CHAPTER XXVI

How can a man who considers himself to be,--we will not say a Christian

or an educated and humane man,--but simply a man not entirely devoid of

reason and of conscience,--how can he, I say, live in such a way, taking

no part in the struggle of all mankind for life, only swallowing up the

labour of others struggling for existence, and by his own claims

increasing the labour of those who struggle and the number of those who

perish in the struggle?

Such men abound in our so-called Christian and cultured world; and not

only do they abound in our world but the very ideal of the men of our

Christian, cultured world, is to get the largest amount of

property,--that is, wealth,--which secures all comforts and idleness of

life by freeing its possessors from the struggle for existence, and

enabling them, as much as possible, to profit by the labour of those

brothers of theirs who perish in that struggle.

How could men have fallen into such astounding error?

How could they have come to such a state that they can neither see nor

hear nor understand with their heart what is so clear, obvious, and

certain?

One need only think for a moment in order to be terrified at the way our

lives contradict what we profess to believe, whether we be Christian or

only humane educated people. Whether it be God or a law of nature that

governs the world and men, good or bad, the position of men in this

world, so long as we know it has always been such that naked

men,--without wool on their bodies, without holes in which to take

refuge, without food which they might find in the field like Robinson

Crusoe on his island,--are put into a position of continual and

incessant struggle with nature in order to cover their bodies by making

clothes for themselves, to protect themselves by a roof over their

heads, and to earn food in order twice or thrice a day to satisfy their

hunger and that of their children and their parents.

Wherever and whenever and to whatever extent we observe the lives of

men, whether in Europe, America, China, or Russia; whether we take into

consideration all mankind or a small portion, whether in olden times in

a nomad state, or in modern times with steam-engines, steam-ploughs,

sewing-machines, and electric light,--we shall see one and the same

thing going on,--that men, working constantly and incessantly, are not

able to get clothes, shelter, and food for themselves, their little

ones, and the old, and that the greatest number of men in olden times as

well as now, perish slowly from want of the necessaries of life and from

overwork.

Wherever we may live, if we draw a circle around us of a hundred

thousand, or a thousand or ten, or even one mile's circumference, and

look at the lives of those men who are inside our circle, we shall find

half-starved children, old people male and female, pregnant women, sick

and weak persons, working beyond their strength, who have neither food

nor rest enough to support them, and who, for this reason, die before

their time: we shall see others full-grown who are even being killed by

dangerous and hurtful tasks.

Since the world has existed we find that with great efforts, sufferings,

and privations men have been struggling for their common wants, and have

not been able to overcome the difficulty.

Besides, we also know that every one of us, wherever and however he may

live, _nolens volens_, is every day, and every hour of the day,

absorbing for himself a part of the labour performed by mankind.

Wherever and however a man lives, the roof over his head did not grow of

itself; the firewood in his stove did not get there of itself; the water

did not come of itself either; and the baked bread does not fall down

from the sky; his dinner, his clothes, and the covering for his feet,

all this has been made for him, not only by men of past generations,

long dead, but it is being done for him now by those men of whom

hundreds and thousands are fainting away and dying in vain efforts to

get for themselves and for their children sufficient shelter, food, and

clothes,--means to save themselves and their children from suffering and

a premature death.

All men are struggling with want. They are struggling so intensely that

around them always their brethren, fathers, mothers, children, are

perishing. Men in this world are like those on a dismantled or

water-logged ship with a short allowance of food; all are put by God, or

by nature, in such a position that they must husband their food and

unceasingly war with want.

Each interruption in this work of every one of us, each absorption of

the labour of others which is useless for the common welfare, is

ruinous, alike for us and them.

How is it that the majority of educated people, without labouring, are

quietly absorbing the labours of others which are necessary for their

own lives, and are considering such an existence quite natural and

reasonable?

If we are to free ourselves from the labour proper and natural to all

and lay it on others, and yet not at the same time consider ourselves

traitors and thieves, we can do so only by two suppositions,--first,

that we (the men who take no part in common labour) are different beings

from working-men and have a peculiar destiny to fulfil in society (like

drone-bees, or queen-bees, which have a different function from the

working-bees); or secondly, that the business which we (the men freed

from the struggle for existence) are doing for other men is so useful

for all that it undoubtedly compensates for that harm which we do to

others in overburdening them.

In olden times men who lived by the labour of others asserted, first,

that they belonged to a different race; and secondly, that they had from

God a peculiar mission,--caring for the welfare of others; in other

words, to govern and teach them: and therefore, they assured others, and

partly believed themselves, that the business they did was more useful

and more important for the people than those labours by which they

profit. This justification was sufficient so long as the direct

interference of God in human affairs, and the inequality of human races,

was not doubted.

But with Christianity and that consciousness of the equality and unity

of all men which proceeds from it, this justification could no longer be

expressed in its previous form.

It was no longer possible to assert that men are born of different kind

and quality and have a different destiny; and the old justification,

though still held by some, has been little by little destroyed and has

now almost entirely disappeared.

But though the justification disappeared, the fact itself,--of the

freeing of some men from labour, and the appropriation by them of other

men's labour, remained the same for those who had the power to enforce

it. For this existing fact new excuses have constantly been invented, in

order that without asserting the difference of human beings, men might

be able with apparent justice to free themselves from personal labour.

A great many justifications have been invented. However strange it may

seem, the main object of all that has been called science, and the

ruling tendency of science, has been to seek out such excuses.

This has been the object of the theological sciences and of the science

of law: this was the object of so-called philosophy, and this became

lately the object of modern rationalistic science, however strange it

appears to us, the contemporaries, who use this justification.

All the theological subtleties which aimed at proving that a certain

church is the only true successor of Christ, and that, therefore, she

alone has full and uncontrolled power over the souls and bodies of men,

had in view this very object.

All the legal sciences,--those of state law, penal law, civil law, and

international law,--have this sole aim.

The majority of philosophical theories, especially that of Hegel, which

reigned over the minds of men for such a long time, and maintained the

assertion that everything which exists is reasonable, and that the state

is a necessary form of the development of human personality, had only

this one object in view.

Comte's positive philosophy and its outcome, the doctrine that mankind

is an organism; Darwin's doctrine of the struggle for existence,

directing life and its conclusion, the theory of the diversity of human

races, the anthropology now so popular, biology, and sociology,--all

have the same aim. These sciences have become favourites, because they

all serve for the justification of the existing fact of some men being

able to free themselves from the human duty of labour, and to consume

other men's labour.

All these theories, as is always the case, are worked out in the

mysterious sanctums of augurs, and in vague, unintelligible expressions

are spread abroad among the masses and adopted by them.

As in olden times the subtleties of theology, which justified violence

in church and state, were the special property of priests; and among the

masses of the people, the conclusions, taken by faith, and ready made

for them, were circulated, that the power of kings, clergy and nobility

was sacred: so afterwards, the philosophical and legal subtleties of

so-called science became the property of the priests of science; and

through the masses only the ready-made conclusion, accepted by

faith,--that social order (the organization of society) must be such as

it is, and cannot be otherwise,--was diffused.

So it is now. It is only in the sanctuaries of the modern sages that the

laws of life and the development of organisms are analyzed. Whereas in

the crowd, the ready-made conclusion, accepted on trust,--that division

of labour is a law confirmed by science, and therefore it must be that

some starve and toil and others eternally feast, and that this very ruin

of some and feasting of others is the undoubted law of man's life, to

which we must submit,--is circulated.

The current justification of their idleness by all so-called educated

people, with their various activities, from the railway proprietor down

to the author or artist, is this: We men who have freed ourselves from

the common human duty of taking part in the struggle for existence, are

furthering progress, and so we are of great use to all human society, of

such use that we counterbalance all the harm we do the people by

consuming their labour.

This reasoning seems to the men of our day to be not at all like the

reasoning by which the former non-workers justified themselves; just as

the reasoning of the Roman emperors and citizens, that but for them the

civilized world would go to ruin, seemed to them to be of quite another

order from that of the Egyptians and Persians; and so also an exactly

similar kind of reasoning seemed in turn to the knights and clergy of

the Middle Ages totally different from that of the Romans.

But it only _seems_. One need only reflect on the justification of our

time in order to ascertain that there is nothing new in it. It is only a

little differently dressed up, but it is the same because it is based on

the same principle. Every justification of one man's consumption of the

labour of others, while producing none himself, as with Pharaoh and his

soothsayers, the emperors of Rome and those of the Middle Ages and their

citizens, knights, priests, and clergy, always consists in these two

assertions: First, we take the labour of the masses because we are

different from others, people called by God to govern them and to teach

them divine truths: Secondly, those who compose the masses cannot be

judges of the measure of labour which we take from them for the good we

do for them, because, as it has been said by the Pharisees, "This

multitude which knoweth not the law are accursed" (John vii. 49).

The people do not understand what is for their good, and therefore they

cannot be judges of the benefits done to them. The justification of our

time, notwithstanding all apparent originality, consists in facts of the

same fundamental assertions: First, we are a different people,--we are

an educated people,--we further progress and civilization, and by this

fact we procure for the masses a great advantage. Secondly, the

uneducated crowd does not understand the advantages we procure for them,

and therefore cannot be judges of them.

The fundamental assertions are the same. We free ourselves from labour,

appropriate the labour of others, and by this increase the burden of our

fellows; and then assert that in compensation for this we bring them a

great advantage, of which they, owing to ignorance, cannot be judges.

Is it not, then, the same thing? The only difference lies in this: that

formerly the claims on other men's labour were made by citizens, Roman

priests, knights, and nobility, and now these claims are put forward by

a caste who term themselves educated.

The lie is the same, because the men who justify themselves are in the

same false position. The lie consists in the fact, that, before

beginning to reason about the advantages conferred on the workers by

people who have freed themselves from labour,--certain men, Pharaohs,

priests, or we ourselves, educated people, assume this position first,

and only afterwards manufacture a justification for it.

The very position universally serves as a basis for the justification.

The difference of our justification from the ancient ones consists

merely in the fact that it is more false and less well grounded. The old

emperors and popes, if they themselves, and the people, believed in

their divine calling, could easily explain why they were to control the

labour of others: they asserted that they were appointed by God himself

for this very thing, and from God they had a commandment to teach the

people divine truths revealed to them, and to govern them.

But modern, educated men, who do not labour with their hands, and who

acknowledge the equality of all men, cannot explain why they and their

children (for education is only by money; that is, by power) should be

those lucky persons called to an easy, idle life, out of those millions

who by hundreds and thousands are perishing to make it possible for them

to be educated. Their only justification consists in this, that, just as

they are, instead of doing harm to the workers by freeing themselves

from labour, and by swallowing up labour, they bring to the people some

advantages, unintelligible to them, which compensate for all the evil

they perpetrate.

What Shall We Do? · 第 26 / 40 章