor of the

country, but for the purpose of offensive warfare beyond the frontier he

could not gain the consent of the great nobles.

Luckily his private property had enormously increased by this time. The

Hungarian constitution required the King to bestow the estates of such

noblemen as died without male heirs, or had been condemned for any

offence, on such noblemen as had approved themselves valiant defenders

of the country. Now where could be found a more worthy recipient of such

estates than Hunyady, to whom the public treasury was besides a debtor on

account of the sums he disbursed for the constant warfare he maintained

against the Turks? Especially in the south of Hungary a whole series

of lordly estates, many of them belonging to the crown, had come into

Hunyady's hands, either as pledges for the repayment of the money he had

paid his soldiers, or as his own private property.

The yearly revenue arising from these vast estates was employed by

Hunyady, not in personal expenditure, but in the defence of his country.

He himself lived as simply as any of his soldiers, and recognized no

other use of money than as a weapon for the defence of Christendom

against Islam. In the early morning, while all his suite slept, he passed

hours in prayer before the altar in the dimly lighted church, imploring

the help of the Almighty for the attainment of his sole object in

life--the destruction of the Turkish power. At last, 1448, he set out

against the Sultan with an army of twenty-four thousand of his most

trusty soldiers.

This time it was on the frontier of Servia, on the "Field of Blackbirds,"

that Hunyady encountered Sultan Amurath, who had an army of one hundred

and fifty thousand men--again more than five times the number of the

Christians. Hunyady at first withdrew himself into his intrenched camp,

but in a few days felt himself strong enough to engage with the enemy on

the open field. The battle lasted without interruption for two days and a

night. Hunyady himself was several times in deadly peril. Once his horse

was shot under him. He was to be found wherever assistance, support,

encouragement, were needed. At last, on the morning of the third day,

as the Turks, who had received reinforcements, were about to renew the

attack, the Waywode of Wallachia passed over to the side of the Turks.

The Waywode belonged to the Orthodox Eastern Church. He had joined

Hunyady on the way, and his desertion transferred six thousand men from

one side to the other, and decided the battle in favor of the Turks.

The Hungarians, worn out by fatigue, fell into a discouragement, while

Hunyady had no fresh troops to bring up to their support. The battle came

to a sudden end. Seventeen thousand Hungarian corpses strewed the field,

but the loss of the Turks was more than thirty thousand men.

The Great Events by Famous Historians, Volume 08 The Later Renaissance: from Gutenberg to the Reformation · 第 4 / 38 段