How, then, has it come to pass that women have persuaded themselves, or

have been overpersuaded, into the belief that a bonnet is the highest

point of perfection in their dress? It has all been done by a foolish

imitation of the caprices of French milliners, themselves actuated by

millions of caprices and fancies--but at the same time by one

steadily-enduring principle, that novelty and change, no matter how

useless, how extravagant, form the soul of their peculiar trade. For,

note it down--the bonnet mania has not mounted upwards from the lower to

the higher ranks of society; on the contrary, it has been a regular

plant, sown as a trifling casual seed in the hotbed of some silly

creature's brain, and then sending down its roots into many an inferior

class. Any one who has crossed the British Channel, knows that the

bonnet--as we understand the word in England--is not an article of

national costume in any portion of the world except our own

island--America and Australia we place, of course, out of the pale of

taste. In France itself, the peasantry, and all classes of women

immediately under the conventional denomination of ladies, wear

_bonnets_. This word does not signify the same thing as with us, gentle

reader. The French word _bonnet_ means a snow-white cap, whether rising

into an enormous cone, like those of the Norman beauties, or limited to

a jaunting frill and lappels, like those of the Parisian grisettes. The

real bonnets, the French female _chapeau_, is worn only by those who

call themselves ladies; and this difference of costume marks a most

decided difference of rank and self-esteem in the various grades of

Gallic society. In the Bourbonnois, it is true, and in some parts of

Switzerland and Germany, straw-hats of various sizes are worn by the

peasantry; but these do not resemble the actual bonnet of the nineteenth

century. Who does not know the exquisite national head-dresses of the

Italian and Spanish women, from pictorial representation, if not from

actual inspection? Who has not read of the Greek cap and veil? Who has

not heard of the national caps of Poland, Hungary, and Russia? Not the

slightest approximation to the eccentricity of the bonnet is to be found

in any of these. In all of them, not caprice, but the more rational

qualities of use and ornament, have been studiously regarded. It is in

England only that our lower classes of women have abandoned their

national costume, and are content to suffer the inconvenient

consequences of imitating their superiors. Let any one who has traversed

Europe only recall to his mind the appearances of the female peasants as

to their head-dress, whether in their houses or in the fields, and

comparing them with the tattered, dirty things worn by the labourers'

wives and daughters of England, say which are to be preferred in point

of taste--which are the cleanest--which are the most becoming.

Not to go too far back into the mist of antiquity, the earliest traces

that we can find of hats being commonly worn in England, are to be met

with somewhere in the first half of the last century. Previous to that

time ladies wore hoods and caps; and in the Middle Ages muffled their

heads in wimples and veils; but some time or other--in the reign of the

second George, we believe--some lady or other stuck on her head a round

silk hat with a low crown and a broad brim, perfectly circular, and the

brim or ledge at right angles to the crown or head-piece. This she

subsequently changed into a straw one, and this was the root of the

evil--_hinc illae lachrymae!_ We are aware that, at the gay court of Louis

XIV., and even before he had a court, Mademoiselle de Montpensier, when

she went to battle or to hunt, wore a gold-laced semi-cocked hat: so did

Madame de Montespan when she accompanied the king to one of his grand

_parties de chasse_. But then, at the same time, these illustrious

"leaders of _ton_" put on gold-embroidered male coats, and evidently

endeavoured to transform themselves into men while partaking in manly

sports and dangers. Their hunting-hats bore no more relation to the

bonnets of their descendants, than do the black beaver hats of the

latter, when they mount their horses in Hyde Park or the Bois de

Boulogne. Indeed this very custom of wearing the male hat, is derived by

our modern belles from the times we are speaking of. Plain beaver or

felt hats were worn by some of our farmers' wives as early as the reign

of Charles I.; but, to judge from the prints of that date, they borrowed

them from their husbands. And to a period like this is to be traced the

custom, still extant throughout most parts of Wales, for the women to

wear the same head-costume as the men. The round ladies' hat, however,

of the middle and end of the last century, may be seen in its primitive

state in those enormous circles of straw, brought from Tuscany, and sold

in our milliners' shops, fit to be pinched and cut into the prevailing

fashion. The hats, both of men and women--when once they had quitted the

becoming costume of the Middle Ages--arose out of one and the same type;

a large circle of stuff with a projecting central cap for the skull.

Human invention, in the matter of hats, seems for several centuries to

have rested in this solitary idea. When this circular adumbral and

pluvial roofing had to be adapted to the female head, it was found

advisable to fasten it down to the cranium--not, indeed, by any screw

driven therein, nor by any intriguing with the locks of woman's hair,

but by the simple expedient of ribands passing under the chin. The

difficulty consisted in attaching the upper ends of these ribands; for

if they were sewn on under the overlapping brim, the same brim would

take liberties on a windy day, and would flap up and down like an Indian

punka. If they were sewn outside, they acted like the sheets of a ship's

sail, and pulled down the struggling circumference into two ugly

projections, bellying out before and behind. However, women, for

comfort's sake, having got an awkward article to deal with, preferred

the latter alternative--tied down their hats with ribands, (men, be it

remembered, at the same time, tied _up_ their brims into the prim, high,

cocked shape,) and called these ugly coverings "gipsy hats." We remember

something like them, dear reader,

"When first we went a-gipsying, long long ago."

Before matters had arrived at this pitch of ugliness, the ladies of the

court of George III.--the very antipodes of that of Louis XIV.--had

essayed, under the auspices of good Queen Charlotte, to render the round

hat, with the straight-projecting brim, less ugly; but their invention

carried them no further than to surround it, at one time, with a deep

ruff of ribands, or they crushed it into an untidy rumble-tumble shape;

at another, they let copious streamers float from the crown down their

backs; or again, they gave it a monstrous pitch up behind. There is this

to be said in their excuse--they hardly knew what parasols and umbrellas

were. They wielded enormous fans, nearly two feet long; they had

capuchins to their cloaks; and they delighted in the rotundity of hoops.

Peace be with the souls of our grandmothers! Good old creatures! they

were not very tasty, to be sure; but they wore glorious stiff taffety

fardingales, and they have left us many an ample commode full of real

china. As times wore on, and as the free-and-easy revolutionary school

came to inculcate their loose doctrines on women as well as men, the

ladies began to find the hinder pokes of their hats uncommon nuisances;

and so, in a fit of spleen, one day the Duchess of G----, or some other

woman of fashion, cut off this hinder protuberance, and appeared, to the

scandal of her neighbours, _plus_ the front poke, _minus_ the back one.

This was a daring, free-thinking, revolutionary innovation. Somebody had

probably done it at Paris before her; but the startling idea had gone

forth--women began to see daylight through their hats--the dawn of

emancipation appeared--clip, clip, went the scissors, and, for the time

being, the dynasty of gipsy hats had ceased to reign. Hereupon--the

consequence of all changes of dynasties--whether of bonnets or Bourbons,

'tis much the same--a fearful period of anarchy ensued: every milliner's

shop in Paris and London was pregnant with new shapes--bonnets

periodically overturned bonnets, numbers were devoted to the block every

week, and each succeeding month saw fresh competitors for public favour

coming to the giddy vortex of fashion. Husbands suffered dreadfully

during those troublous times: many a man's temper and purse were then

irremediably damaged; and there seemed to be no means of escaping from

this reign of female terror, this bonnetian chaos, until the great peace

of 1814 brought about a prompt solution. Here, to be classical in so

grave a matter, we may observe, that, just as Virgil in his Georgics

represents a civil tumult, even in its loudest hubbub, to be suddenly

calmed by the appearance of some man of known virtue and authority, so

in London--and therefore in England--the visit of an illustrious lady,

and the cut of her bonnet, appeased the agitated breasts of our fair

countrywomen, and reduced their fancy to a fixed idea. The Grand-duchess

of Oldenburg came over with her brother, the Emperor of all the Russias,

and wore on her head, not a coronet--but such a bonnet!

"Ye powers who dress the head, if such there are,

And make the change of woman's taste your care!"

--so Cowper might well have exclaimed, had he been then living. Tell us,

ye gods, whence did her imperial highness derive the idea of her bonnet?

Truly, we can conjecture no other source, than these very words

designating her rank, for the bonnet was imperial--none but such a lady

would have dared to originate it; and it was also high--high indeed! The

crown rose eighteen inches in perpendicular altitude from the nape of

the neck, while the front poke retained the modest dimensions of the

original gipsy hat. We recollect the duchess in Hyde Park with this

monstrous headgear, and the women all in ecstacy at the delightful

novelty. The success of this bonnet was universal--it was a "tremendous

hit," as they say in the play-bills; every woman that could afford it

raised her crown, and Oldenburgized her head. Well, this fashion lasted

tolerably long; it had the great value of rendering public opinion

nearly uniform; but it got old, as all fashions must do, and died a

natural death--not without an heir, a worthy heir. The new idea, you

will perceive, was that of inordinate length, in one way or the other.

The duchess had got it all up aloft--up in her top-royals--the new

bonnet (we really do not know who invented it, but some wicked little

hussy at Paris, no doubt) had it all down below, in the main-sail; the

crown dwindled to nothing, and out went the front poke to exactly the

same length, eighteen inches. This was truly exquisite--every body was

in raptures. The bonnet was tied tight under the chin, and to see a

woman's face you had to look down a sort of semi-funnelled hollow, where

the ambiguous shade of her countenance was illuminated only by the

radiance of her eyes. Here, too, the success was immense; the mothers of

us, the young bloods, the choice spirits of the present day, all wore

bonnets of this kind, when our governors went wooing them in

narrow-brimmed overtopping hats. The next change of any note worth

mentioning, was one of comparatively recent times, such as some of us

may remember their first loves in; it was derived from a partial return

to the primitive round expanded hat, and was in its chief glory, when

that last great piece of French dirty work, the Revolution of 1830, was

perpetrated. Women had retrograded to the old circular idea; they had

given up their pokes. It was too much--female folly had, it was

supposed, worn itself out--a revolution was wanted, and it came. To wear

the hat, however, in its primitive rotundity was impossible--it would

have suited a lady in the West Indies, but not in Europe; to tie down

the brim would not do, it would have been re-adopting the worn-out

fashions; so, just as was done in the Parisian political revolution, a

compromise of principles was resorted to--women cut off part of their

brims, turned the circle into a sort of eccentric oval, and rejoiced in

the redundant curve projecting now from the left, now on the right side

of their heads. Ribands, stiffened out into gigantic bows, set forth the

ample _chapeau_ right gaily; the brim stretched itself out with all the

insolence of a public favourite; and at length Tom Hood showed us how a

lady might go to church on a rainy day, and shelter the whole family

beneath her maternal hat. The present queen of the French wore an

enormous chapeau of this kind at the audience which Louis Philippe gave

to the peers and deputies that came to offer him the throne; every lady

in England, of a certain age, has worn a hat of the same sort.

We are bound to allow that this hat had something of the useful in it:

the ample size of the brim effectually warded off both sun and rain; and

we much question whether the parasol trade did not rather languish under

its influence. But then it had corresponding disadvantages; it was

unbearable in a windy day, and rendered any thing like close contact

with a friend impossible. To get a kiss from your pretty cousin, or your

maiden aunt, if you met them in the street, was quite out of the

question, unless you previously doffed your hat; and, as for two young

ladies laying their heads together and whispering soft secrets, no such

thing was practicable. The downfall, therefore, of such stiff and

unwieldy hats might have been foretold from an early period of their

existence; it came, and with it a counter-revolution--a restoration of

the legitimist bonnet. But, mark the malignity of a certain elderly

personage, whose name and residence we never mention in ears polite; a

change, a final change, came, and it came from the source of all

abominations--Paris! Yes! 'twas a pure and genuine invention of the

fickle people--of _la jeune France_! We gave up the restored bonnet, and

we adopted the little, reduced, cut-away, impudent bonnet of the present

moment. Now, with regard to the actual origin of this same form of

bonnet, which has met with universal approbation, but which has no

really good qualities to recommend it, except those of portability and

warmth to the ears of the wearer--we make, with some regret, the

following assertion, upon the accuracy of which we stake our aesthetic

reputation. We were witnesses of the fact; any man in Paris, who had his

eyes about him, must have witnessed the same thing; we appeal to all the

_lions_ of the Bois, or the Boulevard des Italiens: these small bonnets,

and the peculiar mode of wearing them at the back of the head were first

introduced in Paris by a class of persons, to whom we cannot make any

more definite allusion than to say that their names must not be

mentioned. These people invented these bonnets, and wore them for nearly

six months before they were imitated; and then, the fashion being taken

up by the milliners, became general both in France and England. A

corresponding change in the cut of the upper portions of ladies' gowns,

and in the manner of putting on the shawl--that very cut and manner now

universally adopted--came from the same source, and at the same time.

These changes added greatly to female comfort, we admit; and they were

founded, mainly, on principles of good taste; but they had also other

causes, obvious to the aesthetician and the ethnologist, which we abstain

from noticing. Once more, having been eye-witnesses to the change, and

having at the time maliciously speculated within our own breasts as to

how long it would take for such a _mode_ to run the round of women's

heads--our anticipations having been fully realized--we pledge ourselves

to the accuracy of this statement.

Well, then, having thus run a-muck against bonnets, what reparation are

we to make to the fair sex, for abusing their taste and condemning their

practice? We will try to point out to them certain leading ideas, which

may bring them back to sounder principles, and make the covering of

their heads worthy of the beauty of their faces. And here, as in the

case of hats, the first thing to be aimed at must be, utility--the

second, ornament. Be it observed, too, that we are writing for the

latitude of England; because in this respect, as in most others, the

climate ought to decide upon the basis of national costume. Now an

Englishwoman, of whatever grade she may be, requires, when she goes out

of doors, protection principally from wet, next from cold, and lastly

from heat. Her head-dress, to be really useful, ought to comprise

qualities that will effect these three objects. The substance,

therefore, of the covering cannot consist of cotton, linen, or silk, at

_all_ times of the year; these substances will do for the more

temperate or the hotter seasons, but not in winter--that is to say, they

will not be serviceable during five months out of the twelve. In this

inclement season nothing but woollen cloth or fur ought to be the

principal article of female head-dress; only these two substances will

effectually keep off wet and cold. They may be lined with silk or any

other soft substance, but the foundation, we repeat, ought to be fur or

woollen cloth; both of them articles of English manufacture or

preparation--one varying through all degrees of price; the other within

the reach of most persons, even in the middling classes of society. In

the summer, silk, linen, cotton, or any other light fabric, will effect

the purpose proposed--protection from the rays of the sun, and from the

casual wet that may occur--though from the last, less than from the

first inconvenience. So much for the common _substance_ of an

Englishwoman's out-of-door head-dress--for the _material_, that is to

say: its use should always be modified by the rank and occupation of the

wearer. The _form_ must be ascertained from a reference to the

principles laid down above, as to the combining a proper degree of

concealment, with the due exhibiting of the beautiful features of the

female face; the covering should afford ample concealment when wanted,

but should also admit of the head being completely exposed when

required. Now, the veil gives abundant concealment, but does not admit

of total removal, and is rather inconvenient to the wearer; it is apt to

get in the way, and is in danger of causing a slovenly, or even a dirty,

appearance; it is more suited for in-door, than for out-of-door

use--more for a warm than a cold climate. The _hood_ is the best thing

we know of, for combining the two requisites of complete concealment and

complete exposure. It unites by its shape all the purposes of form, to

the applicability of any kind of soft material; and it is suitable to

the climate of this country at any period of the year. But, "how ugly!"

the ladies will exclaim--"who could bear to tie her head up in a

pudding-bag?--Does not the very form of the hood approach too nearly to

that of the head, and thus violate a fundamental principle of

aesthetics?" Our reply must be, that there are various kinds of hoods,

and that, if they be considered ugly, it is more from their strangeness,

through long disuse, than from any fault in their natural form. Besides,

the very principle of concealment, so essential to a woman's modesty,

militates rather against the principle of beauty; we admit it to be a

difficulty--we would even say that the head of the female while

out-of-doors, amid the busy throng, does not admit of the same degree of

ornament as the head of the male. If we can make woman's covering

graceful, it is enough; the beauty of it should be reserved for the

drawing-room and the boudoir--it should not be exhibited in the street.

And after all, beauty for beauty, we will back a hood against a bonnet

any day in the week.

Bear with us, however, gentle ladies, while we explain to you how we

would have you make and wear your hoods; and, to do so the better,

examine with us some of those delightful portraits of the time of Rubens

and Vandyke, when, among the nobler classes of females, dress had

certainly attained a high, if not its highest point of picturesque and

elegant effect. Look at some of those admirable Flemish pictures, where

you will see many a pretty face enveloped in a fur-trimmed hood, and

observe how much grace and modest dignity is given by that simple

habiliment. It is something of this kind which we would recommend. For

example--if a hood, so cut as not to admit of too close a conformation

to the shape of the head, were attached to a tippet which might descend

and protect the shoulders, or come even lower, at the fancy of the

wearer, and were fastened round the neck, the hood itself might be

elevated so as to cover the head, and might be drawn even over the face;

or it might be instantly thrown back, and would lie on the upper part of

the neck in picturesque and graceful folds. The lines of such a

covering, not so flowing, indeed, as those of a veil, would yet be not

inelegant; and they would afford sufficient contrast to the features of

the face, while they would be far superior to the unmeaning rigidity of

the bonnet. Hoods, such as those, are even now worn by some ladies for

carriage purposes, or while going to evening parties; and they would

look just as well in the bright light of the sun, as by the pale rays of

the moon. Consider for a moment the comfort and the utility of such a

dress; what a complete protection from cold, and, if necessary, from

wet! Even in summer, the hood would keep off the sun's beams much more

effectually than any bonnet; it would be light, warm, portable--useable

at pleasure, always ornamental, always becoming. These hoods would be of

service, whether for a walk or for a journey in a carriage; they would

not need to be disentangled from the person like bonnets; they would

merely have to be thrown back; they never could get spoiled by crushing;

they never would need cumbrous boxes to be carried in; and, what is

worthy of consideration, their cost might always be suited to the means

of the wearer. They would admit of any kind of ornament that would not

destroy their principle of utility;--for ornament ceases to be ornament

when it negatives the purpose of the object to which it is applied--it

becomes in such a case a mere excrescence: they might be edged and lined

with any, the most sumptuous or the plainest materials: they might be

attached round the neck by rich cords of gold and jewelled clasps; or

they might be fastened with simple ribands. Thus, in spring time, a

young and high-born damsel might wear her hood and tippet of

light-coloured silk or brocade, edged with ermine or swan's-down, and

attached with silver cords and clasps of pearl--while the noble matron

might wear the same of crimson or purple velvet, edged with sable, and

attached with golden cords and diamonds. The peasant's wife and daughter

might use hoods of black, blue, or grey woollen cloth, lined with grey

linen, edged with plain riband, and fastened with a simple button. How

much better, how much more rational, how much more becoming, such

head-dresses as these, than the gay but useless ribands, feathers, and

chapeaux of the one class, or the misshapen, uncomfortable,

untidy-looking bonnets of the other! According to the present system, it

is almost impossible to infer the rank of a lady from her external

costume--many a milliner's girl has passed for a duchess before

now--whereas by the adoption of articles of dress, founded on principles

like those of the hood, some decisive marks of distinction might be

obtained. Thus the rich furs and the jewels, or the gold brocade of the

princess, might indeed be imitated by the merchant's wife--who at the

present day is nearly her equal in wealth--the representative of

political power in, what is called, a constitutional government; but the

shop-girl and the dancing-mistress might break their hearts with spite,

ere they could set up a system of dress in keeping with hoods of the

kind alluded to. We do not recommend, that distinction of dress

according to difference of rank should be carried to an undue limit; for

in the present age of the world, and especially in our country, where

the basis of society is shifting, and where the pivots of the commonweal

are loose, too little distinction of rank is allowed; rank is not

respected as it ought to be; but, nevertheless, the promiscuous jumbling

together and confounding of all men is carried too far; it is one of the

elements of republicanism and anarchy that we should do well to

discourage. To ladies, more than to men, would distinctions of dress be

useful, and with them they would be more practicable of reintroduction;

any thing that would tend to augment the outward respect of men for

women, and of women for each other, would be so much gained toward a

revival of some of the soundest maxims of former days.

Bonnets, then, to Orcus! Hoods to the seventh heaven!

H. L. J.

GERMAN-AMERICAN ROMANCES.

THE VICEROY AND THE ARISTOCRACY, OR MEXICO IN 1812.

PART THE FIRST.

The most obvious defect of the German school of romance is the universal

tendency of its writers to the indefinite and periphrastic, and the

consequent absence of the characteristic and the true in their

descriptions both of human and of external nature. Much of this

prevailing habit may perhaps be attributed to the example of Goethe,

who, in his works of fiction, narrates the adventures of A and B,

residing in the town of C, situate in some nameless and inscrutable

section of Germany. And when, to all this mystery, is superadded the

ponderous and ungraceful style of most German writers, and the Latin

construction of their interminable sentences, for the solution of which

the reader must wade to the final word, the lack of good original

novels, and the universal preference, in Germany, of translations from

French and English authors, will be readily accounted for. The main

source of these defects in the German writers may be found in their

retired and bookish habits. Shut up in their studies, with no companions

but their books and their meerschaums, and viewing the eternal world

through the loopholes of retreat, often anxious, too, to advance and

illustrate some pet theory of their own, their writings smell horribly

of the lamp, and are long-winded, tedious, and unnatural. Another cause

of the deficiencies above-named, may perhaps be discovered in the

severity of German censorship, and the apprehension that more clearness

and identity in their descriptions of persons and places might be

twisted into political and personal allusions.

The admitted superiority of French and English works of fiction, may be

attributed to the widely different habits of the writers. Nearly all the

French, and many of the English writers of the present day, are men of

the world, eschewing solitude, and mixing largely in society. The good

effects of this frequent collision with their fellow-men are visible in

their works, many of which display a deep knowledge of human nature, a

vivid power of description, and a command of dialogue, not only spirited

and natural, but often rising with the occasion into dramatic point and

brilliancy.

At length, however, a new and radiant star has arisen in the cloudy

firmament of German fiction--a novel-writer whose works exhibit a

striking example of entire exemption from the defects so evident in the

great majority of his brethren. This is a nameless personage, known

among German reviewers as Der Unbekannte, or the Unknown, and who has

broken ground that no German writer had hitherto ventured upon. Some

have supposed him to be a Pennsylvanian, a considerable part of which

state was originally colonized by Germans, whose descendants still, to a

large extent, preserve the language and habits of the mother country.

Another report stated him to be a native German, who had emigrated to

Louisiana, and established himself there as a planter. Nothing definite,

in short, is known; but what is certain is, that he has been long

resident in the United States and in Mexico, and has made excellent use

of his opportunities for becoming acquainted with those countries and

their inhabitants. His subjects are, with slight exceptions,

Transatlantic, his materials original, his style singularly natural and

forcible; proving that however rugged the German language may appear in

the works of others, it will yield to the hand of a master, and readily

adapt itself to every subject.

Our readers will probably not have forgotten a series of American,

Texian, and Mexican tales and sketches, which have appeared during the

last few months in the pages of this magazine. With some alterations and

adaptations, intended to render them more acceptable to English tastes,

they are selections from the works of the writer above described. These

works being published, as already mentioned, anonymously, and at prices

beyond the means of most German readers, are but partially known and

read even in Germany; and in this country they are entirely unknown,

such portions excepted as have appeared without a name in our recent

numbers. Having there presented our readers with specimens only, and for

the most part of his latest works, we will now proceed to give them some

account of one of his earliest and most important productions--a Mexican

historical romance of striking interest, dated two years subsequently to

the first revolutionary outbreak in Mexico, and exhibiting a degree of

descriptive and dramatic power unparalleled in the whole range of German

fiction.

When, in the year 1776, the British colonies, now known as the United

States of America, made their declaration of independence, the struggle

that ensued was unmarked by any circumstances of particular atrocity or

blood-thirstiness, except perhaps, occasionally, on the part of the

Indian allies of either party. The fight was between men of the same

race, who had been accustomed to look upon each other as countrymen and

brothers, and whose sympathies and feelings were in many respects in

unison; it was fought manfully and fairly, as beseemed civilized men in

the eighteenth century of the Christian era. Whatever wrongs, real or

imaginary, the British Americans had to complain of, they had none that

sufficed, even in their own eyes, to justify reprisals or cruelties

beyond those which the most humanely conducted and least envenomed wars

inevitably entail. But it was under strikingly different circumstances

that the second of the two great republics which, with the exception of

British possessions, now comprise the whole civilized portion of the

North American continent, started into existence. In the former instance

was seen the young and vigorous country which, having attained its

majority, and feeling itself able to dispense with parental

guardianship, asserted its independence, and vindicated it, with a

strong hand, it is true, but yet with a warm heart and a cool judgment.

In the latter case it was the spring of the caged tiger, that for years

had pined in narrow prison beneath the scourge of its keeper, whom it at

last turned upon and rent in its fury.

Subdued by the fierce assault of a handful of desperate adventurers, the

history of Mexico, from the earliest period of its conquest, is one

continuous record of oppression and cruelty on the one hand, of long and

bitter suffering on the other. Deprived of its religious and customs,

its priesthood and legitimate sovereigns mercilessly tortured and slain,

its temples and institutions annihilated, its very history and

traditions blotted out, Mexico, in the hands of the Spaniards, was

rapidly transformed from a flourishing and independent empire into a

huge province; while its inhabitants became a disposable horde, on whom

the conquerors seemed to think they were conferring a benefit, when they

made gift of them by hundreds and thousands, like sheep or oxen, to a

lawless and reckless soldiery. Their houses and lands, sometimes even

their wives and children, were snatched from them, and they were driven

in herds to labour in the mines, or condemned to carry burdens over

pathless and precipitous mountains; like the Gibeonites of old, they

were made hewers of wood and drawers of water to all the congregation.

Expelled from the towns, and confined to hamlets and villages, whence

they were only summoned to toil in the service of their oppressors, they

became in time entirely brutalized, losing the finer and more noble

qualities that distinguish man from the beast of the forest, and

retaining only a bitter sense of their degradation, a vivid impression

of the sufferings they daily endured, and a gloomy instinctive longing

after a bloody revenge.

With these Indians, who, at the commencement of the present century,

composed two-fifths of the population of Mexico, may be classed a race

of beings equally numerous, equally unfortunate and destitute, and still

wilder and more despised--namely, the various castes sprung from the

intercourse of the conquerors of the country, of their successors and

slaves, with the aborigines. These half-bloods, who united the apparent

stupidity and real apathy of the Indian with the lawlessness and

impatience of restraint of their white fathers, found themselves driven

out into a world that branded them for the accident of their birth;

deprived of all property, and reduced to the most ignoble employments;

continual objects of fear and detestation to the better classes, because

they had nothing to risk, and every thing to gain, by a political

convulsion. Such were the principal elements of a population which,

after centuries of patient endurance, was at last roused to enter the

lists and struggle for its independence, with all the fury of the

captive who breaks the long-worn fetters from his chafed and bleeding

limbs, and seeks his deliverance in the utter extermination of his

jailers.

For three hundred years had the Mexicans groaned under the lash of their

taskmasters, ruled by monarchs whom they never beheld, and enduring

innumerable evils, without nourishing a single rebellious or

revolutionary thought. If the breeze of liberty that blew over from the

north, occasionally awakened in their minds the idea of an improved

state of things, the hope, or rather wish, speedily died away, crushed

and annihilated under the well-combined system of oppression employed by

the Spaniards. The nobles had ranged themselves entirely on the side of

the government, the middle classes had followed their example, and the

people were compelled to obey. All was quiet in Mexico, long after

insurrections had broken out in Spanish colonies further south; and this

state of tranquillity was not even disturbed, when news were brought of

the invasion of Spain by its hereditary foe, of the occupation of Madrid

by French armies, and of the scenes of butchery that took place in that

capital on the second day of May 1808. The Mexicans, far from availing

themselves of this favourable opportunity to proclaim their own

independence, hastened to give proofs of their sympathy with the

aggrieved honour of the mother country; and on all sides resounded

curses upon the head of the powerful usurper who had ousted their

legitimate but unknown monarch from his throne, and now detained him in

captivity. Intelligence of the Junta's declaration of war against

Napoleon was received with unbounded applause, and all were striving to

demonstrate their enthusiasm in the most efficient manner, when a royal

decree arrived, issued by the very prince whose misfortunes they were

deploring, and by which Mexico was ordered to recognise as its sovereign

the brother of that usurper who had dispossessed its rightful king.

A stronger proof of Ferdinand's unworthiness to rule, could hardly have

been given to the Mexicans than the decree in question. Loyalty had long

been an article of faith with the whole nation; but even as the blindest

superstition is sometimes metamorphosed on a sudden into total

infidelity, passing from one extreme to the other, so was all feeling of

loyalty utterly extinguished in the breast of the Mexican people by this

instance of regal abjectness. It would have been long before they

revolted against their hereditary Spanish ruler; but to find themselves

given away by him in so ignominious a manner, was a degradation which

they felt the more deeply from its being almost the only one that had

been hitherto spared them. Discontent was universal; and by a unanimous

and popular movement, the decree was publicly burned.

With just indignation did the Mexicans now discover that those persons

who had hitherto most prided themselves on their loyalty and fidelity to

the king and the reigning dynasty, were precisely the first to transfer

their allegiance to the new sovereign. The whole of the government

officers, Spaniards nearly to a man, hastened to take measures for the

surrender of the nation to its new ruler, without even enquiring whether

it approved of the change. One man only was in favour of a more

honourable expedient, and that man was Iturrigaray, the viceroy. Well

acquainted with the cowardice and cunning of his captive sovereign, the

former of which qualities had dictated the decree, he had nevertheless

formed a plan to preserve Mexico for him, in accordance with the wish of

its population. A junta, composed of Spaniards and of the most

distinguished Mexicans, was to represent the nation till the arrival of

further news or orders from Europe. This plan was generally approved of

by the Mexicans, who looked forward with unbounded delight to the moment

when they should have a voice in the public affairs of their country.

The joy was universal; but in the very midst of this joy, and of the

preliminaries to the carrying out of this project, the author of it, the

viceroy himself, was seized in his palace by his own countrymen,

conducted with his family to Vera Cruz, and slipped off to Spain as a

state prisoner.

By this lawless proceeding, it was made evident to the weakest

comprehension, that so long as the Spaniard ruled, the Mexican must

remain in a state of unconditional slavery; that he could never hope to

obtain a share in the management of his country; and that the act of

violence of which Iturrigaray had been the victim, had been solely

caused by the disposition he had shown to pave the way for the gradual

emancipation of the Creoles. From this moment may be dated the decision

of the Mexicans to get rid of the Spaniards at any price; and a

conspiracy was immediately organized, which was joined by at least a

hundred of the principal Creoles, and by a far larger number of the

middle classes, and of the military--the object being to shake off the

ignominious yoke that pressed so heavily upon them. The treason of one

of the conspirators, who on his death-bed, in confession, betrayed his

confederates, accelerated the outbreak of the plot.

It was at nine o'clock on the evening of the 15th September 1810, that

Don Ignacio Allende y Unzaga, captain in the royal regiment _de la

Reyna_, came in all haste from Gueretaro to Dolores, and burst into the

dwelling of Padre Hidalgo, the parish priest of the latter place, with

news that the conspiracy had been discovered, and an order issued to

take prisoners, dead or alive, all those concerned in it. With the

prospect of certain death before their eyes, the two conspirators held a

short consultation, and then hastened to announce to their friends their

firm decision to stake their lives upon the freedom of their country.

Two officers, the lieutenants Abasalo and Aldama, and several musicians,

friends and companions of the cura, joined them, and by these men,

thirteen in number, was the great Mexican revolution begun.

Whilst Hidalgo, a crucifix in his left hand, a pistol in his right,

hurried to the prison and set at liberty the criminals confined there,

Allende proceeded to the houses of the Spanish inhabitants, and

compelled them to deliver up their plate and ready money. Then, with the

cry of "_Viva la Independencia, y muera el mal gobierno!_" the

insurgents paraded the streets of Dolores. The whole of the Indian

population ranged themselves under the banner of their beloved curate,

who, in a few hours, found himself at the head of some thousand men.

They took the road to Miguel el Grande, and, before reaching that place,

were joined by eight hundred recruits from Allende's regiment. Shouting

their war-cry of "Death to the Gachupins!"[5] the rebels reached San

Felipe; in three days their numbers amounted to twenty thousand; at

Zelaya, a whole regiment of Mexican infantry, and a portion of the

cavalry regiment of the Principe, came over to them. On they went,

"Mueran los Gachupinos!" still their cry, to Guanaxato, the richest city

in Mexico, where they were joined by some more troops. Indians kept

flowing in from all sides, and the mob, for it was little more, soon

reached fifty thousand men. The fortified alhondega, or granary, at

Guanaxato, was taken by storm; the Spaniards and Creoles who had shut

themselves up there with their treasures, were massacred; upwards of

five millions of hard dollars fell into the hands of the insurgents.

This success brought more Indians from all parts of the country. There

were soon eighty thousand men collected together, but amongst them were

hardly four thousand muskets. Pressing forward, by way of Valladolid,

towards Mexico, they totally defeated Colonel Truxillo at Las Cruces,

and, on the 31st October, looked down from the rising ground of Santa Fe

upon the capital city, within the walls of which were thirty thousand

Leperos,[6] who awaited but the signal to break into open insurrection.

Only two thousand troops of the line garrisoned Mexico; Calleja, the

commander-in-chief, was a hundred leagues off; another general, the

Count of Cadena, sixty; in the mountains the people were rising in

favour of the revolution; another patriot chief was marching from

Tlalnepatla to support Hidalgo, while the viceroy was preparing to

retire to Vera Cruz. The fate of Mexico was, according to all

appearance, about to be decided; one bold assault, and the Indians would

again be the rulers of the country. But on the very day after their

arrival within sight of Mexico, Hidalgo, with his hundred and ten

thousand men, commenced a retreat. The capital was saved; and from that

day may be dated the sufferings and reverses of the patriots.

Or the 7th November, at Aculco, Hidalgo met the united Spanish and

Creole army, and was defeated in the combat that ensued. Soon

afterwards, Allende experienced a like misfortune at Marfil; and a third

action, near Calderon, decided the fate of the campaign. Hidalgo himself

was betrayed at Acalito, with fifty of his companions, and put to death.

The first act of the revolutionary drama was over, within six months

after the bloody curtain had been raised; but the torch of insurrection,

far from being extinguished by the fall of its bearer, had divided and

multiplied itself, as if to spread the conflagration with more

certainty. Thousands of those who had escaped from the battle-fields of

Aculco, Marfil, and Calderon, now spread themselves through the

different provinces, and commenced a war of extermination that was

destined, slowly but surely, to sweep away their unappeasable tyrants.

Most of these bands were commanded by priests, lawyers, or adventurers,

who acted without plan or concert, and possessed little or no

qualification for their post as leaders, save their hatred of the

Gachupins. But few of the better class of Creoles were to be found

amongst the insurgents; and the strife was to all appearance between the

Indians and half-bloods, on the one hand, and the property and

intelligence of the country, represented by the Spaniards and Creoles,

on the other.

The Creoles, although considerably less oppressed than the coloured

races, had felt themselves more so; because, being more enlightened and

civilized, they had a livelier feeling and perception of the yoke than

the Indians and half-castes. Children and descendants of the Spaniards,

who looked with sovereign contempt upon every thing Creole, even to

their own offspring, the white Mexicans imbibed hatred of Spain almost

with their mothers' milk. Far from enjoying what the letter of the law

gave them, the same rights as their European fathers, they found

themselves driven back among the people; while all offices and posts

were filled by Spaniards, who, for the most part, came to Mexico in

rags, and left it possessed of immense wealth. Even the possession of

magnificent estates, with their incalculable subterranean treasures, was

of precarious benefit to the Creoles; for the Spaniards paid small

respect to the laws of property, and, in the name of their royal master,

assumed unlimited power over the land.

The bitterness of feeling consequent on this state of things, at length

roused into activity the latent desire of freedom from the Spanish rule,

a freedom which was to have been obtained by the conspiracy already

referred to. On a given day, there was to have been a general rising

throughout Mexico; all the Spanish officers and _employes_ were to have

been arrested, and their places filled by Creoles; the seaports were to

have been seized and garrisoned, so as to prevent succours coming to the

Spaniards from the neighbouring island of Cuba. The discovery and

premature outbreak of the plot, as already mentioned, were the causes of

its failure. Hidalgo, who was too deeply compromised to recede, had put

himself at the head of the revolution, and enraged against the Creoles,

who had, for the most part, managed to draw their heads out of the

noose, commenced with his Indians a war of extermination that spared

neither Spaniards nor Creoles. This terrible blunder on the part of the

soldier-priest, of itself decided the fate of the outbreak. The Creoles

were compelled to unite with the very Spaniards whose downfall they had

been plotting; and it was mainly through their co-operation that the

three battles with the rebels had been won. The Spaniards, however,

instead of being grateful for the assistance they had received from the

Creoles, persisted in looking upon the latter as a pack of unlucky

rebels, whose treason had not even been rendered respectable by success.

Enraged at the revolt that had threatened to deprive their king of his

supremacy, and themselves of the plunder of the richest country in the

world, the Spaniards applied themselves to obviate the possibility of

any future rebellion, by pretty much the same measures that a bee-hunter

takes to secure himself against the stings of the bees before seizing

their honey, namely, by fire and the axe. Twenty-four cities, both large

and small, and innumerable villages, were razed to the ground during the

first eighteen months of the revolution, and their inhabitants utterly

exterminated, as a punishment for having favoured the insurgents. Even

then, these bigoted and barbarous servants of legitimacy were not

satisfied with this wholesale slaughter. Through the medium of the

church, and in the name of the divine Trinity and of the blessed Virgin,

they proclaimed a solemn amnesty, and those among the credulous and

unfortunate rebels who availed themselves of it were mercilessly

massacred. This infamous and blasphemous piece of bad faith rendered any

pacification of the country impossible, and went far towards uniting the

whole population against its contemptible and blood-thirsty tyrants.

Amongst the adventurers who had joined Hidalgo on his triumphant march

from Guanaxato to Mexico, was his old friend and schoolfellow, Morellos,

rector of Nucupetaro. Hidalgo received him as a brother, and

comnissioned him to raise the standard of revolt in the south-western

provinces of Mexico. Morellos, who was then sixty years of age, repaired

to his appointed post with only five followers. In Petalan he was joined

by twenty negroes, to whom he promised their freedom; and soon

afterwards several Creoles ranged themselves under his banner. Unlike

the unfortunate Hidalgo, he began the war on a small scale, and after

the fashion of those guerillas who in Spain had done so much mischief to

the French armies. Gradually enlarging the sphere of his operations, he

had, during a sixteen months' warfare, gained several not unimportant

advantages over the Spanish generals. Report represented him as a man of

grave and earnest character--quite the converse of the hasty and

unreflecting Hidalgo--of sound judgment, irreproachable morals, and far

more liberal and extended views than could have been expected from the

confined education of a Mexican priest. The influence he possessed over

the Indians was said to be unbounded.

At the time at which the action of the book now before us commences,

namely, upon a carnival day of the year 1812, Morellos had marched into

the vicinity of Mexico at the head of his little army. The principal

leaders of the patriots, Vittoria, Guerero, Bravo, Ossourno, and others,

had placed themselves under his orders; and the moral weight of his name

seemed to be at last producing what had been wanting since the death of

Hidalgo--namely, that unanimity in the operations of the patriots, and

that degree of discipline amongst their troops, which were calculated to

gain them the confidence of the nation.

The first two chapters of the "Viceroy" are of so striking a nature, and

give such strange and startling glimpses of the state of Mexican society

and feeling at that period, that, with some slight abridgement, we shall

here translate them both.

CHAPTER THE FIRST.

"'Tis known, at least it should be, that throughout

All countries of the Catholic persuasion,

Some weeks before Shrove Tuesday comes about,

The people take their fill of recreation,

And buy repentance, ere they grow devout,

However high their rank, or low their station,

With fiddling, feasting, dancing, drinking, masking,

And other things which may be had for asking."

BYRON.

The siesta was over; and the profound stillness in which the capital of

New Spain had been buried during the preceding two hours, was suddenly

broken by the hum of innumerable voices. The noise, which commenced in

the suburbs, extended itself rapidly, and increased almost to a roar,

scaring away the gallinazos and other birds of prey, that were as usual

seeking food in the streets and squares of the city of Mexico. Thousands

of the inhabitants arose from their resting-places under the porticoes

of houses, churches, and palaces, or hurried forth from the great bazar,

eager to celebrate the carnival with that boundless mirth and license by

which Roman Catholic nations seem to console themselves for the fasts

and privations that are to succeed it.

The variety of the costumes in which the maskers had arrayed themselves

was endless, while the profanity of some of them was no less remarkable.

Here might be seen a gigantic _tenatero_, or porter, in a sergeant's

jacket, and with the enormous cocked hat of a Spanish general upon his

head, a globe and sceptre in one hand, in the other a pasteboard cross,

strutting proudly about in the character of the Redeemer of Atolnico;[7]

while around him a party of Indians, Zambos, and Metises, metamorphosed

into Apostles, Pharisees, and Jewish women, performed dances of very

questionable propriety in honour of their divine master. In another

place, Adam and Eve were incessantly driven out of Paradise by an angel

with a flaming sword--the three figures resembling very much the same

persons, as they used to be represented in the halfpenny woodcuts of the

past century. Beside them, _Dios el Padre_ led off a dance to the sound

of a cracked guitar, which St Cecilia was twanging as an accompaniment

to the nasal melody of the gangaso;[8] and a little further on, the

child Jesus, mounted on a jackass, was flying into Egypt, and squirting,

as he went, streams of water into the open windows of houses, and into

the faces of the passers-by. Mingled with the mummers were crowds of

loathsome _leperos_; and again, amongst these might be seen numerous

groups of perfumed dandies and elegantly dressed ladies, who contrasted

with the throng of Indians as swamp-lilies do with the filth and

corruption of a pestilential marsh. In spite of the broad sunlight,

rockets were going off on all sides, to the great amusement of the

Indians, who burst out into screams of wild delight each time that one

of the fiery missiles caused alarm and confusion amongst the gaily

attired dames who thronged the balconies, and gazed down from their

windows upon the motley scene. The contrast of all this movement and

uproar with the silence and solitude that had reigned so few moments

before, was startling. It was as if the earth had suddenly opened and

vomited forth the thousands of Mulattoes and Zambos, Indians, Metises,

and Creoles,[9] that now sang, danced, chattered, screamed, and

shouted--doing their utmost worthily to play their part in the

time-honored saturnalia of the Romish church.

Differing from the custom of more refiled, although perhaps not more

enlightened, countries, only a very few of the numerous parties of

maskers seemed to aim, by their costume or action, at a satire on the

follies, foibles, or occurrences of the times. Now and then, however, an

exception was to be met with; and this was especially remarkable in a

group which it becomes necessary here to describe.

It consisted of twelve persons, the majority of whom were fantastically

attired in the national costumes of the various Indian tribes. These

were grouped round a _carro_, or two-wheeled cart in so picturesque a

manner, that it was easy to see that their performance had been

preconcerted and rehearsed. They wore symbols of mourning, and seemed

acting as pall-bearers and followers of a funeral; while upon the cart

itself were two figures, in which the horrible and the comic were

blended after a most extraordinary fashion. One of them was a Torso,

from whose breast and headless neck, and on the stumps of his arms and

legs, blood was incessantly dropping, and as fast as it dropped, it was

greedily licked up by several persons in Spanish masks and dresses. The

mutilated form seemed still to have life in it, for it groaned and gave

out hollow sounds of agony and complaint; at the same time struggling,

but in vain, to shake off a monster that sat vampire-like upon its body,

and dug its tiger claws into the breast of the sufferer. The aspect of

this monster was as strange as that of its victim. It had the cowl, and

the sleek but sinister countenance of well-fed Dominican friar; on its

right hand was fixed a blazing torch, on its left stood a dog that

barked continually; its head was covered with a brass basin, apparently

meant to represent the barber helmet of the knight of La Mancha. From

the shoulders of the figure protruded a pair of dusky wings, not unlike

those with which griffins and other fabulous monsters are represented in

old books of heraldry; its back was terminated by the tail of the

coyote, or Mexican wolf; while the claws with which it seemed digging

into the very bowels of the Torso, were those of caguar or tiger.

This singular pageant passed through the Tacuba street into that of San

Agustin, thence through the Plateria and the Calle Aguila into the

quarter of the city known as the Trespana, where it came to a halt

before the hotel of the same name. During this progress, the crowd of

Indians, Metises, and other coloured races, had been augmented by

numerous parties of Creoles; while the Spaniards contented themselves

with gazing distrustfully at the procession from the windows of their

houses. The strange group was now surrounded by thousands of Zambos,

Creoles, Metises, and Indians, presenting a variety and originality of

costume, physiognomy, and colour--a contact and contrast of the most

costly and sumptuous habiliments with the meanest and most disgusting

rags, such as it would be in vain to seek in any other country than

Mexico.

Amongst the most elegantly dressed of those whom the enigmatical

masquerade attracted, was a young man, of whom it would have bee

difficult to say to what race he belonged. His face was covered by a

closely-fitting silken mask, in which every hue of the rainbow was

blended, but which, nevertheless, was adapted so admirably to his

features, as at first to leave the spectators in doubt whether it were

not the real colour of his skin. He skipped airily out of the fonda of

Trespana into the street, cast a keen but hasty glance around him, and

then began to make his way through the mob that surrounded the pageant.

There was a nameless something in his manner and appearance that caused

the throng to open him a willing passage towards the object of general

curiosity.

"Foolish mob! brainless mob! swinish mob!" cried the stranger, when he

at length stood beside the cart upon which the monster was still rending

its hapless victim; "whither are ye running, and pressing, and crowding,

and what are ye come to see? Know ye not that in Mexico it is forbidden

to see, especially to see clearly?"

The tone of the speaker, his sudden appearance, and the bold originality

of his manner, contrasted strongly with the timidity of the other

Creoles, who had all in their turn approached the cart cautiously,

viewed it for a few moments with an air of mistrust, and then withdrawn

themselves to a distance, in order to await in safety what might next

ensue. The daring address of the new-comer, so different from this

prudent behaviour, did not fail to attract universal attention.

"What now, men of Mexico, or of Anahuac, if you prefer that name, Aztecs

and Tenochtitlans and Othomites, and Metises and Zambos and Salta-atras,

and whites, whom the devil fly away with," added he in a lower tone, "or

at least with one-twentieth of them?"[10]

"Bravo!" vociferated hundreds of Metises and Zambos, whom the last few

words had suddenly enlightened as to the political opinions of the

speaker. "Bravo! _Escuchad!_ Hear him!"

The object of this applause was apparently busied examining the

composition of the pageant. When silence was restored, he again turned

to the crowd.

"And so you would like to know what it means?" said he. "Fools! know ye

not that knowledge is forbidden? And yet, if you are any better than a

parcel of mules, you may see and understand."

"And if we _are_ no better than mules?" cried a voice.

"Then will I be your _arriero_, and drive you," replied the stranger

laughing, and tripping round the cart. "Mules! ay, _Madre de Dios!_ that

are ye, and have been all the days of your lives, ever since the gloomy

Gachupin yonder"--and he pointed to the monster, half monk, half

beast--"has chosen for his resting-place the body of the poor unhappy

creature, whom some call Anahuac, some Mexitli, and some Guatemozin.[11]

Mules, ay, threefold mules! Poor mules!" added he, in a tone of mingled

compassion and contempt.

"Poor mules!" sighed the surrounding spectators, gazing alternately at

the speaker and at the bleeding Torso.

On a sudden, the masked cavalier raised the cowl of the monster-monk,

and the severed head of the Torso rolled out from it. The features were

Indian, modelled and coloured in so masterly a manner, that the

resemblance they were intended to convey struck every body, and hundreds

of voices simultaneously exclaimed--

"Guatemozin!"

"Guatemozin!" was repeated from mouth to mouth, while the _pregonero_ or

crier, as the crowd had already christened the speaker, continued to

lift the veil from the significant allegory before him.

"See!" cried he, "here have his claws struck deepest. 'Tis in Guanaxato

and Guadalajara."

A shudder seemed to run through the crowd.

"'Tis Tio Gachupin," continued the pregonero with a strange laugh, "who

would fain play with you the same game that he did three centuries since

with poor Guatemozin. And see! 'tis Guatemozin's ghost that appears

bleeding before ye, and claims vengeance at your hands!"

It had now become evident to the surrounding crowd, that the pageant had

a deep and dangerous political meaning. The spectators had greatly

increased, and were each moment increasing, in number; the flat roofs

and the _miradores_, or latticed balconies, of the surrounding houses,

were crowded with gazers, while the street presented the appearance of a

sea of heads. A deep silence reigned, broken only by an occasional

whisper, or by the peculiar kind of low shuddering murmur that the

Indian is apt to utter when reminded of the power and prosperity of his

forefathers. Suddenly there was a loud cry.

"Vigilancia! Vigilancia!" was shouted from a distant balcony. The word

passed from mouth to mouth.

"Vigilancia!" repeated the pregonero; "_gracias_, thanks, Senoras y

Senores," added he, with a laugh and a slight bow, and then was lost in

the crowd. There was a movement round the ghastly group upon the cart,

which the next instant disappeared; and when the alguazils, by the aid

of their staves, had forced themselves a passage to the spot where the

pageant had been, no trace of it remained save fragments of wood and

pasteboard, that were showered from all sides upon their detested heads.

The crowd itself separated and dispersed in different directions; no

inconsiderable portion of it entering the hotel, in front of which the

scene had passed.

This hotel or _fonda_, the first in Mexico at that time, was then, as

now, a great resort of the highest and lowest classes of the

population--that is to say, of the greatest luxury and most squalid

misery that the world can show. The ground floor was used as a sort of

bazar, in which various articles of Mexican manufacture were exposed for

sale; while the rooms on the upper story were appropriated to the

reception of guests, and furnished with a sumptuousness that contrasted

strangely with the appearance of the majority of those who frequented

them.

In the first of these rooms stood a long and broad table, somewhat

resembling a billiard-table, but upon which, instead of balls and cues,

were piles of silver and gold, amounting to thousands of dollars; while

the wardrobe of the players, who sat and stood around, did not appear to

be worth as many farthings. Excepting the jingle of the money, and the

words _Senor_ and _Senoria_, occasionally uttered, scarcely a sound was

heard; but upon the excited and eager countenances of the gamblers,

which varied with every change in their luck, might be read the flushed

exultation of the winners, and the suppressed fury of the less

fortunate--a fury that, to judge from their fiery glances and set teeth,

might momentarily be expected to break out into fierce and deadly

strife.

The occupants of the second saloon were, if possible, still more

repulsive than those of the first. Men, women, and children--some half

naked--some with the most loathsome rags for a covering--were lying,

sitting, squatting, and crouching in every part of the room--some sunk

into a kind of doze--others, on the contrary, actively engaged in

ridding their own and their children's heads of those inhabitants that

seemed to constitute the sole wealth of this class of people--an

occupation which they pursued with as great zeal and apparent interest,

as if it had been absolutely essential to the proper celebration of the

festival-day. A third room was devoted to the chocolate and sangaree

drinkers, who might be seen emptying their cups and glasses with as much

satisfaction and relish, as if the sight of the poverty and squalor that

surrounded them gave additional zest to the draught; while, all about

them, between and under chairs, tables, and benches, the wretched

Leperos lay grovelling. Parties of richly-dressed Spaniards and Creoles,

both men and women, their eyes still heavy from the siesta, were each

moment entering, preceded by negro or mulatto girls carrying cigars and

sweetmeats, and screaming out, "_Plaza, plaza, por nuestras

senoras!_--Make way for our ladies!" A summons, or rather command, which

the _cortejos_, with their sticks and sabres, were ever ready to

enforce.

"_Caramba! Que bella y querida compania!_" exclaimed, on a sudden, the

same voice that a short time previously had explained the dangerous

allegory in the street below. The owner of the voice, however, wore

another mask and dress, although his present costume, like his previous

one, was that of a _caballero_ or gentleman. He glanced round the room

with that supercilious air which young men of fashion and quality are

apt to assume when amongst persons whom they consider immeasurably

inferior to themselves.

"_C--jo a la bonanza!_ Here's to try my luck!" cried he, stepping up to

the gambling table, and placing a rouleau of dollars on a card, which

the next moment won. "Bravo, bravissimo! Doble!"

He won a second time, and placed the stake, which was now a heavy one,

upon a fresh card.

"Triplo!" cried he. Fortune again favoured him. His luck still holding

good, he won a fourth time; and the banker, rising from his seat with a

savage curse upon his lips, pushed over the whole of his bank to the

fortunate player, and left the table with a look of hate and rage that

one would have thought must be the prelude to a stab. Nothing of the

sort, however, ensued. The man removed from his ears the two reals

which, according to Mexican usage, he had stuck there for luck; called

to the waiter, and uttered the word "_cigarros!_" as he showed one coin,

and "_aguardiente de cana!_" as he exhibited the other. Having thus

disposed of his last real, he draped his cloak over his shoulder with

such skill, that the end of it hung down to his heels, concealing the

tattered condition of that very essential part of his dress called

trousers. He then awaited, with perfect composure, the refreshment he

had ordered. Meanwhile, the fortunate winner took a couple of reals from

a small purse, stuck one in each ear, accompanying the action with the

sign of the cross, and prepared in his turn to hold the bank.

"_Plaza, gavillas!_" cried several voices just at this moment. "Make

room, knaves, for the senoras!" and in came a party of Spanish soldiers,

accompanied by their mistresses--the latter dressed out in a style that

many European ladies of the highest rank might well have envied. Before

each of them walked three mulatto girls, whose sole dress consisted of a

short and loosely-fitting silk petticoat, reaching to the knees; their

hair being confined in nets of gold thread, and their arms encircled

with bracelets of the same metal. One of these hand-maidens bore an open

box of cigars, out of which the lady and her cortejo from time to time

helped themselves; another had a basket with various comfits, which was

also frequently put in requisition, and the third carried the purse.

"Plaza!" was again the cry; and at the same time, the companions of the

ladies, well-conditioned sub-officers of the Spanish troops, swung their

canes and sabres, and the terrified Indians, and Metises, and Zambos

tumbled and rolled off their benches and chairs as if they had been

mowed down.

"_Demonio!_ What is all this?" exclaimed the new banker, who had already

taken his seat at the table, but now sprang suddenly up. "_Por todos

bastos et bastas de todo el mundo_--By every card in the pack!"----

He spoke in so threatening a tone, and his gesticulation was so

thoroughly Mexican in its vehemence, that three of the sergeants sprang

upon him at once.

"_Gojo, que quieres?_ Dog! what do you mean?"

"Dog!" repeated the Mexican, and his right hand disappeared under his

cloak--a movement which was immediately imitated by the owners of the

white, black, brown, and greenish physiognomies by which he was

surrounded. The three Spaniards stepped back as precipitately as they

had advanced. Meanwhile, the fourth sergeant approached the table, and,

seizing upon the cards, invited the company to stake their money against

a bank which he put down. The effect of this invitation was no less

extraordinary than rapid. The same men who, an instant before, had been

ready to espouse their countryman's quarrel to the death--for such had

been the meaning of the mysterious fumbling under the cloaks--no sooner

perceived that the cards had changed masters, than they called to the

Mexican with one voice--

"_Por el amor de Dios, senor_--leave us in peace, and God be with your

senoria!"

"Ay, go, and the devil take you!" growled the Spaniards.

The young man gazed in turn at his countrymen and at the sergeants; and

then, as if struck by the curious contrast between the courtesy of the

former and the rudeness of the latter, he laughed right out, swept

together his winnings, and walked away from the table, whistling a

bolero.

The sort of ramble which the masked cavalier now commenced through the

adjoining saloons, seemed for some time to have no particular object. He

strutted across one, paused for a moment in the next to take a sip out

of a friend's liqueur glass, dipped a biscuit into the chocolate of one

acquaintance, and helped another to finish his sangaree; and so lounged

and loitered about, till he found himself in the last of the suite of

rooms, which was then unoccupied. Stepping up to a door at the further

end of the apartment, he knocked at it, at the same time uttering the

words, "_Ave Maria purissima!_"

The door was opened.

"_Sin peccado concebida!_" added the Mexican, when he saw that the

occupants of the room did not make the usual reply to his pious but

customary salutation. "For God's sake, senores, is there neither piety

nor politeness among ye? Could you not say, '_Sin peccado concebida?_'"

CHAPTER THE SECOND.

"Verdades dire en camisa,

Poco menos que desnuda."

QUEVEDO.

The company assembled in the room which the masked cavalier entered

consisted of some five-and-twenty young men, in whose picturesque

Spanish-Mexican costume, velvets, silk, and gold embroidery had been

employed with lavish profusion. The air of scornful superciliousness

with which they glanced at the intruder, and the indifference with which

they seemed to regard the heaps of gold that lay glittering on the

table, denoted them to be practised gamblers, or, which in Mexico is the

same thing, noblemen of the highest rank. The saloon was richly

furnished; chairs, sofas, and tables of the most costly woods, and

splendidly gilt, cushions, drapery, and chandeliers, after the newest

fashion.

"Sixteen to the doubloon!" cried the new-comer, apparently noways

abashed by the contemptuous manner of his reception, as he stepped up to

the table, and placed a roll of dollars upon a card.

"_No pueden._ It cannot be," replied the banker, pushing back the silver

with his wooden rake.

"It cannot be," echoed several of the players in the same short

contemptuous tone. "_Una sociedad con fuero._ A private and privileged

society."

"_Una sociedad con fuero!_" repeated the stranger, shaking his head.

"All due respect for _fueros_, so long as they are respected and

respectable. But know you not, Senores, that _our_ fuero is the older

one?"

"Thy fuero older, _gato_?" drawled one of the noblemen.

"Ay, truly is it. 'Tis the fuero of the carnival, and dates from the

time that Mother Church first fell into her dotage."

"Mother Church in her dotage! Knave, what mean ye?"

"Your Senorias need only look into the street to see what I mean. She

has practised folly till she has become a fool. 'Tis just like the

mother country, who has drunk Mexican blood till she has grown

bloodthirsty."

The young cavaliers became suddenly attentive.

"_Paz! Senor_;" said the banker, "such words are dangerous. Begone, in

God's name, and beware of the alguazils and the Cordelada."[12]

"_Paz!_" replied the stranger; "peace, do you say? Would you have peace

and quiet? They are no more to be found in Mexico. Quiet!" repeated he,

with a fiery enthusiasm in his voice and gesture, "you will have as

little of it as Pedrillo had--

"No rest by day

No sleep by night,

For poor Pedrillo,

The luckless wight."

And he broke, on a sudden, into the beautiful and piquant air of

Pedrillo, which he sang with a taste and spirit that made the assembled

cavaliers gaze at him open-mouthed. At the same moment, a guitar and

castanets were heard in the adjoining room, accompanying the song.

Either the charm of the surprise, or the originality of the individual

who thus appositely introduced this popular fragment from the

masterpiece of a favourite composer, produced an electrifying effect

upon the young noblemen. They sprang from their chairs, and, at the

conclusion of the song, a score of doubloons fell ringing at the feet of

the singer.

"_Otra vez!_ Encore, encore!" was the universal cry.

"Senorias," said the banker, who alone appeared dissatisfied at this

interruption, and now approached the stranger; "I warn you, Senorias! I

recognise in this _caballero_"--he spoke the word in an ironical and

depreciating tone--"the same _gentilhombre_ whom the alguazils were so

lately seeking. Beware! his presence may get us into trouble."

"Ha! are you the fellow who played the alguazils such a trick?" cried

several of the young men.

Instead of replying, the stranger stamped with his foot; and, as if the

stamp had been the blow of an enchanter's wand, two folding-doors,

opposite to those by which he had entered the apartment, suddenly

opened, and four dancing figures, with flesh-coloured silk masks upon

their faces, and clothed in tightly-fitting dresses of the same

material, bounded into the room.

"Senorias! _Por el amor de Dios!_" cried the banker, imploringly.

As he spoke, two guitar-players, who accompanied the dancers, began

twanging their instruments; and the young men, absorbed in contemplation

of the graceful and luxuriant forms of the two female dancers, paid no

attention to his entreaties and warnings. Hastily gathering up his bank,

he packed it into a box, and left the saloon with all possible despatch.

And now, to the music of the guitars and the clatter of the castanets,

the two couples of dancers began a performance, of which the most vivid

pen would fail to portray the graceful and fascinating voluptuousness.

They commenced with the bolero, and thence glided, with a stamping of

the feet and whirling of the arms, into the more licentious fandango.

But the sensual character of the latter dance was so far veiled and

refined by the grace and elegance of the dancers, that what is usually

a mere appeal to the senses, became in their performances the very

poetry of motion. The young noblemen remained as though entranced, their

eyes fixed upon the dancers, and totally unable to give utterance to

their delight. While thus absorbed, they were suddenly startled by a

hoarse inarticulate sound, proceeding from the further corner of the

room. At the same moment the dance ceased; dancers and musicians retired

through the door by which they had entered, and a figure became visible

that will probably excite the astonishment of the reader as much as it

did that of the young cavaliers who now first perceived it.

Upon an ottoman extending along one side of the apartment, there

reclined, in a half-lying, half-sitting posture, a person whose dress

was that of a Moslem of the highest rank. His robe and turban were both

green, and in the folds of the latter was interwoven a chain, or wreath,

of precious stones, of extraordinary beauty and apparent value. In

striking contrast with this rich attire were the features of the Turk,

which were singularly repulsive. A low forehead receded from above a

pair of bluish-grey eyes, in the glazed, hard look of which, perfidy,

cruelty, and pride seemed to have taken up their abode. From between the

eyes protruded a long nose, curved like that of a bird of prey, over an

upper lip indicative of gluttony and the coarsest animal propensities;

the mouth was large, the lower lip hung relaxed and slavering over a

long square chin. The complexion was in good keeping with the false and

malignant expression of the countenance, being of an indefinite tint,

that could be classed under no particular colour.

"_Por el amor de Dios!_" cried the young noblemen, now really alarmed.

"What is this? What does it mean?" And they hesitatingly approached the

ottoman, and then again shrunk back, as if scared by some loathsome and

unnatural object.

Beside the figure two other Moslems were kneeling, one in a green, the

other in a snow-white turban. Their hands were folded upon their

breasts, and their faces bowed till they almost touched the carpet.

"Brr!" growled the Moslem in a tone more like the grunt of a wild boar

than the voice of a human being, and stretching himself peevishly out

upon the ottoman. His kneeling attendants started, rose respectfully to

their feet, and taking a step backwards, began conversing in a subdued

tone, and without appearing aware of the presence of the Mexicans, who

on their part were so bewildered by this strange scene that they seemed

to have lost the power of speech and movement.

"Zil ullah!" exclaimed he of the white turban. "Allah be with us! His

sublimity has again spoken! Spoken, but how little!" added he in a

disconsolate tone. "Right willingly would Ben Haddi commence this very

day a barefooted pilgrimage"----

"And Bultshere," interrupted the other, "would kiss the black stone of

Ararat"----

"If," resumed the first speaker, "his sublimity might be thereby healed

of his malady. Zil ullah! 'Tis three days since his highness tasted of

the bean of Mocha, or of the glorious juice that transports the true

believer, while yet living, into the realms of Paradise."

"Three days," continued his companion, "since he deigned to permit the

soft caresses of the beauteous Zuleima, or the ardent embraces of the

dark-eyed Fatima. What can be the cause?"

"Indigestion," quoth Green-turban.

"Cares of state," rejoined White-turban. "We must amuse his highness.

There are new Almas and Odalisques arrived. He will perhaps deign to

witness their performance."

And so saying, he approached the Caliph, for such was the high rank of

the personage whom the sitting Moslem was intended to represent, and

throwing himself prostrate on the ground, preferred his request.

A reply was returned in a sort of affirmative grunt, whereupon the

vizier arose in great joy, stepped back to his former place, and after

giving three distinct but not loud stamps upon the floor, retreated with

his companion into a corner of the room. Scarcely had he done so, when,

to the redoubled astonishment of the Mexican cavaliers, the

folding-doors again flew open, and four couples of dancers tripped in,

attired in costumes so rich and magnificent as to eclipse even that of

the Caliph. They were followed by four negroes, two of whom bore guitars

of Moorish make and appearance, the third the East Indian _tomtom_ or

drum, and the fourth the Persian flute.

For a brief space the eight dancers stood in mute expectation, awaiting

a signal to begin. This was given by a Brr! from the Sultan, who at the

same time vouchsafed to raise his head, and manifest an intention of

witnessing the entertainment offered him.

An adagio on the guitars, gradually increasing in volume, and in which

the tap of the tomtom mingled like the rolling of distant thunder,

opened the dance. Then came the sharp and yet mellow clack of the

dancers' castanets, and finally the soft tones of the flute, blending

the whole into harmony. The dancers seemed to follow and imitate by

their action each change of the music: at first, and with wonderful

grace and elegance, they fell into a group or _tableau_, their silken

scarfs, of transparent texture and bright and varied colours, floating

in the air like rainbows, behind which glanced the houri-like forms of

the women. Presently the music glided from the adagio into the allegro;

the steps of the dancers became quicker, their gestures more animated,

the play of their limbs more voluptuous. With the exception of one

couple, every glance and movement of the performers seemed directed or

aimed at the Caliph. This couple consisted of the most sylph-like and

exquisitely formed of the four female dancers, and of a Persian warrior,

who was pursuing her, and from whom she strove coyly to escape. With

admirable grace and skill did these two figures detach themselves from

their companions, in order to continue a while their simulated flight

and pursuit. The fairy feet of the fugitive scarcely touched the ground,

and such charm and fascination were in her movements that the Caliph

several times raised his eyelids and gave a grunt of approval. At each

of these indications on the part of the despot, the anxiety of the poor

Persian seemed to increase till it bordered on despair, and so naturally

was this despair portrayed as to draw a loud bravo from the spectators:

only the Caliph appeared insensible to the refined play of these elegant

dancers. Once or twice, indeed, his dull eyes seemed to emit a ray of

animal delight, but this quickly faded away; and even the triumph of the

Persian, when his mistress finally fell panting and yielding into his

arms, was insufficient to rekindle it.

"Brr!" cried the Commander of the Faithful, in the same harsh grunting

voice as before; "and you call that pastime, that which we have seen a

thousand and one times? By the beard of the Prophet, vizier," he

continued in a louder tone, "if I have no sleep to-day, nor appetite

to-morrow, there is the bowstring for you, and the stake for your

Almas!"

At this terrible threat the vizier stood speechless with horror, while

the mouth of the alarmed emir gaped to an unnatural extent: the dancers

paused, as though suddenly turned to stone, in the very same posture in

which the menace of the Caliph had surprised them. One of the

_bayaderes_ remained with her leg in a horizontal position, the point of

her toe almost in her partner's open mouth; another, in the terror of

the moment, had entangled her foot in the ample robe of the emir, who

now began to run up and down in his extremity of consternation,

compelling her to dance after him on one leg; in short, all the actors

in this strange scene expressed so naturally, by dumb show, their

amazement and alarm, that the Caliph burst into a loud fit of laughter.

"Allah Akbar!" cried vizier and emir and dancers, with one voice, and

then all burst forth in loud praises of the goodness of Allah, who,

through the agency of his slaves, had done so great a wonder, and

extracted a refreshing laugh from his highness. This unanimous

demonstration of affection on the part of his loving subjects, seemed

pleasing to the potentate. He nodded, and the emir, encouraged by this

sign of approbation, ventured to draw nearer.

"With all submission"--he began.

"By the Prophet's beard!" interrupted the Caliph, "we know what thou

wouldst say before it is spoken. We require not a vizier to talk, but to

act as a leech, and draw blood where it is too rich or corrupt. How

thinkest thou? If I were to impale one of these lazy dancers, would

terror make the others dance better?"

"On the contrary, please your highness, it would lame them. 'Twere

better to impale a swine from the herd called the people--one who

possesses zechins. Your highness's treasury is empty, and these Almas

are as poor as the mice in the churches of the Giaours, and withal right

useful servants of the state."

"Thou sayest well; by the Prophet, they _are_ useful servants of the

state," cried the Caliph, stroking his belly as he spoke, "and they may

be assured of our grace and favour. Strike off the heads of some dozen

or two knaves in the quarter of the Bezestein, and let the half of their

zechins be given to these poor devils."

There was a gentle tapping at the door, which the vizier hastened to

open, and returned with the news that the chief of the mollahs humbly

solicited the favour of an audience.

"Again cares of state, and nothing but cares of state!" groaned the

Caliph, allowing his head to fall on his breast as if in reflection.

"'Tis well," he said at last in a peevish tone. "We will receive the

spiritual shepherd of our kingdom. Away with these mummers! 'tis not

fitting that the expounder of the Koran should find us in such carnal

company."

Dancers and musicians now stepped into the background, and the doors

opened to admit the tall figure of the head mollah, who entered with

eyes fixed upon the floor; and, on finding himself in presence of the

Caliph, knelt down and touched the carpet with his forehead.

"Speak thy business," said the Sultan, "and quickly. We have been

already much engrossed with affairs of government, more, perhaps, than

is good for the feeble state of our bodily health."

"Bismillah!" quoth the high priest gravely, "we have caused prayers to

be offered up from each minaret of the mosques, and have commanded that

all true believers should bestrew themselves with dust and ashes. We

have sent men upon the holy pilgrimage, and to kiss the black stone of

Ararat in order that the sufferings of your sublimity may be

alleviated."

"Thou hast done well, oh mollah!" replied the Sultan.

"Luminary of the World, whose light is brighter than the sun," continued

the head mollah; "we have also, with regard to this malady of your

highness, consulted the book that serves us instead of all the wisdom of

the Giaour, and therein have we found that Haroun al Raschid was

afflicted with a like evil, which he unquestionably brought on himself

through too great attention to the duties of his government."

"Hold there, mollah!" interrupted the Caliph in a voice of thunder, "and

weigh thy words before thou speakest. Duties of government, sayest thou?

Duties! Who has duties? A worm like myself, that we have been pleased to

exalt out of the dust; but we have nought to do either with such

reptiles or with duty; we, the vicar of the Prophet. Our pleasure is

your duty, and our will your law."

"Doubtless, doubtless, Light of the World," cried the mollah, hastening

to correct his error. "Thy unworthy servant meant to say, pleasures.

When Haroun al Raschid found himself in similar moments of suffering and

despondency, which he unquestionably brought on by too great attention

to his pleasures"--

"Slave!" again interrupted the Caliph, "dost thou mock us, saying that

our glorious ancestor exhausted himself with pleasures, thus striving to

make it appear that we do the same? Do we not each day perform nine

times nine prostrations, our face towards Mecca? Did we not, no longer

back than yesterday, sign our name full twenty times to the

death-warrants of those scurvy and unbelieving hounds who dared to

blaspheme us, the Prophet's vicegerent, and to say in the

Bezestein--What said the dogs? Have we not given orders to hang, impale,

and exterminate like noisome vermin, all those who dare in any way to

think or have an opinion? Have we not made this order public, to the

great glorification of the Prophet and of our own name?"

The Caliph paused for a moment. Then turning suddenly to the

mollah--"You may inform us," said he, "what our ancestor Haroun al

Raschid was wont to do when afflicted like ourselves with heaviness of

spirit."

"Bismillah!" again began the mollah. "When Haroun al Raschid was thus

afflicted, he applied to the book which we have brought with us, and

which your highness, if he so pleases, can see and even read"--

"Miserable wretch!" thundered the Caliph, with a glance of scorn at the

speaker and his book. "Wherefore do we maintain you, and those like you,

if it is not to do for us what we hold it beneath our dignity to do for

ourselves? And is not the reading of books beneath our dignity? Do not

all books contain the ideas and notions of a pack of scoundrels, who

talk about things which they do not understand, and that in no wise

concern them? Have we not decreed that the bowstring should be the

portion of all those who are reported to be either writers or readers of

books? And have we not therefore taken into our service a parcel of

idlers, of whom thou art the chief, and whose duty it is to read and

think for the whole of our people?"

"And why should the Light of the World read?" replied the mollah after a

respectful pause. "He who is already the source of all earthly wisdom,

the joy and admiration of all nations? How shall I express my

wonder--how shall I sufficiently praise his high qualities?"--

"Stop, mollah!" cried the Caliph. "Know that it does not please us to be

praised or wondered at by such as thou. Truly thy praises stink in our

nostrils, and are as discords in our ears. It becometh not worms like

thyself, whom we have raised from the dirt, and can again dash back into

it, to seek to spy out our good qualities, lest at the same time they

should discern"--our bad ones, the Caliph would probably have said, but

he left the sentence unfinished.

"Thou shouldst look up at us," continued he, "as to the sun, in which

neither good nor evil can be seen, but of which the presence is known by

its effects. And now tell us what Haroun al Raschid did, when assailed

by despondency even as we ourselves are."

"Allah Akbar! Haroun al Raschid, when afflicted like your highness, was

wont to disguise himself in various ways, as a merchant, a soldier, or a

sailor"----

"All that is well known to us," interposed the Caliph; "but although we

are disposed to follow the example of our glorious ancestor so far as we

can, without too great exertion of mind or body, yet we doubt whether

just now we---- Thou knowest," he continued, interrupting himself, and

in a lower tone, "that although Haroun al Raschid was certainly our

forefather, yet our blood, improving by descent, is even purer and more

illustrious than his. We cannot, therefore, condescend to imitate him in

the way you speak of. But we will undertake a work that shall be far

more pleasing to the Prophet. With our own hands will we embroider a

twelfth under petticoat for his blessed mother, so that she may have one

for each month in the year."

During the latter part of this dialogue, a whispering had been more than

once audible at the door of the apartment. This circumstance, implying

the presence of listeners, might well endanger the necks of the daring

representatives of the Caliph and his courtiers; but nevertheless,

without allowing themselves to be discomposed by the vicinity of spies,

the Moslems had played out their parts, and the Caliph now rose from his

ottoman with all the dignity of an eastern despot, repeating, as he did

so, to his attendants, what great things he would do, and how he would

stitch with his own hands a twelfth under petticoat for the mother of

the Prophet. The procession had nearly reached the door by which it had

entered, when one of the young Mexicans, recovering apparently from the

state of inaction in which this extraordinary scene had plunged him and

his companions, suddenly sprang forward, gazed earnestly in the face of

the Caliph, and then started back again with a cry of horror.

"_Por el amor de Dios! Fernando el Rey!_ 'Tis his majesty, King

Ferdinand!" cried the young nobleman. "Stop, traitor!" he exclaimed,

again advancing and endeavouring to seize the Caliph. But even in this

moment of peril, the latter did not forget his assumed dignity. With a

look of the most profound contempt he strode out of the apartment, while

the gigantic mollah, seizing the Creole by the collar, raised him from

the ground like a feather, and hurling him back into the room, followed

the Commander of the Faithful, and shut the door.

Before the Mexican cavaliers had recovered from their alarm at the

daring and treasonable dramatic satire of which they had so unwittingly

been made spectators, the other doors were thrown violently open, and

several alguazils burst into the apartment. After a hurried glance round

the room, perceiving that the objects of their search had disappeared,

they darted out again at the opposite door, and hastened through the

adjacent saloons, uttering loud curses and cries of treason. This

furious but fruitless chase led them through the whole suite of

apartments, till they came round again to the room where the young

noblemen were still assembled.

"_Todos diabolos!_" cried one of the police agents, running to the

window, "yonder go the villains, they have escaped us this

time.--Demonio!" vociferated he, with a fury that made the foam fly from

his lips.

"And so, Caballeros!" snarled he to the Creoles, who now stood in

trembling alarm, and fully enlightened by the rage of the alguazils as

to the enormity of the treasonable pasquinade they had witnessed; "so

you have been pleased to take the person of his most sacred majesty for

your sport and laughing-stock?"

"Don Bautista, on our honour, we knew not."

"By _our_ honour," yelled another alguazil, "you shall pay for this with

your heads, Creole hounds that ye are!"

"Don Iago," cried the insulted cavaliers in a threatening tone, "we say

that on our _honour_"----

"Say what you please," interrupted the alguazil, "but I tell you that if

I were viceroy"----

"Your turn may come. You are a born Gachupin," cried one of the

cavaliers with a bitter sneer.

"I am a Spaniard," retorted the other; "and you are nothing but wretched

Creoles; vile, miserable Creoles; _y basta!_"

The very earth-worm will turn when trodden upon, and this last insult

was too much even for Creole endurance. The young men made a furious

rush at the alguazil; but he had foreseen the storm and effected a

timely retreat.

Hundreds of Creoles of the middle classes, Metises, Zambos, and

Spaniards, had assembled in the adjoining apartment, and looked on at

the scene without showing any sympathy either with the police or the

young Mexicans. The latter gazed for a second or two at each other in

perplexity and dismay, and then separating, disappeared through the

different doors.

Some extraordinary scenes and incidents grow out of this masquerade, or

rather out of the punishment to which the young noblemen who witnessed

it are sentenced. But, lest we should exceed our limits, we must reserve

further extracts for a second notice of this very remarkable book.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 5: Gachupin is an untranslatable word of Mexican origin. The

Spaniards asserted it to mean a hero on horseback; the Indians and

coloured races, who applied it as a term of contempt and reproach to the

Spaniards and their dependent Creoles, understood by it a thief.]

[Footnote 6: The word Leperos, which, literally translated, means

lepers, is the term applied to the homeless and houseless wretches who

are to be seen wandering by thousands about the city and suburbs of

Mexico. They consist of beggars, mechanics, writers, and even artists.

The most industrious amongst them work one, or at most two, days in the

week, and the dress of these consists of thin trousers, a sort of cloak,

and a straw hat. Their dwelling is in any hole or corner, under the

arcades of the houses, or in the mud cottages of the suburbs. Some of

the work they produce is wonderful for its beauty and ingenuity. They

manufacture the finest gold chains, surpassing any thing of the kind

that is to be found in Europe. Their statuettes and images of saints are

often masterpieces. During the revolution their character as a class

became materially worse. There are more than ten thousand of them who do

literally nothing, possess nothing, and lie about the streets stark

naked, with the exception of a tattered woollen blanket.]

[Footnote 7: The chapel of the Redeemer of Atolnico is situated on the

summit of a steep and high mountain, two and a half leagues from Miguel

el Grande, and is much resorted to by pilgrims. On the high altar are

statues of the Saviour, the Virgin Mary, and Mary Magdalen, of solid

silver, studded with rubies and emeralds. There are also in the same

church thirty other altars, with statues as large as life, pillars,

crosses, and candlesticks, all of the same metal. The sums that are each

year offered up at this shrine, are said to amount to considerably more

than one hundred thousand dollars.]

[Footnote 8: A monotonous species of dance.]

[Footnote 9: Creoles are born in Mexico of white parents. The Metises

are the descendants of whites and Indians, the Mulattoes of whites and

Negroes, the Zambos, or Chinos, of Negroes and Indians. The unmixed

races are Spaniards, Creoles, Indians, and Negroes. _Salta-atras_,

literally, a spring backwards, is the term applied to those of whom the

mothers were of a whiter race than the fathers.]

[Footnote 10: The Spaniards, at the period here referred to, (1812,) the

rulers and tyrants of Mexico, were estimated at 60,000 souls, or

one-twentieth of the white population of the country.]

[Footnote 11: Anahuac, the ancient name of Mexico. Mexitli, the god of

war of the Mexicans. Guatemozin, the last Mexican emperor. He was

tortured in the time of Cortes, to induce him to reveal the place where

his treasures were concealed; and subsequently hung for conspiracy, by

order of the same Spanish chief.]

[Footnote 12: One of the three principal prisons in Mexico.]

_Edinburgh: Printed by Ballantyne and Hughes, Paul's Work._

Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine - Volume 57, No. 352, February 1845 · 第 6 / 6 章