CHAPTER XIV

THEORIES OF ART: MUSIC

The finest theory finds its value only in the works by which it is

exemplified. With Tolstoy theory and creation are always hand in hand,

like faith and action. While he was elaborating his critique of art

he was producing types of the new art of which he spoke: of two forms

of art, one higher and one less exalted, but both "religious" in the

most human sense. In one he sought the union of men through love;

in the other he waged war upon the world, the enemy of love. It was

during this period that he wrote those masterpieces: _The Death of Ivan

Ilyitch_ (1884-86), the _Popular Tales and Stories_ (1881-1886), _The

Power of Darkness_ (1886), the _Kreutzer Sonata_ (1889), and _Master

and Servant_ (1895).[1] At the height and end of this artistic period,

like a cathedral with two spires, the one symbolising eternal love and

the other the hatred of the world, stands _Resurrection_ (1899).

All these works are distinguished from their predecessors by new

artistic qualities. Tolstoy's ideas had suffered a change, not alone

in respect of the object of art, but also in respect of its form. In

reading _What is Art?_ or _Shakespeare_ we are struck by the principles

of art which Tolstoy has enounced in these two books; for these

principles are for the most part in contradiction to the greatest of

his previous works. "Clearness, simplicity, conciseness," we read

in _What is Art?_ Material effects are despised; minute realism is

condemned; and in _Shakespeare_ the classic ideal of perfection and

proportion is upheld. "Without the feeling of balance no artists could

exist." And although in his new work the unregenerate man, with his

genius for analysis and his native savagery, is not entirely effaced,

some aspects of the latter quality being even emphasised, his art is

profoundly modified in some respects: the design is clearer, more

vigorously accented; the minds of his characters are epitomised,

foreshortened; the interior drama is intensified, gathered upon itself

like a beast of prey about to spring; the emotion has a quality of

universality; and is freed of all transitory details of local realism;

and finally the diction is rich in illustrations, racy, and smacking of

the soil.

His love of the people had long led him to appreciate the beauty of the

popular idiom. As a child he had been soothed by the tales of mendicant

story-tellers. As a grown man and a famous writer, he experienced an

artistic delight in chatting with his peasants.

"These men," he said in later years to M. Paul Boyer,[2] "are masters.

Of old, when I used to talk with them, or with the wanderers who,

wallet on shoulder, pass through our countryside, I used carefully

to note such of their expressions as I heard for the first time

expressions often forgotten by our modern literary dialect, but always

good old Russian currency, ringing sound.... Yes, the genius of the

language lives in these men."

He must have been the more sensitive to such elements of the language

in that his mind was not encumbered with literature.[3] Through living

far from any city, in the midst of peasants, he came to think a little

in the manner of the people. He had the slow dialectic, the common

sense which reasons slowly and painfully, step by step, with sudden

disconcerting leaps, the mania for repeating any idea when he was once

convinced, of repeating it unwearingly and indefinitely, and in the

same words.[4]

But these were faults rather than qualities. It was many years before

he became aware of the latent genius of the popular tongue; the

raciness of its images, its poetic crudity, its wealth of legendary

wisdom. Even at the time of writing _War and Peace_ he was already

subject to its influence. In March, 1872, he wrote to Strakov:

"I have altered the method of my diction and my writing. The language

of the people has sounds to express all that the poet can say, and it

is very dear to me. It is the best poetic regulator. If you try to say

anything superfluous, too emphatic, or false, the language will not

suffer it. Whereas our literary tongue has no skeleton, you may pull it

about in every direction, and the result is always something resembling

literature."

To the people he owed not only models of style; he owed them many

of his inspirations. In 1877 a teller of _bylines_ came to Yasnaya

Polyana, and Tolstoy took notes of several of his stories. Of the

number was the legend _By what do Men live?_ and _The Three Old Men_,

which became, as we know, two of the finest of the _Popular Tales and

Legends_ which Tolstoy published a few years later.[5]

This is a work unique in modern art. It is higher than art: for who, in

reading it, thinks of literature? The spirit of the Gospel and the pure

love of the brotherhood of man are combined with the smiling geniality

of the wisdom of the people. It is full of simplicity, limpidity, and

ineffable goodness of heart; and that supernatural radiance which from

time to time--so naturally and inevitably--bathes the whole picture;

surrounding the old Elias[6] like a halo, or hovering in the cabin of

the cobbler Michael; he who, through his skylight on the ground-level,

sees the feet of people passing, and whom the Lord visits in the guise

of the poor whom the good cobbler has succoured.[7] Sometimes in these

tales the parables of the Gospel are mingled with a vague perfume of

Oriental legends, of those _Thousand and One Nights_ which Tolstoy had

loved since childhood.[8] Sometimes, again, the fantastic light takes

on a sinister aspect, lending the tale a terrifying majesty. Such is

_Pakhom the Peasant_,[9] the tale of the man who kills himself in

acquiring a great surface of and--all the land which he can encircle by

walking for a whole day--and who dies on completing his journey.

"On the hill the _starschina_, sitting on the ground, watched him as he

ran; and he cackled, holding his stomach with both hands. And Pakhom

fell.

"'Ah! Well done, my merry fellow! You have won a mighty lot of land!'

"The _starschina_ rose, and threw a mattock to Pakhom's servant.

"'There he is: bury him.'

"The servant was alone. He dug a ditch for Pakhom, just as long as from

his feet to his head: two yards, and he buried him."

Nearly all these tales conceal, beneath their poetic envelope, the same

evangelical moral of renunciation and pardon.

"Do not avenge thyself upon whosoever shall offend thee.[10]

"Do not resist whosoever shall do thee evil.[11]

"Vengeance is Mine, saith the Lord."[12]

And everywhere, and as the conclusion of all, is love.

Tolstoy, who wished to found an art for all men, achieved universality

at the first stroke. Throughout the world his work has met with a

success which can never fail, for it is purged of all the perishable

elements of art, and nothing is left but the eternal.

_The Power of Darkness_ does not rise to this august simplicity of

heart: it does not pretend to do so. It is the reverse side of the

picture. On the one hand is the dream of divine love; on the other, the

ghastly reality. We may judge, in reading this play, whether Tolstoy's

faith and his love of the people ever caused him to idealise the people

or betray the truth.

Tolstoy, so awkward in most of his dramatic essays,[13] has here

attained to mastery. The characters and the action, are handled

with ease; the coxcomb Nikita, the sensual, headstrong passion of

Anissia, the cynical good-humour of the old woman, Matrena, who gloats

maternally over the adultery of her son, and the sanctity of the old

stammering Hakim--God inhabiting a ridiculous body. Then comes the fall

of Nikita, weak and without real evil, but fettered by his sin; falling

to the depths of crime in spite of his efforts to check himself on the

dreadful declivity; but his mother and his wife drag him downward....

"The peasants aren't worth much.... But the _babas!_ The women! They

are wild animals ... they are afraid of nothing! ... Sisters, there

are millions of you, all Russians, and you are all as blind as moles.

You know nothing, you know nothing!... The moujik at least may manage

to learn something--in the drink-shop, or who knows where?--in prison,

or in the barracks; but the _baba_--what can she know? She has seen

nothing, heard nothing. As she has grown up, so she will die.... They

are like little blind puppies who go running here and there and ramming

their heads against all sorts of filth.... They only know their silly

songs: 'Ho--o--o! Ho--o--o!' What does it mean? Ho--o--o?

They don't know!"[14]

Then comes the terrible scene of the murder of the new-born child.

Nikita does not want to kill it. Anissia, who has murdered her husband

for him, and whose nerves have ever since been tortured by her crime,

becomes ferocious, maddened, and threatens to give him up. She cries:

"At least I shan't be alone any longer! He'll be a murderer too 1 Let

him know what it's like!" Nikita crushes the child between two boards.

In the midst of his crime he flies, terrified; he threatens to kill

Anissia and his mother; he sobs, he prays:--

"Little mother, I can't go on!" He thinks he hears the mangled baby

crying.

"Where shall I go to be safe?"

It is Shakespearean. Less violent, but still more poignant, is the

dialogue of the little girl and the old servant-woman, who, alone

in the house, at night, hear and guess at the crime which is being

enacted off the stage.

The end is voluntary expiation. Nikita, accompanied by his father, the

old Hakim, enters barefooted, in the midst of a wedding. He kneels,

asks pardon of all, and accuses himself of every crime. Old Hakim

encourages him, looks upon him with a smile of ecstatic suffering.

"God! Oh, look at him, God!"

The drama gains quite a special artistic flavour by the use of the

peasant dialect.

"I ransacked my notebooks in order to write _The Power of Darkness_,"

Tolstoy told M. Paul Boyer.

The unexpected images, flowing from the lyrical yet humorous soul of

the Russian people, have a swing and a vigour about them beside which

images of the more literary quality seem tame and colourless. Tolstoy

revelled in them; we feel, in reading the play, that the artist while

writing it amused himself by noting these expressions, these turns of

thought; the comic side of them by no means escapes him,[15] even while

the apostle is mourning amidst the dark places of the human soul.

While he was studying the people, and sending into their darkness a

ray of light from his station above them, he was also devoting two

tragic romances to the still darker night of the middle classes and

the wealthy. At this period the dramatic form was predominant over his

ideas of art. The _Death of Ivan Ilyitch_ and _The Kreutzer Sonata_ are

both true dramas of the inner soul, of the soul turned upon itself and

concentrated upon itself, and in _The Kreutzer Sonata_ it is the hero

of the drama himself who unfolds it by narration.

_The Death of Ivan Ilyitch_ (1884-86) has impressed the French public

as few Russian works have done. At the beginning of this study I

mentioned that I had witnessed the sensation caused by this book among

the middle-class readers in the French provinces, a class apparently

indifferent to literature and art. I think the explanation lies in the

fact that the book represents, with a painful realism, a type of the

average, mediocre man; a conscientious functionary, without religion,

without ideals, almost without thought; the man who is absorbed in

his duties, in his mechanical life, until the hour of his death,

when he sees with terror that he has not lived. Ivan Ilyitch is the

representative type of the European _bourgeoisie_ of 1880 which reads

Zola, goes to hear Bernhardt, and, without holding any faith, is not

even irreligious; for it does not take the trouble either to believe or

to disbelieve; it simply never thinks of such matters.

In the violence of its attacks, alternately bitter and almost comic,

upon the world in general, and marriage in particular, the _Death

of Ivan Ilyitch_ was the first of a new series of works; it was the

forerunner of the still more morose and unworldly _Kreutzer Sonata_

and _Resurrection_. There is a lamentable yet laughable emptiness

in this life (as there is in thousands and thousands of lives),

with its grotesque ambitions, its wretched gratification of vanity,

"always better than spending the evening opposite one's wife"; with

its weariness and hatred of the official career; its privileges, and

the embitterment which they cause; and its one real pleasure: whist.

This ridiculous life is lost for a cause yet more ridiculous--a fall

from a ladder, one day when Ivan wished to hang a curtain over the

drawing-room window. The lie of life. The lie of sickness. The lie

of the well-to-do doctor, who thinks only of himself. The lie of the

family, whom illness disgusts. The lie of the wife, who professes

devotion, and calculates how she will live when her husband is

dead. The universal lie, against which is set only the truth of a

compassionate servant, who does not try to conceal his condition from

the dying man, and helps him out of brotherly kindness. Ivan Ilyitch,

"full of an infinite pity for himself," weeps over his loneliness and

the egoism of men; he suffers horribly, until the day on which he

perceives that his past life has been a lie, and that he can repair

that lie. Immediately all becomes clear--an hour before his death. He

no longer thinks of himself; he thinks of his family; he pities them;

he _must_ die and rid them of himself.

"Where are you, Pain? Here.... Well, you have only to persist.--And

Death, where is Death? He did not find it. In place of Death he saw

only a ray of light. 'It is over,' said some one.--He heard these

words and repeated them to himself. 'Death no longer exists,' he told

himself."

In _The Kreutzer Sonata_ there is not even this "ray of light." It

is a ferocious piece of work; Tolstoy lashes out at society like a

wounded beast avenging itself for what it has suffered. We must not

forget that the story is the confession of a human brute, who has

taken life, and who is poisoned by the virus of jealousy. Tolstoy

hides himself behind his leading character. We certainly find his own

ideas, though heightened in tone, in these furious invectives against

hypocrisy in general; the hypocrisy of the education of women, of love,

of marriage--marriage, that "domestic prostitution"; the hypocrisy of

the world, of science, of physicians--those "sowers of crime." But the

hero of the book impels the writer into an extraordinary brutality of

expression, a violent rush of carnal images--all the excesses of a

luxurious body--and, by reaction into all the fury of asceticism, the

fear and hatred of the passions; maledictions hurled in the face of

life by a monk of the Middle Ages, consumed with sensuality. Having

written the book Tolstoy himself was alarmed:

"I never foresaw at all," he said in the _Epilogue to the Kreutzer

Sonata_,"[16] that in writing this book a rigorous logic would bring me

where I have arrived. My own conclusions terrified me at first, and I

was tempted to reject them; but it was impossible for me to refuse to

hear the voice of my reason and my conscience."

He found himself repeating, in calmer tones, the savage outcry of the

murderer Posdnicheff against love and marriage.

"He who regards woman--above all his wife--with sensuality, already

commits adultery with her."

"When the passions have disappeared, then humanity will no longer have

a reason for being; it will have executed the Law; the union of mankind

will be accomplished."

He will prove, on the authority of the Gospel according to Matthew,

that "the Christian ideal is not marriage; that Christian marriage

cannot exist; that marriage, from the Christian point of view, is an

element not of progress but of downfall; that love, with all that

precedes and follows it, is an obstacle to the true human ideal."[17]

But he had never formulated these ideas clearly, even to himself, until

they fell from the lips of Posdnicheff. As often happens with great

creative artists, the work carried the writer with it; the artist

outstripped the thinker; a process by which art lost nothing. In

the power of its effects, in passionate concentration, in the brutal

vividness of its impressions, and in fullness and maturity of form,

nothing Tolstoy has written equals the _Kreutzer Sonata_.

I have not explained the title. To be exact, it is erroneous; it gives

a false idea of the book, in which music plays only an accessory

part. Suppress the sonata, and all would be the same. Tolstoy made

the mistake of confusing two matters, both of which he took deeply to

heart: the depraving power of music, and the depraving power of love.

The demon of music should have been dealt with in a separate volume;

the space which Tolstoy has accorded it in the work in question is

insufficient to prove the danger which he wishes to denounce. I must

emphasise this matter somewhat; for I do not think the attitude of

Tolstoy in respect of music has ever been fully understood.

He was far from disliking music. Only the things one loves are

feared as Tolstoy feared the power of music. Remember what a place

the memories of music hold in _Childhood_, and above all in _Family

Happiness,_ in which the whole cycle of love, from its springtide

to its autumn, is unrolled to the phrases of the _Sonata quasi una

fantasia_ of Beethoven. Remember, too, the wonderful symphonies which

Nekhludov[18] hears in fancy, and the little Petia, the night before

his death.[19] Although Tolstoy had studied music very indifferently,

it used to move him to tears, and at certain periods of his life he

passionately abandoned himself to its influence. In 1858 he founded a

Musical Society, which in later years became the Moscow Conservatoire.

"He was extremely fond of music," writes his brother-in-law, S. A.

Bers. "He used to play the piano, and was fond of the classic masters.

He would often sit down to the piano before beginning his work.[20]

Probably he found inspiration in so doing. He always used to accompany

my youngest sister, whose voice he loved. I have noticed that the

sensations which the music evoked in him were accompanied by a slight

pallor and an imperceptible grimace, which seemed expressive of

fear."[21]

It was really fear that he felt; fear inspired by the stress of those

unknown forces which shook him to the roots of his being. In the world

of music he felt his moral will, his reason, and all the reality of

life dissolve. Let us turn to the scene, in the first volume of _War

and Peace_, in which Nikolas Rostoff, who has just lost heavily at

cards, returns in a state of despair. He hears his sister Natasha

singing. He forgets everything.

"He waited with a feverish impatience for the note which was about to

follow, and for a moment the only thing in all the world was the melody

in three-quarter-time: _Oh! mio crudele affetto!_

"'What an absurd existence ours is!' he thought. 'Unhappiness, money,

hatred, honour--they are all nothing.... Here is the truth, the

reality!... Natasha, my little dove!... Let us see if she is going to

reach that B?... She has reached it, thank God!'

"And to emphasise the B he sung the third octave below it in

accompaniment.

"'How splendid! I have sung it too,' he cried, and the vibration of

that octave awoke in his soul all that was best and purest. Beside this

superhuman sensation, what were his losses at play and his word of

honour?... Follies! One could kill, steal, and yet be happy!"

Nikolas neither kills nor steals, and for him music is only a passing

influence; but Natasha is on the point of losing her self-control.

After an evening at the Opera, "in that strange world which is

intoxicated and perverted by art, and a thousand leagues from the

real world; a world in which good and evil, the extravagant and the

reasonable, are mingled and confounded," she listened to a declaration

from Anatol Kouraguin, who was madly in love with her, and she

consented to elope with him.

The older Tolstoy grew, the more he feared music.[22] A man whose

influence over him was considerable--Auerbach, whom in 1860 he had

met in Dresden--had doubtless a hand in fortifying his prejudices. "He

spoke of music as of a _Pflichtloser Genuss_ (a profligate amusement).

According to him, it was an incentive to depravity."[23]

Among so many musicians, some of whose music is at least amoral, why,

asks M. Camille Bellaigue,[24] should Tolstoy have chosen Beethoven,

the purest, the chastest of all?--Because he was the most powerful.

Tolstoy had early loved his music, and he always loved it. His remotest

memories of _Childhood_ were connected with the _Sonata Pathétique;_

and when Nekhludov in _Resurrection_ heard the _andante_ of the

_Symphony in C Minor_, he could hardly restrain his tears: "he was

filled with tenderness for himself and for those he loved." Yet we have

seen with what animosity Tolstoy referred in his _What is Art?_[25]

to the "unhealthy works of the deaf Beethoven"; and even in 1876 the

fury with which "he delighted in demolishing Beethoven and in casting

doubts upon his genius" had revolted Tchaikowsky and had diminished his

admiration for Tolstoy. The _Kreutzer Sonata_ enables us to plumb the

depths of this passionate injustice. What does Tolstoy complain of

in Beethoven? Of his power. He reminds us of Goethe; listening to the

_Symphony in C Minor_, he is overwhelmed by it, and angrily turns upon

the imperious master who subjects him against his will.[26]

"This music," says Tolstoy, "transports me immediately into the state

of mind which was the composer's when he wrote it.... Music ought to be

a State matter, as in China. We ought not to let Tom, Dick, and Harry

wield so frightful a hypnotic power.... As for these things (the first

_Presto_ of the Sonata) one ought only to be allowed to play them under

particular and important circumstances...."

Yet we see, after this revolt, how he surrenders to the power of

Beethoven, and how this power is by his own admission a pure and

ennobling force. On hearing the piece in question, Posdnicheff falls

into an indefinable state of mind, which he cannot analyse, but of

which the consciousness fills him with delight. "There is no longer

room for jealousy." The wife is not less transfigured. She has, while

she plays, "a majestic severity of expression"; and "a faint smile,

compassionate and happy, after she has finished." What is there

perverse in all this? This: that the spirit is enslaved: that the

unknown power of sound can do with him what it wills; destroy him, if

it please.

This is true, but Tolstoy forgets one thing: the mediocrity and the

lack of vitality in the majority of those who make or listen to music.

Music cannot be dangerous to those who feel nothing. The spectacle of

the Opera-house during a performance of _Salomé_ is quite enough to

assure us of the immunity of the public to the more perverse emotions

evoked by the art of sounds. To be in danger one must be, like Tolstoy,

abounding in life. The truth is that in spite of his injustice where

Beethoven was concerned, Tolstoy felt his music more deeply than do the

majority of those who now exalt him. He, at least, knew the frenzied

passions, the savage violence, which mutter through the art of the

"deaf old man," but of which the orchestras and the virtuosi of to-day

are innocent. Beethoven would perhaps have preferred the hatred of

Tolstoy to the enthusiasm of his admirers.

[1] To these years was attributed, in respect of the date of

publication, and perhaps of completion, a work which was really written

during the happy period of betrothal and the first years of marriage:

the beautiful story of a horse, _Kholstomier_ (1861-86). Tolstoy

speaks of it in 1883 in a letter to Fet (_Further Correspondence_.)

The art of the commencement, with its fine landscapes, its penetrating

psychological sympathy, its humour, and its youth, has much in common

with the art of Tolstoy's maturity (_Family Happiness, War and Peace_),

The _macabre_ quality of the end, and the last pages comparing the

body of the old horse with that of his master, are full of a realistic

brutality characteristic of the years after 1880.

[2] _Le Temps,_ August 29, 1901.

[3] "As for style," his friend Droujinin told him in 1856, "You are

extremely illiterate; sometimes like an innovator and a great poet;

sometimes like an officer writing to a comrade. All that you write with

real pleasure is admirable. The moment you become indifferent your

style becomes involved and is horrible." (_Vie et Oeuvre._)

[4] _Vie et Oeuvre._--During the summer of 1879 Tolstoy lived on terms

of great intimacy with the peasants.

[5] In the notes of his readings, between 1860 and 1870, Tolstoy wrote:

"The _bylines_--very greatly impressed."

[6] _The Two Old Men_ (1885).

[7] _Where Love is, there God is also_ (1885).

[8] _By what do Men live?_ (1881); _The Three Old Men_ (1884); _The

Godchild_ (1886).

[9] This tale bears the sub-title, _Does a Man need much Soil?_ (1886).

[10] _The Fire that flames does not go out_ (1885).

[11] _The Wax Taper_ (1885); _The Story of Ivan the Idiot._

[12] _The Godson_ (1886).

[13] The love of the theatre came to him somewhat late in life. It was

a discovery of his, and he made this discovery during the winter of

1869-70. According to his custom, he was at once afire with enthusiasm.

"All this winter I have busied myself exclusively with the drama;

and, as always happens to men who have never, up to the age of

forty, thought about such or such a subject, when they suddenly turn

their attention to this neglected subject, it seems to them that

they perceive a number of new and wonderful things.... I have read

Shakespeare, Goethe, Pushkin, Gogol, and Molière.... I want to read

Sophocles and Euripides.... I have kept my bed a long time, being

unwell--and when I am unwell a host of comic or dramatic characters

begin to struggle for life within me ... and they do it with much

success."--Letters to Fet, February 17-21, 1870 (_Further Letters_).

[14] A variant of Act iv.

[15] The creation of this heart-breaking drama must have been a strain.

He writes to Teneromo: "I am well and happy. I have been working

all this time at my play. It is finished." (January, 1887. _Further

Letters._)

[16] A French translation of this Epilogue (_Postface_), by M.

Halpérine-Kaminsky was published in the volume _Plaisirs vicieux_,

under the title _Des relations entre les sexes._

[17] Let us take notice that Tolstoy was never guilty of the simplicity

of believing that the ideal of celibacy and absolute chastity was

capable of realisation by humanity as we know it. But according to him

an ideal is incapable of realisation by its very definition: it is an

appeal to the heroic energies of the soul.

"The conception of the Christian ideal, which is the union of all

living creatures in brotherly love, is irreconcilable with the conduct

of life, which demands a continual effort towards an ideal which is

inaccessible, but does not expect that it will ever be attained."

[18] At the end of _A Russian Proprietor._

[19] _War and Peace_.--I do not mention _Albert_ (1857), the story of a

musician of genius; the book is weak in the extreme.

[20] The period spoken of is 1876-77.

[21] S. A. Bers, _Memories of Tolstoy._

[22] But he never ceased to love it. One of the friends of his later

years was a musician, Goldenreiser, who spent the summer of 1910

near Yasnaya. Almost every day he came to play to Tolstoy during the

latter's last illness. (_Journal des Débats,_ November 18, 1910.)

[23] Letter of April 21, 1861.

[24] _Tolstoï et la musique_ (_Le Gaulois,_ January 4, 1911).

[25] Not only to the later works of Beethoven. Even in the case of

those earlier works which he consented to regard as "artistic," Tolstoy

complained of "their artificial form."--In a letter to Tchaikowsky he

contrasts with Mozart and Haydn "the artificial manner of Beethoven,

Schubert, and Berlioz, which produces calculated effects."

[26] Instance the scene described by M. Paul Boyer: "Tolstoy sat down

to play Chopin. At the end of the fourth Ballade, his eyes filled with

tears. 'Ah, the animal!' he cried. And suddenly he rose and went

out." (_Le Temps,_ November 2, 1902.)

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