consider it as certain, that the Kings who have fought against me are
no longer guided by the same unity, the same views, the same
interests. The Emperor Alexander must esteem me: he must be able to
estimate the difference which exists between Louis XVIII. and myself.
If he were to understand his policy rightly, he would rather see the
French sceptre in the hands of a powerful sovereign, the relentless
enemy of England, than in the hands of a weak sovereign, the friend
and vassal of the Prince Regent. I would give him Poland, and a great
deal more, if he wished it: he knows that I have been always more
inclined to tolerate his ambition than to restrain it. If he had
continued my friend and my ally, I would have made him greater than he
ever will be now. Prussia, and the petty Kings of the Rhenish
confederation, will follow the lot cast by Russia. If I had Russia on
my side, she would secure me all the second-rate powers. As to the
Austrians, I do not know what they would do: they have never treated
me candidly. I suppose I could keep Austria in order by threatening to
deprive her of Italy. Italy is yet very grateful to me, and much
attached to me: if I were to ask that country for an hundred thousand
men, and an hundred millions, I should have the men and the money. If
they were to force me to make war, I could easily revolutionize the
Italians; I would grant them whatever they might wish, independence or
Eugene. Mejean and some others have done him harm, but, in spite of
that, he is warmly loved, and highly esteemed: he deserves to be so;
he has shown that he possesses a noble mind. Murat is ours. I have had
great reason to complain of him. Since I have been here, he has wept
for his errors, and has done his utmost to repair the injuries which
he has inflicted upon me. He has regained my friendship and my
confidence: his assistance, if I were engaged in war, would be very
useful to me. He has little brains; he has nothing but hand and heart;
but his wife would direct him. The Neapolitans like him tolerably
well; and I have yet some good officers amongst them who would keep
them in the right way. As to England, we should have shaken hands from
Dover to Calais, if Mr. Fox had lived; but as long as that country
continues to be governed by the principles and passions of Mr. Pitt,
we must always be as hostile as fire and water.... From England I
expect no quarter, no truce.... England knows that the instant I place
my foot in France, her influence will be driven back across the seas
... as long as I live I will wage a war of extermination against her
maritime despotism. If the continental powers had seconded me; if they
had not been afraid of me; if they had understood my ambition, their
flags would have floated from the mast-head throughout the universe,
and the world would have enjoyed peace. All things considered, foreign
powers have great reasons to declare war against me; whilst there are
also great reasons to induce them to remain at peace with me. It is to
be feared, as I have already said to you, that they may turn the war
into an affair of vanity, or that they make it a point of honour. On
the other hand, it is possible that they may renounce their coalition,
which has now no longer any object, in order to watch their subjects;
preserving at the same time an armed neutrality, until I shall have
given them sufficient guarantees.
"Their determinations, whatever they may be, will not influence mine.
France speaks, and that is sufficient for me. In 1814 I had to deal
with all the powers in Europe, but they should not have laid down the
law to me if France had not left me to wrestle alone, against the
entire world. Now the French know my value; and, as they have regained
their courage and their patriotism, they will triumph over the enemies
who may attack them, just as they triumphed in the good days of the
revolution. Experience has shown that armies cannot always save a
nation; but a nation defended by the people is always invincible.
"I have not settled the day of my departure: by deferring it I should
have the advantage of allowing the Congress to run out; but then, on
the other hand, I should run the risk of being kept here as a close
prisoner by the vessels of the Bourbons and of the English, if, as
every thing appears to indicate, there should be a rupture amongst
foreign powers. Murat would lend me his navy if I wanted it; but if we
do not succeed he would be compromised. We must not be anxious about
all these matters: we must allow some room for destiny to come into
play.
"I think we have considered all the points upon which it was important
that I should be settled, and that we should understand each other.
France is tired of the Bourbons; she demands her former sovereign. The
people and the army are for us: foreign powers will be silent. If they
speak, we shall be able to reply: this, in short, is the state of the
present time and of the future.
"Depart. Tell X*** that you have seen me, and that I have determined
to expose myself to every danger for the purpose of yielding to the
prayers of France, and of ridding the nation of the Bourbons.... Say
also that I shall leave this place with my guard, on the first of
April--perhaps sooner. I pardon every thing. I will give to France and
to Europe all the guarantees which can be expected or demanded of me.
I have renounced all my plans of aggrandizement, and I wish to repair
the evils which war has caused to us, by a permanent peace.
"You will also tell X*** and the rest of my friends to nourish and
strengthen the good disposition of the people and the army by all
possible means. Explain to X*** that if the excesses of the Bourbons
should hasten their fall, if the French should drive them out before
my disembarkation, then I will not allow of a regency, or any thing in
the shape of it; but let them establish a provisional government,
composed of ... of ... of ... of ... and of.... Go, Sir, I hope that
we shall soon meet again."--"Sire, where shall I land?"--"You must
proceed to Naples; here is a passport of the island, and a letter for
****. Pretend to place great trust in him, but do not trust him with
any thing. You will give him a loose account of the French news; and
you may tell him that I send you there to explore the soundings, and
settle some concerns of moment. I have directed **** to furnish you
with a passport, in order that you may be able to return to Paris
without meeting with any obstacle or danger."--"Your Majesty has then
determined to send me back to France?"--"It must absolutely be
so."--"Your Majesty knows my attachment, and that I am ready to prove
it in any way which may be required. But, Sire, deign to consider,
both for your interest and for that of France, that my departure has
been remarked, and that my return will excite still more notice, and
that it may give rise to suspicion, and perhaps induce the Bourbons to
put themselves on their guard, and cause them to watch the coasts and
the island of Elba."--"Bah! do you suppose that fellows of the police
know every thing, and can foresee every thing? More is invented than
is discovered by the police. The agents of our police were decidedly
as good as those of the present people, and yet they frequently knew
nothing of what was going on but at the end of a week or a fortnight;
and then they found it out only by chance, or incaution, or treason. I
don't fear that any disclosures will be obtained from you by any of
these means. You are clever and decided, and, if they were to work
upon you, you would easily get clear. Besides, when you once arrive at
Paris, don't show yourself; creep into a corner, and nobody will think
of ferreting you out. I could certainly confide this mission to some
of the people who are about me; but I do not wish to make any
additional confidant: you are trusted by X***: I trust you; and, in
one word, you are exactly the man whom I want. Your return is
certainly exposed to objections, but they are as nothing when compared
to its advantages. All that we have said about the Bourbons, and about
France, and about myself, is mere talk, and talk won't overturn a
throne. In order that my enterprise may not be rendered abortive, it
must be seconded, and the patriots must prepare to attack the Bourbons
on one side, whilst I shall occupy them on the other. And, above all,
it is necessary that they should know that they may depend upon me;
that they may know my sentiments, my views, and the resolution which I
have made of submitting to every sacrifice, and exposing myself to
every danger, for the purpose of saving the country."--The Emperor
stopped to look at me. He certainly thought that I was one of those
men who only appear reluctant to obey, in order to enhance the price
of their services; so he said, "Money is always wanted in travelling;
I will order them to pay you a thousand Louis, and then you may set
off."--"A thousand Louis!" I exclaimed with indignation, "Sire, I must
answer your Majesty in the words with which the soldier answered his
general, 'These actions are not performed for pay.'"--"That's very
right; I like to see pride."--"Sire, I am not proud, but I have a
soul; and if I thought that your Majesty could believe that I embraced
your Majesty's cause for the sake of filthy lucre, I should request
your Majesty to cease to rely on my services."--"If I had believed
that to be the case, I should not have trusted you. No person ever
received a more honourable and splendid proof of my confidence, than
that which I am now bestowing upon you, in deciding, merely on the
strength of your word, to quit the isle of Elba, and in directing you,
as my precursor, to announce my speedy arrival in France. But do not
let us talk any more on that head; and tell me if you recollect fully
all that I have told you."--"I have not lost one of your Majesty's
expressions. They are all engraven on my memory."--"Then I have only
to wish you a pleasant journey. I have directed that everything should
be got ready for your departure.
"This evening, at nine o'clock, you will find a guide and horses at
the gate of the town: you will be taken to Porto Longone. The
commandant has been authorised to furnish you with the necessary
quarantine documents. He knows nothing; say nothing to him. At
midnight a felucca will leave the port, by which you will reach
Naples. I am sorry to have hurt your feelings by offering money to
you, but I thought you might be in want of it. Adieu, Monsieur; be
cautious. I hope we shall soon meet again, and I shall acknowledge, in
a manner worthy of your merits, your exertions in favour of the
country and of myself."
Hardly had I gone down to the town, when he sent for me again. "I have
considered," said he, "that it is desirable that I should know what
regiments are stationed in the eighth and tenth military divisions,
and the names of the commanding officers. You will take care to
procure this information during your journey, and transmit it to me
without the slightest delay. Write triplicates of your letters. Send
one by way of Genoa, the second by Leghorn, and the third by Civita
Vecchia. You will take care to write this name legibly, (here he gave
me a memorandum containing the name of an inhabitant of the island).
Fold your letters in a business-like way. In order that the secret of
your correspondence may not be discovered, should any accident happen,
you will put your intelligence in the shape of commercial
transactions, and you will imitate the usual style of bankers. I will
suppose, for example, that between Chambery and Lyon, going by the way
of Grenoble, there are five regiments. You will write to me ... in my
way I have seen the five merchants whom you mentioned; their views
continue the same: your credit is increasing daily. The concern will
turn out well ... do you understand me?"--"Yes, Sire; but how am I to
send the names of the colonels and the generals in command?"--"Transpose
the letters of their names, and nothing will be more easy. There is
not a single colonel or general whom I do not know, and I shall soon
be able to recompose their names."--"But, Sire, the anagrams which I
shall make will perhaps be so uncouth, that it will be seen at the
post-office, that the names are disguised on purpose."--"Do you think
then, that they amuse themselves at the post-office by opening and
reading all the letters of business which pass through? They could not
get through them. I have attempted to unravel the correspondence
carried on under the disguise of banking transactions, but I could
never succeed. The post-office is like the police, only fools are
caught; yet think of any other method: I shall have no objection."
After I had considered a little while, I said to the Emperor, "Sire,
there is a method which perhaps will do. Your majesty has the imperial
calendar."--"Yes, sure."--"Well, Sire, the calendar contains the lists
of the general officers and colonels of the army. Now, I will suppose,
for example, that the regiment quartered at Chambery is commanded by
Colonel Paul. I look into the calendar, and I find that Paul stands
forty-seven in the list of colonels. I will also suppose that, between
ourselves, 'bill of exchange' means 'colonel' or 'general.' Then I
shall write to your Majesty, I have seen your correspondent at
Chambery; he has paid me the amount of your bill of exchange, No. 47.
Your Majesty will turn to your Majesty's calendar, and then your
Majesty will see, that the 47th colonel who commands the regiment of
Chambery, is called 'Paul.' And, lastly, in order that your Majesty
may be able to tell when I speak of a colonel, a general, or a
marshal, I shall take care to indicate the rank of the officer by one,
two, or three dots, placed after the 'No.' The colonel will have one
dot, No. .; the general two, No. .., &c."--"Very good, very good. Here
is a calendar for you. Bertrand has one which I will take."
The calendar given to me by the Emperor was richly bound, and stamped
with the imperial arms. I tore off the binding. The Emperor kept
walking up and down, and saying, as he laughed, "It is really
excellent; they will never be able to see through it." When I had
finished, he said, "One thought brings on another. I have asked myself
how you would manage to write to me, if you should have any thing of
unexpected importance to communicate. For instance, suppose any
extraordinary event should make you think that my disembarkation ought
to be accelerated or retarded; if the Bourbons were to be on their
guard; in short, I know not what." He remained silent, and then began
again. "I only know one way to provide for it: the confidence which I
place in you ought to be unbounded. I will give you the key to a
cipher which was composed for my use, in order that I might employ it
in corresponding with my family under the most important
circumstances. I need not tell you that you must keep it with care:
always carry it about you, lest it should be lost: and if the smallest
danger arises, burn it or tear it at the slightest suspicion. With
this cipher you may write any thing to me which you like. I would
rather that you should use it, than be under the necessity of coming
back, or of sending any messenger to me. If they intercept a letter
written in my cipher, it will take them three months to read it;
whilst the capture of an agent might ruin all in an instant." He then
went and looked out his cipher; he made me employ it under his eyes,
and delivered it to me, exhorting me not to use it unless all other
modes of communication should become insufficient.
The Emperor continued, "I do not suppose that you will have occasion
to return here before my departure, unless the sudden overthrow of our
projects should force you to seek an asylum here. In such a case,
apprise me of your intended return, and I will send for you to any
place which you may name. But we must hope that victory will declare
for us. She loves France.... You have not spoken to me about the
affair of Excelmans: if such a thing had happened in my time, I should
have thought myself lost: when the authority of the master is not
recognised, all is over. The more I think upon the matter (here he
displayed a sudden emotion), the more I am convinced that France is
mine, and that the patriots and the army will receive me with open
arms."--"Yes, Sire, I swear to you, upon my soul, the people and the
army will declare for you as soon as they hear your name, as soon as
they see the caps of your grenadiers."--"Provided the people do seek
to do themselves justice before my arrival, a popular revolution would
alarm foreign powers: they would dread the contagion of example. They
know that royalty only hangs by a thread, that it does not agree with
the ideas of the age; they would rather see me seize the throne, than
allow the people to give it to me. They have re-established the
Bourbons in order to convince the people that the rights of sovereigns
are sacred and inviolable. They have blundered. They would have done
more for the cause of legitimacy by leaving my son there, than by
re-establishing Louis XVIII. My dynasty had been recognised by France
and by Europe; it had been consecrated by the Pope. They ought to have
respected it. By abusing the rights of victory, it was in their power
to deprive me of the throne: but it was unjust, odious, impolitic, to
punish the son on account of the wrongs of his father, and to deprive
him of his inheritance. I was not an usurper: they may say so as long
as they like; nobody will believe them. The English, the Italians, the
Germans, are now too enlightened to allow themselves to be crammed
with old ideas, with antiquated notions. In the eyes of nations, the
Sovereign who is chosen by the entirety of the nation, will always be
the legitimate Sovereign.... The sovereigns who sent their ambassadors
to me with servile solemnity; who placed in my bed a girl of their
breed; who called me their brother, and who, after doing all this,
have stigmatized me as an usurper, they have spit in their own faces
by trying to spit at me. They have degraded the majesty of kings. They
have covered majesty with mud. What is the name of an emperor? A word
like any other. If I had no better title than that, when I shall
present myself to future ages they would scorn me. My institutions, my
benefactions, my victories--these are the true titles of my glory. Let
them call me a Corsican, a corporal, an usurper.... I don't care.... I
shall not be less the object of wonder, perhaps of veneration, in all
future time. My name, new as it is, will live from age to age, whilst
the names of all these kings, and their royal progeny, will be
forgotten before the worms will have had time to consume their
carcases." The Emperor stopped, and then continued; "I forget that
time is precious; I will not detain you any longer. Adieu, Monsieur;
embrace me, and depart; my thoughts and good wishes follow you."--Two
hours afterwards I was at sea. My attention, my faculties were wholly
absorbed by the Emperor, his words, his disclosures, his plans. I had
neither leisure nor opportunity to think of myself. As soon as I was
quite out at sea, my ideas were filled by the extraordinary part which
chance had assigned to me. I contemplated it with pride, and I
returned my thanks to destiny for having selected me as the instrument
by which its impenetrable decrees were to be accomplished. Perhaps no
man was ever placed in so "imposing" a situation. I was the arbiter of
the fate of the Bourbons, and of the Emperor, of France and Europe.
With one word I could destroy Napoleon; with one word I could save
Louis. But Louis was nothing to me: in him I only saw a sovereign who
had been forced upon the throne by foreign hands still imbrued with
French blood. In Napoleon I saw the sovereign to whom France had
freely offered the crown as the reward of twenty years of danger and
of glory. The perspective of the evils which the attempt of Napoleon
might bring upon France did not arise before my imagination. I was
persuaded that all foreign powers (England excepted), would remain
neutral; and that the French would receive Napoleon as a deliverer,
and as a father. Still less did I consider myself as engaged in
treason or conspiracy against the Bourbons. Since I had taken the oath
of allegiance to Napoleon, I considered him as my legitimate
sovereign; and I rejoiced to think that the confidence which Napoleon
reposed in me had induced him to call upon me to concur in restoring
to France the liberty, the power, and the glory of which the country
had been unjustly deprived. I enjoyed, by anticipation, the public
eulogiums, which, after his success, he would bestow upon my courage,
my self-devotion, my patriotism. In short, I abandoned myself with
rapture and with pride to all the thoughts, and all the generous
resolutions which can be inspired by the love of fame and the love of
our country.
The dialogues which had taken place between me and the Emperor
continued impressed on my memory; yet, lest I might vary them, or omit
any part, I employed my time during the voyage in recalling his own
expressions, and in classing his questions and my answers. I
afterwards got the whole by heart, just as a scholar learns his
lesson, in order that I might be able to affirm to M. X*** that I was
making a faithful and literal report to him of all that the Emperor
had said, and of all that he had ordered me to tell him.
The weather being tolerably favourable, we soon reached Naples. I went
immediately to M. ****: he put a great number of indiscreet questions
to me; and I replied by an equal number of unmeaning answers. He
probably thought that I knew no better, and therefore my caution did
not offend him. When our preliminary conversation was exhausted, I
desired him to give me my passport; he did so immediately: it was a
Neapolitan passport. "This won't do for me," said I; "I must have a
French passport."--"I have not got one."--"The Emperor told me that
you could get one."--"That is just like the Emperor; he thinks every
thing is possible: where does he suppose that I can procure it? I am
doing a great deal in giving you a passport as a subject of his
Majesty. It is already known that we are in relation with the isle of
Elba. If they were to find out that you are attached to Napoleon, and
that you are going back to France by his directions, and with the
assistance of the King, all Europe would hear of it, and the King
would be committed. Why does not the Emperor keep himself quiet? he
will ruin himself, and ruin us all along with him."--"It is not fit
that I should examine the conduct of his Majesty, much less that I
should censure it. I am in his service; and my duty commands me to
obey him. I want a French passport: can you, or can you not get me
one?"--"I tell you again that it is impossible: it is doing too much
if I give you one as a Neapolitan subject."--"Then I must return to
Porto Ferrajo: but I cannot conceal from you that the Emperor is very
desirous that I should return to France; and he will certainly be very
much displeased, both with you and with the King."--"Then he will act
unfairly: the King has done, and will do, every thing in his power for
him: but the Emperor should know what the King may do under his
present critical situation, and what he may not. But why won't you
take the passport which I offer you?"--"Because I do not understand
Italian, and consequently your passport would expose me to greater
suspicion than my own."--"Then why don't you try to push on as far as
Rome? there you will find the family of the Emperor. Louis XVIII. has
a legation there; and perhaps money may get you a passport."--"Your
idea is excellent: I will go. Inform the Emperor of the delay which I
have experienced, in order that he may send another agent, if he
thinks it advisable so to do."
When the mind is in perpetual activity, and constantly assailed by new
feelings, there is no time for reflection. I thus went to Rome, full
of the idea that I should visit the family of the Emperor, and request
their help to aid me out of my difficulties. But when the time came,
and I was to present myself, it then struck me that the Emperor,
though aware that I was to pass through Rome, had not directed me to
see them; and I concluded that he had his reasons. I therefore
determined to continue my route. From Naples I have proceeded to Rome
without any obstacle; and I shall proceed, thought I to myself, from
Rome to Milan without any greater obstacle: there I shall meet my
friend and his Tedesco; I will get them to legalize my French passport
for the second time, and destiny will accomplish the rest.
I therefore presented myself boldly to the police at Rome, in order to
have my Elba passport indorsed for Milan. I was introduced to his
Eminence the Director-general, who, as I believe, had been shut up at
Vincennes under the imperial government. He received me with great
rudeness; and he wished to compel me to present myself to the French
embassy. I would not consent. I answered, firmly, "The King of France
is no longer my sovereign; I am the subject of the Emperor Napoleon:
the allied sovereigns have proclaimed and recognized him as the
sovereign of the isle of Elba: he therefore reigns at Porto Ferrajo
like the Pope at Rome, George at London, and Louis XVIII. at Paris.
The Emperor and his Holiness are on good terms with each other. The
subjects and the vessels of the Roman states are well received in the
isle of Elba[38], and therefore you are bound to afford aid and
protection to the Elbese, so long as the holy father shall not become
the enemy of Napoleon."