inutility of the efforts Napoleon might make, to
establish any diplomatic connexion with foreign
powers, refused to accept the post. The Emperor
offered it to M. Mole. M. Mole objected, that he
was an entire stranger to diplomacy, and requested
Napoleon, to make another choice. Napoleon and his
other ministers were then so pressing with the Duke
of Vicenza, that he considered it his duty to
yield. He would have preferred the Emperor's giving
him a command in the army, where he would at least
have found an opportunity of usefully serving his
country and the Emperor.
The ministry of the interior, intended at first for
M. Costaz, was also offered to M. Mole, and
ultimately given to M. Carnot, at the
recommendation of the Duke of Bassano.
The Emperor was not pleased with the obstinate
refusals of M. Mole: he was fond of his name, and
valued his talents. He had intended to appoint him
governor of the Imperial Prince; and it was to this
intention that M. Mole was chiefly indebted for the
high rank, to which he had been so rapidly raised.
Nevertheless M. Mole solicited and obtained the
general superintendance of highways and bridges, a
post which he occupied in 1813, before he was
appointed minister of justice.]
The Duke of Gaeta and Count Mollien became again ministers of the
finances and the treasury. They had obtained the confidence of the
public by the ability, prudence, and integrity of their preceding
administration; and the choice of them met with general applause.
The Duke of Otranto had the charge of the police. He had been at the
helm of the state in circumstances of difficulty and peril; he had
learned to form a sound judgment of the public mind, and to foresee,
prepare, and guide events. Having belonged to all parties in
succession, he knew their tactics, their resources, their pretensions;
and the whole nation, convinced of his experience, talents, and
patriotism, hoped, that he would successfully concur in the safety of
the Emperor and the empire.
The recall of the Duke of Bassano to the ministry, as secretary of
state, displeased the court, and also those credulous people, who,
having no opinions but what are suggested to them, adopt praise and
blame without discernment.
Few men have been so ill treated, as this minister.
Every one has taken pleasure in disfiguring his character and even his
features.
The Duke of Bassano had an open countenance, an agreeable manner of
conversation, a politeness always uniform, a dignity sometimes
affected, but never offensive, with a natural propensity to esteem
men, courtesy in obliging them, and perseverance in serving them. The
favour he enjoyed was at first the reward of unexampled readiness in
business; of indefatigable activity; of pure intentions, lofty views,
probity, proof against all temptation, and I will even add an iron
constitution; for physical strength also was a quality in the eyes of
Napoleon. Subsequently it became the just return for an attachment not
to be shaken; an attachment, which, by its force, vivacity, and
constancy, seemed to be a compound of love and friendship.
I must own, I believe, that M. de Bassano most frequently shared and
approved without exception the opinions of the Emperor; but it was not
from interested or base motives: the Emperor was the idol of his
heart, the object of his admiration: with such sentiments, how was it
possible for him, to perceive the errors and faults of Napoleon?
Besides, having continually to express the ideas of the Emperor, and
to imbue himself as it were with the emanations of his spirit, he had
identified himself with his way of thinking and of viewing things, and
saw and thought as he did with the most perfect sincerity. Not but
that he sometimes differed from him in opinion; yet whatever efforts
he made, he always yielded ultimately to the irresistible ascendancy,
that the genius of Napoleon exercised over him, as it did over every
other person.
The Duke of Decres was called anew to the post of minister of the
navy, and this unexpected choice was completely disapproved. This
minister was not deficient in understanding, talents, or bravery; but
from the little importance he appeared to set on acting with justice
or injustice, his cynicism, and his brutal contempt for those under
him, he had acquired the aversion of all who came near him; and, as
evil spreads readily, this aversion, though unjust, had become
general.
The discontent this appointment excited was repaired by the good
effect, which was produced by that of M. Carnot to the ministry of the
home department. The soldiery did not forget, that he had paved the
way to victory for many years; and the citizens remembered with what
zeal, this courageous patriot had shown himself the defender of public
liberty under Napoleon, both when consul and when Emperor, and under
Louis XVIII. To be a real patriot, says one of our celebrated writers,
it is requisite, to possess greatness of soul; to have knowledge, to
have probity, to have virtue. In M. Carnot all these rare and valuable
qualities were combined: and, far from acquiring any personal lustre
from this great name of patriot, he seemed on the contrary to
embellish the name by wearing it; so well had he preserved it in its
primitive purity, amid the debasement into which it had been plunged
by the excesses of the revolution, and the abuses of despotism.
The choice of such a minister was considered as a pledge to the
nation. The sovereign, who was not afraid to introduce this
illustrious citizen into the government of the state, could not but
entertain the generous design of securing the happiness of his
subjects, and respecting their rights.
The same day the Emperor gave the chief command of the gendarmerie to
the Duke of Rovigo.
The Duke of Rovigo, an old aide-de-camp of Napoleon, had sworn him an
eternal attachment, both from feeling and gratitude. This attachment,
born in a camp, had retained the character of military obedience: a
word, a gesture, was sufficient to call it into action. But however
great its strength, or, if you will, its fanaticism, it never affected
the rectitude and frankness, which were the base and ornament of the
duke's character.
From no other person, except the Duke of Vicenza, did the Emperor hear
more bold and useful truths. Twenty times did he venture to say to
him, as his ministerial correspondence testifies, that France and
Europe were tired of shedding blood; and that, if he did not renounce
his system of war, he would be abandoned by the French, and
precipitated from the throne by foreigners.
The command of the gendarmerie was taken from Marshal Moncey, not from
disgust or dissatisfaction, but because the marshal showed little
eagerness to retain it. On this occasion he wrote to the Emperor a
letter full of fine sentiments, in which he requested him, to continue
to his son the kindness he had formerly conferred on himself: it was
difficult to reconcile the gratitude he owed Napoleon with the
fidelity he had promised the King: in this he was so happy as to
succeed.
All the marshals were not so fortunate.
M. de Montalivet, formerly minister of the home department, became
intendant of the civil list, an office that suited him better. In
administration, as in many other things, endeavours to do better
prevent people from doing so well; and M. de Montalivet, from a desire
to neglect no minute particular, and seeking to carry every thing to
perfection, lost in empty trifles that time, which he might have
employed in promoting the general good on a large scale.
The strangest metamorphosis was that of the Duke de Cadore: he was
made a surveyor of buildings.
"Soyez plutot macon, si c'est votre metier."[72]
[Footnote 72:
"Make him, nor think his genius check'd,
A herald, or an architect."--GAY.]
This place, hitherto the modest portion of auditors or masters of
request, who had interest at court, was astonished at the honour of
belonging to a duke and peer, ex-ambassador, ex-minister, ex-grand
chancellor, &c. &c. &c. But so much was his excellency then devoted to
the sovereign of the day, that he would readily have accepted the post
of a gentleman usher, had there been no other to offer him.
The council of state was re-established on the ancient footing, and
composed of nearly the same members.
The Emperor was neither politic nor prudent in ostensibly bestowing
his confidence on some of them, who were obnoxious to the public. The
usurpations of the imperial power were ascribed to their servile
counsels, and their presence near the throne could not but revive
recollections and anxieties, which it was of importance to destroy for
ever. If their merit and experience rendered them necessary, they
should have been consulted in private, but not held up to public view.
A government firmly established may sometimes brave opinion, but a
rising government ought to respect and submit to it.
All the aides-de-camp of the Emperor, with the exception, I believe,
of General Lauriston, whom he would not employ again, were recalled.
He could not place around him officers more worthy of his confidence
for their noble-mindedness and superior talents. Generals Le Tort and
Labedoyere were added to their number. The Emperor, deceived by false
appearances[73], had taken from the former the command of the dragoons
of the guard, and to compensate for this involuntary injustice, he
made him his aide-de-camp. The same favour was conferred on
Labedoyere, as a recompense for his conduct at Grenoble; but he
answered the kindness of Napoleon by a formal refusal. "I will not
allow it to be thought," said he proudly, "that I joined the Emperor
for the sake of reward. I espoused his cause, simply because it was
that of liberty, and of my country; the honour of having served it is
enough for me: I desire nothing more; the Emperor personally owes me
nothing."
[Footnote 73: General Le Tort's address to the
King.]
This noble refusal will not surprise those, who had an opportunity of
knowing and esteeming the patriotism and disinterestedness of that
brave and unfortunate young man.
Introduced to society at an early age, he conducted himself at first
as those generally do, who have a handsome face, elegance of manners,
wit, a name, wealth, and no experience. Soon brought to himself, he
felt, that he was not born to lead a life of dissipation; and his
conduct became as honourable, as it had been irregular. His mind,
turned to serious occupation, engaged in political speculations: his
soul, naturally proud and independent, matured and enlarged itself,
and expanded to those liberal ideas and noble sentiments, that the
love of glory and of our country inspires. Nature, in giving him a
lofty, firm, and daring character, unquestionably destined him to act
an important part in the world; and if death, and what a death! had
not struck him in the flower of his years, he would assuredly have
fulfilled his shining destiny, and done honour to France.
The Emperor set several persons to speak to him, and after three days
negotiations Labedoyere yielded. Napoleon persisted in recompensing
him. In ordinary cases, the Emperor looked with indifference on the
endeavours made to please him; never was he known to say, I am
pleased; and a person conjectured he had given him satisfaction, when
he did not show any marks of discontent. If, on the other hand, the
services rendered him made a noise, like those of Labedoyere, he was
lavish of his praises and rewards: and in this he had two objects; the
one, that of appearing not only just, but generous; the other, that of
inspiring emulation. But frequently on the very day, on which he had
bestowed on you praises, and proofs of his satisfaction, he would
treat you with disdain and harshness, to prevent your attaching too
much importance to the service you might have rendered him, or
believing, that he had contracted a debt of obligation to you.
The Emperor replaced about his person most of the gentlemen of the
bedchamber, equerries, and masters of ceremonies, who were with him in
1814. He had retained his unfortunate predilection for the great lords
of former times, and must have them at any price: had he not been
surrounded by ancient nobles, he would have fancied himself in a
republic.
Most of these (for there were some who were most honourably excepted,
as the Prince de Beauveau, Messrs. de Turenne, de Montholon, de
Lascases, Forbin de Janson, Perregaux, &c. &c.) had meanly renounced
him in 1814, and become the common valets of the Bourbons; but he
would not believe a word of it. He had the weakness, common to all
princes, of considering his most cringing courtiers as his most
devoted subjects.
He would also form an establishment for the Empress, and re-appointed
Mesdames de Bassano, de Vicenza, de Rovigo, Duchatel, and Marmier,
ladies of the bedchamber. The Duchess of M*** was not recalled. He
heard from Prince Joseph, that after the events of Fontainbleau, she
had abused the confidence of the Empress, and betrayed the secret of
her correspondence.
It was said, but falsely, that the gracefulness and beauty of the
Duchess had formerly obtained the homage of Napoleon; and her disgrace
did not fail to be urged as a fresh proof of the inconstancy of men;
but I have assigned the true and only cause.
The corruption of courts often sanctions a number of lying
suppositions, against which few reputations can stand. This justice
however must be done Napoleon; no prince was ever a man of purer
manners, or took so much pains to avoid and even check scandal: he was
never seen, to be followed to the army by his mistresses, like Louis
XIV.; or disguised in the dress of a porter, or of a small-coal man,
like Henry IV., to carry disgrace and despair into the houses of his
most faithful servants.
As a pretty remarkable contrast, Napoleon, at the moment when he
resumed with delight his own upper servants, sent about their business
without pity the lacqueys, who had served Louis XVIII. and the
princes.
"De tout tems les petits ont paye pour les grands."[74]
[Footnote 74: "In all ages the poor have suffered
for the faults of the great."]
These poor people were left destitute. It has been said and repeated a
hundred times, that Napoleon ill-treated and struck all those who came
near him, right or wrong. Nothing can be more false. He had his
moments of impatience and warmth; and what honest citizen has not? But
in general, the officers and even subalterns of his household were in
easy circumstances with him, and he was more frequently in a gay than
in a serious humour. He very easily became attached to a person; and
when he liked any one, he could not do without him; and treated him
with a kindness, that frequently degenerated into weakness. It is
true, it would have been very difficult for him to find servants more
able, or more devotedly attached to him: every one of them had made it
his particular study, to become, not what he did wish, but what he
might wish.
Tacitus has observed, that voluntary slaves make more tyrants, than
tyrants make slaves. When we recollect the officiousness, the
meannesses, and the adulation, of certain nobles, who had become the
courtiers of Napoleon, we are astonished, that it never entered his
head to follow the example of Alexander, and cause himself to be
adored as a god.
Counts Drouot and Bertrand were retained in their posts of grand
marshal of the palace, and major-general of the guards. It had been
imagined, that the Emperor would have conferred on them the titles of
Duke of Porto Ferrajo, and Duke of Porto Longone, as memorials of
their fidelity. He did no such thing. They were fully recompensed,
however, by the veneration, with which Frenchmen and foreigners were
inspired for them both. Still, for what reason, I cannot conceive, a
higher value was generally set on the devoted attachment of General
Bertrand.
When the Emperor had laid down his crown, Count Drouot did not
hesitate an instant, to preserve that fidelity to him in adversity,
which he had sworn in his prosperity: and this fidelity was not in
his eyes a proof of attachment, still less a sacrifice; it appeared to
him only the natural fulfilment of a duty imposed on him by the
kindnesses and misfortunes of Napoleon.
To follow him, he abandoned all that is most dear to a well-born mind,
his family and his country, as well as the military career, in which
he had acquired the most glorious renown.
Transported into the midst of the seas, he frequently cast his looks
towards the land of his birth: but no regret, no complaint, escaped
from his heart. His conscience was satisfied, how could he be unhappy?
As disinterested in the service of the sovereign of the island of
Elba, as he had been in that of the Emperor of the French[75], though
poor, he would receive no reward from Napoleon: "Give me food and
clothing," said he, "I want nothing more." The most seducing offers
were lavished on him, to draw him over to the Bourbons. To these he
was insensible; and he felt no difficulty in preferring the rock of
Napoleon to the lustre of their throne.
[Footnote 75: He constantly refused the emoluments
and allowances of considerable offices, attached to
the rank of major-general of the guards. The
appointments of a lieutenant-general and
aide-de-camp appeared to him, to pay him more than
his services deserved.]
Such was General Drouot; and such also was his worthy rival, Count
Bertrand; for there existed no difference in the generosity of their
conduct, and none ought to exist in the admiration they deserve.
The Emperor himself was not free from this injustice: he seemed to
give the preference to Count Bertrand. This difference proceeded, I
believe, from that degree of intimacy, which the functions of the
grand Marshal established between the Emperor and him, and perhaps
from the suitableness of their characters.
Bertrand, amiable, witty, insinuating, united the agreeable and
polished manners of a courtier with an air of distinction. Feeble,
irresolute, in the ordinary conduct of life; he yielded to no one in
courage and firmness, on occasions of difficulty and danger. A
stranger to intrigue, inaccessible to seduction, he was in the camp,
as in the palace, a man of honour, a man of probity.
Drouot, simple in his manners, affectionate in his speech, displayed
that rare assemblage of virtues, which compel us to love the sages of
antiquity, and the heroes of the days of chivalry. He had the wisdom,
the prudence of Aristides, the valour, the modesty, the loyalty of
Bayard. The favour he enjoyed, the military power with which he was
invested, inspired him with no pride: he was not less humble and timid
at court, than he was terrible and daring in the field of honour.
Bertrand, when he was consulted, delivered his opinion with the
caution and skill of a courtier; Drouot, with the precision and
frankness of a soldier: but neither was false to his conscience. Their
language, though different in structure, was the same in substance; it
was always that of truth and honour.
The Emperor, though greatly fatigued by nocturnal marches, reviews,
perpetual harangues, and his labours in the closet, which for the last
thirty-six hours had occupied all his moments, would nevertheless
review the troops, that previously composed the army of the Duke of
Berri.
He caused them to be assembled in the court of the Tuileries; and, to
use his own words, "The whole capital was witness to the sentiments of
enthusiasm and attachment, by which those brave troops were animated:
they seemed to have reconquered their country, and found again in
the national colours the remembrance of all those generous sentiments,
which have ever distinguished the French nation."
After having gone through the ranks, he made the troops form square
battalions, and said to them:
"Soldiers, I came to France with six hundred men, because I reckoned
on the love of the people, and the remembrance of the old soldiers. I
have not been deceived in my expectations: soldiers, I thank you. The
glory of what we have just done belongs wholly to you and to the
people, mine is only that of having known you, and judged you rightly.
"Soldiers, the imperial throne only can guarantie the rights of the
people, and more especially the first of our interests, that of our
glory. Soldiers, we are going to march, to chase from our territories
those princes, who are the auxiliaries of foreigners. The nation will
not only second us with its good wishes, but will follow our impulse.
The French people and myself depend upon you: we will not interfere
with the affairs of foreign nations; and wo to the nation, that shall
interfere with ours!"
At this moment General Cambronne, and some officers of the guards of
the battalion of the island of Elba, appeared with the ancient eagles
of the guard: the Emperor resumed his harangue, and said[76]: "Here
are the officers of the battalion, who accompanied me in my adversity:
they are all my friends, they were dear to my heart! Whenever I saw
them, they reminded me of the different regiments of the army; for
among these six hundred brave fellows are men from every regiment.
They recalled to my mind those great victories, the remembrance of
which is so dear; for they are all well covered with honourable scars
received in those memorable battles! In loving them, it was all of
you, soldiers, of the whole French army, whom I loved. They bring back
to you these eagles; let them serve you as a rallying point: in giving
them to the guards, I give them to the whole army."
[Footnote 76: I cannot avoid remarking the beauty
of this passage.]
"Treason and unfortunate circumstances had covered them with a
funereal veil: but, thanks to the French people and to you, they
appear again resplendent with all their glory. Swear, that they shall
always be found, wherever the interests of our country call them! that
traitors, and those who would invade our territories, shall never
stand their appearance."
"We swear it," answered all the soldiers with enthusiasm. They then
filed off with shouts of "Long live the Emperor!" and to the sound of
military music, playing the favourite tunes of the revolution, and the
Marseillese march, so celebrated in the annals of our crimes and our
victories.
When the review was over, the Emperor returned to his closet, and
applied himself immediately to business. His situation rendered it
necessary, that he should ascertain without delay the precise state of
the country, of the government of which he had resumed the reins. This
was so vast an undertaking, that the faculties of any other man would
have been overwhelmed by it. He found the writing table covered with
mystic authors[77]; and substituted for them plans and maps. "The
closet of a French monarch," said he, "should resemble the tent of a
general, not an oratory." His eyes rested on the map of France. After
having contemplated its recent limits, he exclaimed in a tone of
profound sorrow, "_Poor France_!" He kept silence a few minutes, and
then began to hum in a low voice one of his usual burdens of songs:
"S'il est un tems pour la folie,
Il en est un pour la raison[78]."
[Footnote 77: The king departed with such
suddenness, that he had not time to carry away his
private papers. In his writing table was found his
family port-folio. It contained a great number of
letters from Madame the Duchess of Angouleme, and
from some of the princes. Napoleon cast his eye
over several of them, and gave me the port-folio,
with orders, that it should be scrupulously
preserved. Napoleon would have respect paid to
royal majesty, and to every thing that pertained to
the person of kings.
The king habitually used a small table, that he had
brought from Hartwell. Napoleon took pleasure in
writing on it for a few hours: he afterwards
ordered it to be removed, and the greatest care to
be taken of it.
The Merlin's chair used by the king, not being
suited to Napoleon, whose limbs and health were in
full strength and vigour, was banished to the back
closet. Some person being found sitting in it, when
the Emperor passed through unexpectedly, he gave
him an angry look, and the chair was removed.