BOOK I.

TRANSACTIONS FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE VOYAGE TILL OUR DEPARTURE FROM

NEW ZEALAND.

CHAP. I.

VARIOUS PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE.—OMAI’S BEHAVIOUR ON EMBARKING.—

OBSERVATIONS FOR DETERMINING THE LONGITUDE OF SHEERNESS, AND THE NORTH

FORELAND.—PASSAGE OF THE RESOLUTION FROM DEPTFORD TO PLYMOUTH.—

EMPLOYMENTS THERE.—COMPLEMENTS OF THE CREWS OF BOTH SHIPS, AND NAMES

OF THE OFFICERS.—OBSERVATIONS TO FIX THE LONGITUDE OF PLYMOUTH.—

DEPARTURE OF THE RESOLUTION.

Having, on the ninth day of February, 1776, received a commission to

command his Majesty’s sloop the Resolution, I went on board the next

day, hoisted the pendant, and began to enter men. At the same time, the

Discovery, of three hundred tons’ burthen, was purchased into the

service, and the command of her given to Captain Clerke, who had been my

second Lieutenant on board the Resolution, in my second voyage round the

world, from which we had lately returned.

These two ships were, at this time, in the dock at Deptford, under the

hands of the shipwrights; being ordered to be equipped to make farther

discoveries in the Pacific Ocean, under my direction.

On the 9th of March, the Resolution was hauled out of dock into the

river; where we completed her rigging, and took on board the stores and

provisions requisite for a voyage of such duration. Both ships, indeed,

were supplied with as much of every necessary article as we could

conveniently stow, and with the best of every kind that could be

procured. And, besides this, every thing that had been found, by the

experience acquired during our former extensive voyages, to be of any

utility in preserving the health of seamen, was supplied in abundance.

It was our intention to have sailed to Long Reach on the 6th of May,

when a pilot came on board to carry us thither; but it was the 29th

before the wind would permit us to move; and the 30th before we arrived

at that station, where our artillery, powder, shot, and other ordnance

stores were received.

While we lay in Long Reach, thus employed, the Earl of Sandwich, Sir

Hugh Palliser, and others of the Board of Admiralty, as the least mark

of the very great attention they had all along shown to this equipment,

paid us a visit on the 8th of June, to examine whether every thing had

been completed conformably to their intentions and orders, and to the

satisfaction of all who were to embark in the voyage.

They, and several other noblemen and gentlemen, their friends, honoured

me with their company at dinner on that day; and, on their coming on

board, and also on their going ashore, we saluted them with seventeen

guns, and three cheers.

With the benevolent view of conveying some permanent benefit to the

inhabitants of Otaheite, and of the other islands in the Pacific Ocean,

whom we might happen to visit, his Majesty having commanded some useful

animals to be carried out, we took on board, on the 10th, a bull, two

cows with their calves, and some sheep, with hay and corn for their

subsistence; intending to add to these, other useful animals, when I

should arrive at the Cape of Good Hope.

I was also, from the same laudable motives, furnished with a sufficient

quantity of such of our European garden seeds, as could not fail to be a

valuable present to our newly-discovered islands, by adding fresh

supplies of food to their own vegetable productions.

Many other articles, calculated to improve the condition of our friends

in the other hemisphere in various ways, were, at the same time,

delivered to us by order of the Board of Admiralty. And both ships were

provided with a proper assortment of iron tools and trinkets, as the

means of enabling us to traffic and to cultivate a friendly intercourse

with the inhabitants of such new countries as we might be fortunate

enough to meet with.

The same humane attention was extended to our own wants. Some additional

clothing, adapted to a cold climate, was ordered for our crews: and

nothing was denied to us, that could be supposed in the least conducive

to health, or even to convenience.

Nor did the extraordinary care of those at the head of the naval

department stop here. They were equally solicitous to afford us every

assistance towards rendering our voyage of public utility. Accordingly,

we received on board, next day, several astronomical and nautical

instruments, which the Board of Longitude intrusted to me, and to Mr.

King, my second lieutenant; we having engaged to that board to make all

the necessary observations during the voyage, for the improvement of

astronomy and navigation; and, by our joint labours, to supply the place

of a professed observator. Such a person had been originally intended to

be sent out in my ship.

The Board, likewise, put into our possession the same watch, or

time-keeper, which I had carried out in my last voyage, and had

performed its part so well. It was a copy of Mr. Harrison’s, constructed

by Mr. Kendall. This day, at noon, it was found to be too slow for mean

time at Greenwich, by 3ʹ, 31ʺ, 890; and by its rate of going, it lost on

mean time, 1ʺ, 209 per day.

Another time-keeper, and the same number and sort of instruments for

making observations, were put on board the Discovery, under the care of

Mr. William Bailey; who, having already given satisfactory proofs of his

skill and diligence as an observator, while employed in Captain

Furneaux’s ship, during the late voyage, was engaged a second time, in

that capacity, to embark with Captain Clerke.

Mr. Anderson, my surgeon, who, to skill in his immediate profession,

added great proficiency in natural history, was as willing as he was

qualified to describe every thing in that branch of science which should

occur worthy of notice. As he had already visited the South Sea Islands

in the same ship, and been of singular service, by enabling me to enrich

my relation of that voyage with various useful remarks on men and

things[75], I reasonably expected to derive considerable assistance from

him in recording our new proceedings.

I had several young men amongst my sea-officers who, under my direction,

could be usefully employed in constructing charts, in taking views of

the coasts and headlands near which we should pass, and in drawing plans

of the bays and harbours in which we should anchor. A constant attention

to this I knew to be highly requisite, if we would render our

discoveries profitable to future navigators.

And, that we might go out with every help that could serve to make the

result of our voyage entertaining to the generality of readers, as well

as instructive to the sailor and scholar, Mr. Webber was pitched upon,

and engaged to embark with me, for the express purpose of supplying the

unavoidable imperfections of written accounts, by enabling us to

preserve, and to bring home, such drawings of the most memorable scenes

of our transactions, as could only be executed by a professed and

skilful artist.

Every preparation being now completed, I received an order to proceed to

Plymouth, and to take the Discovery under my command. I accordingly gave

Captain Clerke two orders; one to put himself under my command, and the

other to carry his ship round to Plymouth.

On the 15th, the Resolution sailed from Long Reach, with the Discovery

in company, and the same evening they anchored at the Nore. Next day the

Discovery proceeded, in obedience to my order; but the Resolution was

ordered to remain at the Nore till I should join her, being at this time

in London.

As we were to touch at Otaheite and the Society Islands, in our way to

the intended scene of our fresh operations, it had been determined not

to omit this opportunity (the only one ever likely to happen) of

carrying Omai back to his native country. Accordingly, every thing being

ready for our departure, he and I set out together from London on the

24th, at six o’clock in the morning. We reached Chatham between ten and

eleven o’clock; and after dining with Commissioner Proby, he very

obligingly ordered his yacht to carry us to Sheerness, where my boat was

waiting to take us on board.

Omai left London with a mixture of regret and satisfaction. When we

talked about England, and about those who, during his stay, had honoured

him with their protection or friendship, I could observe that his

spirits were sensibly affected, and that it was with difficulty he could

refrain from tears. But, the instant the conversation turned to his own

islands, his eyes began to sparkle with joy. He was deeply impressed

with a sense of the good treatment he had met with in England, and

entertained the highest ideas of the country and of the people. But the

pleasing prospect he now had before him of returning home, loaded with

what he well knew would be esteemed invaluable treasures there, and the

flattering hope which the possession of these gave him, of attaining to

a distinguished superiority amongst his countrymen, were considerations

which operated by degrees to suppress every uneasy sensation; and he

seemed to be quite happy when he got on board the ship.

He was furnished, by his Majesty, with an ample provision of every

article which, during our intercourse with his country, we had observed

to be in any estimation there, either as useful or as ornamental. He

had, besides, received many presents of the same nature from Lord

Sandwich, Mr. Banks[76], and several other gentlemen and ladies of his

acquaintance. In short, every method had been employed, both during his

abode in England, and at his departure, to make him the instrument of

conveying to the inhabitants of the islands of the Pacific Ocean, the

most exalted opinion of the greatness and generosity of the British

nation.

While the Resolution lay at the Nore, Mr. King made several observations

for finding the longitude by the watch. The mean of them all gave O° 44ʹ

Oʺ, for the longitude of the ship. This, reduced to Sheerness, by the

bearing and estimated distance, will make that place to be O° 37ʹ Oʺ

east of Greenwich; which is more by seven miles than Mr. Lyons made it,

by the watch which Lord Mulgrave had with him, on his voyage towards the

North Pole. Whoever knows any thing of the distance between Sheerness

and Greenwich, will be a judge which of these two observations is

nearest the truth.

The variation of the needle here, by a mean of different sets, taken

with different compasses, was 20° 37ʹ west.

On the 25th, about noon, we weighed anchor, and made sail for the Downs,

through the Queen’s Channel, with a gentle breeze at north-west by west.

At nine in the evening we anchored, with the North Foreland bearing

south by east, and Margate Point south-west by south.

Next morning, at two o’clock, we weighed and stood round the Foreland;

and when it bore north, allowing for the variation of the compass, the

watch gave 1° 24ʹ east longitude, which, reduced to the Foreland, will

be 1° 21ʹ east. Lunar observations made the preceding evening, fixed it

at 1° 20ʹ east. At eight o’clock the same morning, we anchored in the

Downs. Two boats had been built for us at Deal, and I immediately sent

on shore for them. I was told that many people had assembled there to

see Omai; but to their great disappointment he did not land.

Having received the boats on board, and a light breeze at south

south-east springing up, we got under sail the next day at two o’clock

in the afternoon. But the breeze soon died away, and we were obliged to

anchor again till ten o’clock at night. We then weighed, with the wind

at east, and proceeded down the channel.

On the 30th, at three o’clock in the afternoon, we anchored in Plymouth

Sound, where the Discovery had arrived only three days before. I saluted

Admiral Amherst, whose flag was flying on board the Ocean, with thirteen

guns, and he returned the compliment, with eleven.

It was the first object of our care, on arriving at Plymouth, to replace

the water and provisions that we had expended, and to receive on board a

supply of Port wine. This was the employment which occupied us on the

1st and 2d of July.

During our stay here, the crews were served with fresh beef every day:

and I should not do justice to Mr. Ommanney, the agent-victualler, if I

did not take this opportunity to mention, that he showed a very obliging

readiness to furnish me with the best of every thing that lay within his

department. I had been under the like obligations to him on my setting

out upon my last voyage. Commissioner Ourry, with equal zeal for the

service, gave us every assistance that we wanted from the naval yard.

It could not but occur to us as a singular and affecting circumstance,

that at the very instant of our departure upon a voyage, the object of

which was to benefit Europe by making fresh discoveries in North

America, there should be the unhappy necessity of employing others of

his Majesty’s ships, and of conveying numerous bodies of land forces, to

secure the obedience of those parts of that continent which had been

discovered and settled by our countrymen in the last century. On the

6th, his Majesty’s ships Diamond, Ambuscade, and Unicorn, with a fleet

of transports, consisting of sixty-two sail, bound to America, with the

last division of the Hessian troops, and some horse, were forced into

the Sound by a strong north-west wind.

On the 8th, I received, by express, my instructions[77] for the voyage,

and an order to proceed to the Cape of Good Hope with the Resolution. I

was also directed to leave an order for Captain Clerke to follow us, as

soon as he should join his ship; he being, at this time, detained in

London.

Our first discoverers of the New World, and navigators of the Indian and

Pacific Oceans, were justly thought to have exerted such uncommon

abilities, and to have accomplished such perilous enterprises, that

their names have been handed down to posterity as so many Argonauts.

Nay, even the hulks of the ships that carried them, though not converted

into constellations in the heavens, used to be honoured and visited as

sacred relics upon earth. We, in the present age of improved navigation,

who have been instructed by their labours, and have followed them as our

guides, have no such claim to fame. Some merit, however, being still, in

the public opinion, considered as due to those who sail to unexplored

quarters of the globe, in conformity to this favourable judgment, I

prefixed to the account of my last voyage the names of the officers of

both my ships, and a table of the number of their respective crews. The

like information will be expected from me at present.

The Resolution was fitted out with the same complement of officers and

men she had before; and the Discovery’s establishment varied from that

of the Adventure, in the single instance of her having no marine officer

on board. This arrangement was to be finally completed at Plymouth; and,

on the 9th, we received the party of marines allotted for our voyage.

Colonel Bell, who commanded the division at this port, gave me such men

for the detachment as I had reason to be satisfied with. And the

supernumerary seamen, occasioned by this reinforcement, being turned

over into the Ocean man-of-war, our several complements remained fixed,

as represented in the following table:

+----------------------------------------------+-------------------------+

| RESOLUTION. | DISCOVERY. |

+-------------------+-----+--------------------+----+--------------------+

|_Officers and Men._| N^o.| _Officers’ Names._ |N^o.| _Officers’ Names._ |

+-------------------+-----+--------------------+----+--------------------+

| Captain | 1 | James Cook | 1 | Charles Clerke |

| Lieutenants | 3 | John Gore | 2 | James Burney |

| | | James King | | John Rickman |

| | | John Williamson | | |

| Master | 1 | William Bligh | 1 | Thomas Edgar |

| Boatswain | 1 | William Ewin | 1 | Eneas Atkins |

| Carpenter | 1 | James Clevely | 1 | Peter Reynolds |

| Gunner | 1 | Robert Anderson | 1 | William Peckover |

| Surgeon | 1 | William Anderson | 1 | John Law |

| Master’s Mates | 3 | | 2 | |

| Midshipmen | 6 | | 4 | |

| Surgeon’s Mates | 2 | | 2 | |

| Captain’s Clerk | 1 | | 1 | |

| Master at Arms | 1 | | 1 | |

| Corporal | 1 | | | |

| Armourer | 1 | | 1 | |

| Ditto Mate | 1 | | 1 | |

| Sail Maker | 1 | | 1 | |

| Ditto Mate | 1 | | 1 | |

| Boatswain’s Mates | 3 | | 2 | |

| Carpenter’s Ditto | 3 | | 2 | |

| Gunner’s Ditto | 2 | | 1 | |

| Carpenter’s Crew | 4 | | 4 | |

| Cook | 1 | | 1 | |

| Ditto Mate | 1 | | | |

| Quarter Masters | 6 | | 4 | |

| Able Seamen | 45 | | 33 | |

| | | | | |

| | | _Marines._ | | |

| | | | | |

| Lieutenant | 1 | Molesworth Philips | | |

| Serjeant | 1 | | 1 | |

| Corporals | 2 | | 1 | |

| Drummer | 1 | | 1 | |

| Privates | 15 | | 8 | |

| |-----| |----| |

| Total | 112 | | 80 | |

+-------------------+-----+--------------------+----+--------------------+

On the 10th, the commissioner and pay-clerks came on board, and paid the

officers and crew up to the 30th of last month. The petty officers and

seamen had, besides, two months’ wages in advance. Such indulgence to

the latter, is no more than what is customary in the navy. But the

payment of what was due to the superior officers was humanely ordered by

the Admiralty, in consideration of our peculiar situation, that we might

be better able to defray the very great expense of furnishing ourselves

with a stock of necessaries for a voyage which, probably, would be of

unusual duration, and to regions where no supply could be expected.

Nothing now obstructing my departure but a contrary wind, which blew

strong at south-west, in the morning of the 11th I delivered into the

hands of Mr. Burney, first lieutenant of the Discovery, Captain Clerke’s

sailing orders; a copy of which I also left with the officer[78]

commanding his Majesty’s ships at Plymouth, to be delivered to the

Captain immediately on his arrival. In the afternoon, the wind

moderating, we weighed with the ebb, and got farther out, beyond all the

shipping in the Sound; where, after making an unsuccessful attempt to

get to sea, we were detained most of the following day, which was

employed in receiving on board a supply of water; and, by the same

vessel that brought it, all the empty casks were returned.

As I did not imagine my stay at Plymouth would have been so long as it

proved, we did not get our instruments on shore to make the necessary

observations for ascertaining the longitude by the watch. For the same

reason, Mr. Baily did not set about this, till he found that the

Discovery would probably be detained some days after us. He then placed

his quadrant upon Drake’s Island; and had time, before the Resolution

sailed, to make observations sufficient for the purpose we had in view.

Our watch made the island to lie 4° 14ʹ, and his, 4° 13-1/2ʹ west of

Greenwich. Its latitude, as found by Messrs. Wales and Baily, on the

last voyage, is 50° 21ʹ 30ʺ north.

We weighed again at eight in the evening, and stood out of the Sound,

with a gentle breeze at north-west by west.

CHAP. II.

PASSAGE OF THE RESOLUTION TO TENERIFFE.—RECEPTION THERE.—DESCRIPTION OF

SANTA CRUZ ROAD.—REFRESHMENTS TO BE MET WITH.—OBSERVATIONS FOR FIXING

THE LONGITUDE OF TENERIFFE.—SOME ACCOUNT OF THE ISLAND.—BOTANICAL

OBSERVATIONS.—CITIES OF SANTA CRUZ AND LAGUNA.—AGRICULTURE.—AIR AND

CLIMATE.—COMMERCE.—INHABITANTS.

We had not been long out of Plymouth Sound, before the wind came more

westerly, and blew fresh, so that we were obliged to ply down the

Channel; and it was not till the 14th, at eight in the evening, that we

were off the Lizard.

On the 16th, at noon, St. Agnes’s lighthouse on the Isles of Scilly,

bore north-west by west, distant seven or eight miles. Our latitude was

now 49° 53ʹ 30ʺ north, and our longitude, by the watch, 6° 11ʹ west.

Hence, I reckon that St. Agnes’s light-house is in 49° 57ʹ 30ʺ north

latitude, and in 6° 20ʹ of west longitude.

On the 17th[79] and 18th we were off Ushant, and found the longitude of

the island to be, by the watch, 5° 18ʹ 37ʺ west. The variation was 23°

0ʹ 50ʺ, in the same direction.

With a strong gale at south, on the 19th, we stood to the westward, till

eight o’clock in the morning; when, the wind shifting to the west and

north-west, we tacked and stretched to the southward. At this time, we

saw nine sail of large ships, which we judged to be French men-of-war.

They took no particular notice of us, nor we of them.

At ten o’clock in the morning of the 22d, we saw Cape Ortegal; which at

noon bore south-east, half south, about four leagues distant. At this

time we were in the latitude of 44° 6ʹ north; and our longitude, by the

watch, was 8° 23ʹ west.

After two days of calm weather we passed Cape Finisterre, on the

afternoon of the 24th, with a fine gale at north north-east. The

longitude of this Cape, by the watch, is 9° 29ʹ west; and, by the mean

of forty-one lunar observations, made before and after we passed it, and

reduced to it by the watch, the result was 9° 19ʹ 12ʺ.

On the 30th, at six minutes and thirty-eight seconds past ten o’clock at

night, apparent time, I observed with a night-telescope, the moon

totally eclipsed. By the _ephemeris_, the same happened at Greenwich at

nine minutes past eleven o’clock: the difference being one hour, two

minutes, and twenty-two seconds, or 15° 35ʹ 30ʺ of longitude. The watch,

for the same time, gave 15° 26ʹ 45ʺ longitude west; and latitude 31° 10ʹ

north. No other observation could be made on this eclipse, as the moon

was hid behind the clouds the greater part of the time; and, in

particular, when the beginning and end of total darkness, and the end of

the eclipse, happened.

Finding that we had not hay and corn sufficient for the subsistence of

the stock of animals on board, till our arrival at the Cape of Good

Hope, I determined to touch at Teneriffe, to get a supply of these, and

of the usual refreshments for ourselves; thinking that island, for such

purposes, better adapted than Madeira. At four in the afternoon of the

31st, we saw Teneriffe, and steered for the eastern part. At nine, being

near it, we hauled up, and stood off and on during the night.

At day-light, on the morning of the 1st of August, we sailed round the

east Point of the island; and, about eight o’clock, anchored on the

south-east side of it, in the road of Santa Cruz, in twenty-three

fathoms water; the bottom, sand and owze. Punta de Nago, the east point

of the road, bore north 64° east; St. Francis’s church, remarkable for

its high steeple, west south-west; the Pic, south 65° west; and the

south-west point of the road, on which stands a fort or castle, south

39° west. In this situation, we moored north-east and south-west, with a

cable each way, being near half a mile from the shore.

We found, riding in this road, La Boussole, a French frigate, commanded

by the _Chevalier de Borda_; two brigantines of the same nation; an

English brigantine from London, bound to Senegal; and fourteen sail of

Spanish vessels.

No sooner had we anchored, than we were visited by the master of the

port, who satisfied himself with asking the ship’s name. Upon his

leaving us, I sent an officer ashore to present my respects to the

Governor; and to ask his leave to take in water, and to purchase such

articles as we were in want of. All this he granted with the greatest

politeness: and, soon after, sent an officer on board, to compliment me

on my arrival. In the afternoon, I waited upon him in person,

accompanied by some of my officers; and, before I returned to my ship,

bespoke some corn and straw for the live stock; ordered a quantity of

wine from Mr. M’Carrick, the contractor, and made an agreement with the

master of a Spanish boat to supply us with water, as I found that we

could not do it ourselves.

The road of Santa Cruz is situated before the town of the same name, on

the south-east side of the island. It is, as I am told, the principal

road of Teneriffe, for shelter, capacity, and the goodness of its

bottom. It lies entirely open to the south-east and south winds. But

these winds are never of long continuance; and, they say, there is not

an instance[80] of a ship driving from her anchors on shore. This may,

in part, be owing to the great care they take in mooring them: for I

observed, that all the ships we met with there, had four anchors out;

two to the north-east, and two to the south-west: and their cables

buoyed up with casks. Ours suffered a little by not observing this last

precaution.

At the south-west part of the road, a stone pier runs out into the sea

from the town, for the convenience of loading and landing of goods. To

this pier, the water that supplies the shipping is conveyed. This, as

also what the inhabitants of Santa Cruz use, is derived from a rivulet

that runs from the hills, the greatest part of which comes into the town

in wooden spouts or troughs, that are supported by slender posts, and

the remainder doth not reach the sea; though it is evident, from the

size of the channel, that sometimes large torrents rush down. At this

time these troughs were repairing, so that fresh water, which is very

good here, was scarce.

Were we to judge from the appearance of the country in the neighbourhood

of Santa Cruz, it might be concluded that Teneriffe is a barren spot,

insufficient to maintain even its own inhabitants. The ample supplies,

however, which we received, convinced us that they had enough to spare

for visitors. Besides wine, which is the chief produce of the island,

beef may be had at a moderate price. The oxen are small and boney, and

weigh about ninety pounds a quarter. The meat is but lean, and was, at

present, sold for half a bit (three-pence sterling) a pound. I,

unadvisedly, bought the bullocks alive, and paid considerably more.

Hogs, sheep, goats, and poultry, are likewise to be bought at the same

moderate rate: and fruits are in great plenty. At this time we had

grapes, figs, pears, mulberries, plantains, and musk-melons. There is a

variety of other fruits produced here, though not in season at this

time. Their pumpkins, onions, and potatoes, are exceedingly good of

their kind, and keep better at sea than any I ever before met with.

The Indian corn, which is also their produce, cost me about three

shillings and sixpence a bushel; and the fruits and roots were, in

general, very cheap. They have not any plentiful supply of fish from the

adjoining sea; but a very considerable fishery is carried on by their

vessels upon the coast of Barbary; and the produce of it sells at a

reasonable price. Upon the whole, I found Teneriffe to be a more

eligible place than Madeira for ships bound on long voyages to touch at;

though the wine of the latter, according to my taste, is as much

superior to that of the former, as strong beer is to small. To

compensate for this, the difference of prices is considerable; for the

best Teneriffe wine was now sold for twelve pounds a pipe; whereas a

pipe of the best Madeira would have cost considerably more than double

that sum.[81]

The Chevalier de Borda, commander of the French frigate now lying in

Santa Cruz road, was employed, in conjunction with Mr. Varila, a Spanish

gentleman, in making astronomical observations for ascertaining the

going of two time-keepers which they had on board their ship. For this

purpose, they had a tent pitched on the pier head, where they made their

observations, and compared their watches, every day at noon, with the

clock on shore, by signals. These signals the Chevalier very obligingly

communicated to us; so that we could compare our watch at the same time.

But our stay was too short to profit much by his kindness.

The three days’ comparisons which we made, assured us that the watch had

not materially, if at all, altered her rate of going; and gave us the

same longitude, within a very few seconds, that was obtained by finding

the time from observations of the sun’s altitude from the horizon of the

sea. The watch, from a mean of these observations, on the 1st, 2d, and

3d of August, made the longitude 16° 31ʹ west; and, in like manner, the

latitude was found to be 28° 30ʹ 11ʺ north.

Mr. Varila informed us, that the true longitude was 18° 35ʹ 30ʺ, from

Paris, which is only 16° 16ʹ 30ʺ from Greenwich; less than what our

watch gave by 14ʹ 30ʺ. But, far from looking upon this as an error in

the watch, I rather think it a confirmation of its having gone well; and

that the longitude by it may be nearer the truth than any other. It is

farther confirmed by the lunar observations that we made in the road,

which gave 16° 37ʹ 10ʺ. Those made before we arrived, and reduced to the

road by the watch, gave 16° 33ʹ 30ʺ. And those made after we left it,

and reduced back in the same manner, gave 16° 28ʹ. The mean of the three

is 16° 30ʹ 40ʺ.

To reduce these several longitudes, and the latitude, to the Pic of

Teneriffe, one of the most noted points of land with geographers (to

obtain the true situation of which, I have entered into this particular

discussion), I had recourse to the bearing, and a few hours of the

ship’s run after leaving Santa Cruz road; and found it to be 12ʹ 11ʺ

south of the road, and 29ʹ 30ʺ of longitude west of it. As the base,

which helped to determine this, was partly estimated, it is liable to

some error; but I think I cannot be much mistaken. Dr. Maskelyne, in his

_British Mariner’s Guide_, places the Pic in the latitude of 28° 12ʹ

54ʺ. This, with the bearing from the road, will give the difference of

longitude 43ʹ, which considerably exceeds the distance they reckon the

Pic to be from Santa Cruz. I made the latitude of the Pic to be 28° 18ʹ

north. Upon that supposition, its longitude will be as follows:

{ the time-keeper 17° 0ʹ 30ʺ }

By { lunar observations 16° 30ʹ 20ʺ } west.

{ Mr. Varila 16° 46ʹ 0ʺ }

But if the latitude of it is 28° 12ʹ 54ʺ, as in the _British Mariner’s

Guide_, its longitude will be 13ʹ 30ʺ more westerly.

The variation, when we were at anchor in the road, by the mean of all

our compasses, was found to be 14° 41ʹ 20ʺ west. The dip of the north

end of the needle was 61° 52ʹ 30ʺ.

Some of Mr. Anderson’s remarks on the natural appearances of Teneriffe,

and its productions; and what he observed himself, or learnt by

information, about the general state of the island, will be of use,

particularly in marking what changes may have happened there since Mr.

Glas visited it. They here follow in his own words:

“While we were standing in for the land, the weather being perfectly

clear, we had an opportunity of seeing the celebrated Pic of Teneriffe.

But, I own, I was much disappointed in my expectation with respect to

its appearance. It is, certainly, far from equalling the noble figure of

Pico, one of the western isles which I have seen; though its

perpendicular height may be greater. This circumstance, perhaps, arises

from its being surrounded by other very high hills; whereas Pico stands

without a rival.

“Behind the city of Santa Cruz, the country rises gradually, and is of a

moderate height. Beyond this, to the south westward, it becomes higher,

and continues to rise towards the Pic, which, from the road, appears but

little higher than the surrounding hills. From thence it seems to

decrease, though not suddenly, as far as the eye can reach. From a

supposition that we should not stay above one day, I was obliged to

contract my excursions into the country; otherwise, I had proposed to

visit the top of this famous mountain.[82]

“To the eastward of Santa Cruz, the island appears perfectly barren.

Ridges of hills run towards the sea; between which ridges are deep

valleys, terminating at mountains or hills that run across, and are

higher than the former. Those that run towards the sea, are marked by

impressions on their sides, which make them appear as a succession of

conic hills, with their tops very rugged. The higher ones that run

across, are more uniform in their appearance.

“In the forenoon of the 1st of August, after we had anchored in the

road, I went on shore to one of these valleys, with an intention to

reach the top of the remoter hills, which seemed covered with wood; but

time would not allow me to get further than their foot. After walking

about three miles, I found no alteration in the appearance of the lower

hills; which produce great quantities of the _euphorbia Canariensis_. It

is surprising that this large succulent plant should thrive on so

burnt-up a soil. When broken, which is easily done, the quantity of

juice is very great; and it might be supposed that, when dried, it would

shrivel to nothing; yet it is a pretty tough, though soft and light

wood. The people here believe its juice to be so caustic as to erode the

skin[83]: but I convinced them, though with much difficulty, to the

contrary, by trusting my finger into the plant full of it, without

afterwards wiping it off. They break down the bushes of _euphorbia_, and

suffering them to dry, carry them home for fuel. I met with nothing else

growing there, but two or three small shrubs, and a few fig-trees near

the bottom of the valley.

“The basis of the hills is a heavy, compact, blueish stone, mixed with

some shining particles; and, on the surface, large masses of red friable

earth, or stone, are scattered about. I also often found the same

substance disposed in thick _strata_; and the little earth, strewed here

and there, was a blackish mould. There were likewise some pieces of

slag; one of which, from its weight and smooth surface, seemed almost

wholly metalline.

“The mouldering state of these hills is, doubtless, owing to the

perpetual action of the sun, which calcines their surface. This

mouldered part being afterwards washed away by the heavy rains, perhaps

is the cause of their sides being so uneven. For, as the different

substances of which they are composed, are more or less easily affected

by the sun’s heat, they will be carried away in the like proportions.

Hence, perhaps, the tops of the hills, being of the hardest rock, have

stood, while the other parts on a declivity have been destroyed. As I

have usually observed, that the tops of most mountains that are covered

with trees have a more uniform appearance, I am inclined to believe that

this is owing to their being shaded.

“The city of Santa Cruz, though not large, is tolerably well built. The

churches are not magnificent without; but within are decent, and

indifferently ornamented. They are inferior to some of the churches at

Madeira; but, I imagine, this rather arises from the different

disposition of the people, than from their inability to support them

better. For the private houses, and dress of the Spanish inhabitants of

Santa Cruz, are far preferable to those of the Portuguese at Madeira;

who, perhaps, are willing to strip themselves, that they may adorn their

churches.

“Almost facing the stone pier at the landing-place, is a handsome marble

column lately put up, ornamented with some human figures, that do no

discredit to the artist; with an inscription in Spanish, to commemorate

the occasion of the erection, and the date.

“In the afternoon of the 2d, four of us hired mules to ride to the city

of Laguna[84], so called from an adjoining lake, about four miles from

Santa Cruz. We arrived there between five and six in the evening; but

found a sight of it very unable to compensate for our trouble, as the

road was very bad, and the mules but indifferent. The place is, indeed,

pretty extensive, but scarcely deserves to be dignified with the name of

city. The disposition of its streets is very irregular; yet some of them

are of a tolerable breadth, and have some good houses. In general,

however, Laguna is inferior in appearance to Santa Cruz, though the

latter is but small, if compared with the former. We were informed,

likewise, that Laguna is declining fast; there being, at present, some

vineyards where houses formerly stood; whereas Santa Cruz is encreasing

daily.

“The road leading from Santa Cruz to Laguna runs up a steep hill, which

is very barren; but, lower down, we saw some fig-trees, and several corn

fields. These are but small, and not thrown into ridges, as is practised

in England. Nor does it appear that they can raise any corn here without

great labour, as the ground is so encumbered with stones, that they are

obliged to collect and lay them in broad rows, or walls, at small

distances. The large hills that run to the south-west, appeared to be

pretty well furnished with trees. Nothing else worth noticing presented

itself during this excursion, except a few aloe plants in flower, near

the side of the road, and the cheerfulness of our guides, who amused us

with songs by the way.

“Most of the laborious work in this island is performed by mules; horses

being to appearance scarce, and chiefly reserved for the use of the

officers. They are of a small size, but well-shaped and spirited. Oxen

are also employed to drag their casks along upon a large clumsy piece of

wood; and they are yoked by the head; though it doth not seem that this

has any peculiar advantage over our method of fixing the harness on the

shoulders. In my walks and excursions, I saw some hawks, parrots, which

are natives of the island, the sea-swallow or tern, sea-gulls,

partridges, wagtails, swallows, martins, blackbirds, and canary birds in

large flocks. There are also lizards of the common, and another sort;

some insects, as locusts; and three or four sorts of dragon-flies.

“I had an opportunity of conversing with a sensible and well-informed

gentleman residing here, and whose veracity I have not the least reason

to doubt. From him I learnt some particulars, which, during the short

stay of three days, did not fall within my own observation. He informed

me, that a shrub is common here, agreeing exactly with the description

given by Tournefort and Linnæus, of the _tea shrub_, as growing in China

and Japan. It is reckoned a weed, and he roots out thousands of them

every year, from his vineyards. The Spaniards, however, of the island,

sometimes use it as tea, and ascribe to it all the qualities of that

imported from China. They also give it the name of tea; but what is

remarkable, they say it was found here when the islands were first

discovered.

“Another botanical curiosity, mentioned by him, is what they call the

_impregnated lemon_.[85] It is a perfect and distinct lemon, inclosed

within another, differing from the outer one only in being a little more

globular. The leaves of the tree that produces this sort, are much

longer than those of the common one; and it was represented to me as

being crooked, and not equal in beauty.

“From him I learnt also, that a certain sort of grape growing here, is

reckoned an excellent remedy in phthisical complaints. And the air and

climate, in general, are remarkably healthful, and particularly adapted

to give relief in such diseases. This he endeavoured to account for, by

it’s being always in one’s power to procure a different temperature of

the air, by residing at different heights in the island; and he

expressed his surprise that the English physicians should never have

thought of sending their consumptive patients to Teneriffe, instead of

Nice or Lisbon. How much the temperature of the air varies here, I

myself could sensibly perceive, only in riding from Santa Cruz up to

Laguna; and you may ascend till the cold becomes intolerable. I was

assured that no person can live comfortably within a mile of the

perpendicular height of the Pic, after the month of August.[86]

“Although some smoke constantly issues from near the top of the Pic,

they have had no earthquake or eruption of a volcano since 1704, when

the port of Garrachica, where much of their trade was formerly carried

on, was destroyed.[87]

“Their trade, indeed, must be considered as very considerable; for they

reckon that forty thousand pipes of wine are annually made; the greatest

part of which is either consumed in the island, or made into brandy, and

sent to the Spanish West Indies.[88] About six thousand pipes were

exported every year to North America, while the trade with it was

uninterrupted; at present, they think not above half the quantity. The

corn they raise is, in general, insufficient to maintain the

inhabitants; but the deficiency used to be supplied by importation from

the North Americans, who took their wines in return.

“They make a little silk; but unless we reckon the filtering-stones,

brought in great numbers from Grand Canary, the wine is the only

considerable article of the foreign commerce of Teneriffe.

“None of the race of inhabitants found here when the Spaniards

discovered the Canaries now remain a distinct people[89], having

intermarried with the Spanish settlers; but their descendants are known,

from their being remarkably tall, large-boned, and strong. The men are,

in general, of a tawny colour, and the women have a pale complexion,

entirely destitute of that bloom which distinguishes our northern

beauties. The Spanish custom of wearing black clothes continues amongst

_them_; but the men seem more indifferent about this, and, in some

measure, dress like the French. In other respects, we found the

inhabitants of Teneriffe to be a decent and very civil people, retaining

that grave cast which distinguishes those of their country from other

European nations. Although we do not think that there is a great

similarity between our manners and those of the Spaniards, it is worth

observing, that Omai did not think there was much difference. He only

said, that they seemed not so friendly as the English; and that, in

their persons, they approached those of his countrymen.”

CHAP. III.

DEPARTURE FROM TENERIFFE.—DANGER OF THE SHIP NEAR BONAVISTA.—ISLE OF

MAYO.—PORT PRAYA.—PRECAUTIONS AGAINST THE RAIN AND SULTRY WEATHER IN

THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF THE EQUATOR.—POSITION OF THE COAST OF BRAZIL.—

ARRIVAL AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.—TRANSACTIONS THERE.—JUNCTION OF THE

DISCOVERY.—MR. ANDERSON’S JOURNEY UP THE COUNTRY.—ASTRONOMICAL

OBSERVATIONS.—NAUTICAL REMARKS ON THE PASSAGE FROM ENGLAND TO THE

CAPE, WITH REGARD TO THE CURRENTS AND THE VARIATION.

Having completed our water, and got on board every other thing we wanted

at Teneriffe, we weighed anchor on the 4th of August, and proceeded on

our voyage, with a fine gale at north-east.

At nine o’clock in the evening on the 10th[90], we saw the island of

Bonavista bearing S., distant little more than a league; though, at this

time, we thought ourselves much farther off; but this proved a mistake.

For, after hauling to the east-ward till twelve o’clock, to clear the

sunken rocks that lie about a league from the S. E. point of the island,

we found ourselves, at that time, close upon them, and did but just

weather the breakers. Our situation, for a few minutes, was very

alarming. I did not choose to sound, as that might have heightened the

danger without any possibility of lessening it. I make the N. end of the

island of Bonavista to lie in the latitude of 16° 17ʹ N., and in the

longitude of 22° 59ʹ W.

As soon as we were clear of the rocks, we steered S. S. W., till

day-break next morning, and then hauled to the westward, to go between

Bonavista and the isle of Mayo, intending to look into Port Praya for

the Discovery, as I had told Captain Clerke that I should touch there,

and did not know how soon he might sail after me. At one in the

afternoon, we saw the rocks that lie on the S. W. side of Bonavista,

bearing S. E., distant three or four leagues.

Next morning, at six o’clock, the isle of Mayo bore S. S. E., distant

about five leagues. In this situation we sounded, and found ground at

sixty fathoms. At the same time the variation, by the mean of several

azimuths taken with three different compasses, was 9° 32-1/2ʹ W. At

eleven o’clock, one extreme of Mayo bore E. by N., and the other S. E.

by S. In this position, two roundish hills appeared near its N. E. part;

farther on, a large and higher hill; and, at about two-thirds of its

length, a single one that is peaked. At the distance we now saw this

island, which was three or four miles, there was not the least

appearance of vegetation, nor any relief to the eye from that lifeless

brown which prevails in countries under the torrid zone that are

unwooded.

Here I cannot help remarking that Mr. Nichelson, in his Preface to

_Sundry Remarks and Observations made in a Voyage to the East

Indies_[91], tells us, that “with eight degrees W. variation, or any

thing above that, you may venture to sail by the Cape de Verde Islands

night or day, being well assured, with that variation, that you are to

the eastward of them.” Such an assertion might prove of dangerous

consequence, were there any that would implicitly trust to it. We also

tried the current, and found one setting S. W. by W., something more

than half a mile an hour. We had reason to expect this, from the

differences between the longitude given by the watch and dead reckoning,

which, since our leaving Teneriffe, amounted to one degree.

While we were amongst these islands we had light breezes of wind,

varying from the S. E. to E., and some calms. This shows that the Cape

de Verde Islands, are either extensive enough to break the current of

the trade-wind, or that they are situated just beyond its verge, in that

space where the variable winds, found on getting near the line, begin.

The first supposition, however, is the most probable, as Dampier[92]

found the wind westerly here in the month of February; at which time the

trade-wind is supposed to extend farthest towards the equinoctial. The

weather was hot and sultry, with some rain; and, for the most part, a

dull whiteness prevailed in the sky, that seems a medium between fog and

clouds. In general, the tropical regions seldom enjoy that clear

atmosphere observable where variable winds blow; nor does the sun shine

with such brightness. This circumstance, however, seems an advantage;

for otherwise, perhaps, the rays of the sun, being uninterrupted, would

render the heat quite unsupportable. The nights are, nevertheless, often

clear and serene.

At nine o’clock in the morning of the 13th, we arrived before Port

Praya, in the island of St. Jago, where we saw two Dutch East India

ships, and a small brigantine at anchor. As the Discovery was not there,

and we had expended but little water in our passage from Teneriffe, I

did not think proper to go in, but stood to the southward. Some

altitudes of the sun were now taken, to ascertain the true time. The

longitude by the watch, deduced therefrom, was 23° 48ʹ W.; the little

island in the bay bore W. N. W., distant near three miles, which will

make its longitude 23° 51ʹ. The same watch, on my late voyage, made the

longitude to be 23° 30ʹ W.; and we observed the latitude to be 14° 53ʹ

30ʺ N.

The day after we left the Cape de Verde Islands, we lost the N. E.

trade-wind; but did not get that which blows from the S. E. till the

30th, when we were in the latitude of 2° N., and in the twenty-fifth

degree of W. longitude.

During this interval[93], the wind was mostly in the S. W. quarter.

Sometimes it blew fresh, and in squalls; but for the most part a gentle

breeze. The calms were few, and of short duration. Between the latitude

of 12° and of 7° N., the weather was generally dark and gloomy, with

frequent rains, which enabled us to save as much water as filled most of

our empty casks.

These rains, and the close sultry weather accompanying them, too often

bring on sickness in this passage. Every bad consequence, at least, is

to be apprehended from them; and commanders of ships cannot be too much

upon their guard, by purifying the air between decks with fires and

smoke, and by obliging the people to dry their clothes at every

opportunity. These precautions were constantly observed on board the

Resolution[94] and Discovery; and we certainly profited by them, for we

had now fewer sick than on either of my former voyages. We had, however,

the mortification to find our ship exceedingly leaky in all her upper

works. The hot and sultry weather we had just passed through, had opened

her seams, which had been badly caulked at first, so wide, that they

admitted the rain-water through as it fell. There was hardly a man that

could lie dry in his bed; and the officers in the gun-room were all

driven out of their cabins, by the water that came through the sides.

The sails in the sail-room got wet; and before we had weather to dry

them, many of them were much damaged, and a great expense of canvas and

of time became necessary to make them in some degree serviceable. Having

experienced the same defect in our sail-rooms on my late voyage, it had

been represented to the yard-officers, who undertook to remove it. But

it did not appear to me that any thing had been done to remedy the

complaint. To repair these defects the caulkers were set to work, as

soon as we got into fair settled weather, to caulk the decks and inside

weather works of the ship; for I would not trust them over the sides

while we were at sea.

On the first of September[95] we crossed the equator, in the longitude

of 27° 38ʹ W., with a fine gale at S. E. by S.; and notwithstanding my

apprehensions of falling in with the coast of Brazil in stretching to

the S. W., I kept the ship a full point from the wind. However, I found

my fears were ill grounded; for on drawing near that coast, we met with

the wind more and more easterly; so that, by the time we were in the

latitude of 10° S., we could make a south-easterly course good.

On the 8th we were in the latitude of 8° 57ʹ S.; which is a little to

the southward of Cape St. Augustine, on the coast of Brazil. Our

longitude, deduced from a very great number of lunar observations, was

34° 16ʹ W.; and by the watch 34° 47ʹ. The former is 1° 43ʹ, and the

latter 2° 14ʹ more westerly than the island of Fernando de Noronha, the

situation of which was pretty well determined during my late voyage.[96]

Hence I concluded that we could not now be farther from the continent

than twenty or thirty leagues at most; and perhaps not much less, as we

neither had soundings, nor any other signs of land. Dr. Halley, however,

in his voyage, published by Mr. Dalrymple, tells us[97], that _he made

no more than one hundred and two miles, meridian distance, from the

island_ [Fernando de Noronha] _to the coast of Brazil_; and seems to

think that _currents could not be the whole cause_ of his making so

little. But I rather think that he was mistaken, and that the currents

had hurried him far to the westward of his intended course. This was, in

some measure, confirmed by our own observations; for we had found,

during three or four days preceding the 8th, that the currents set to

the westward; and, during the last twenty-four hours, it had set strong

to the northward, as we experienced a difference of twenty-nine miles

between our observed latitude and that by dead reckoning. Upon the

whole, till some better astronomical observations are made on shore on

the eastern coast of Brazil, I shall conclude that its longitude is

thirty-five degrees and a half, or thirty-six degrees west, at most.

We proceeded on our voyage, without meeting with any thing of note, till

the 6th of October. Being then in the latitude of 35° 15ʹ S., longitude

7° 45ʹ W., we met with light airs and calms by turns, for three days

successively. We had, for some days before, seen albatrosses, pintadoes,

and other petrels; and here we saw three penguins, which occasioned us

to sound; but we found no ground with a line of one hundred and fifty

fathoms. We put a boat in the water, and shot a few birds; one of which

was a black petrel, about the size of a crow, and, except as to the bill

and feet, very like one. It had a few white feathers under the throat;

and the under-side of the quill-feathers were of an ash-colour. All the

other feathers were jet black, as also the bill and legs.

On the 8th, in the evening, one of those birds which sailors call

noddies, settled on our rigging, and was caught. It was something larger

than an English black-bird, and nearly as black, except the upper part

of the head, which was white, looking as if it were powdered; the

whitest feathers growing out from the base of the upper bill, from which

they gradually assumed a darker colour, to about the middle of the upper

part of the neck, where the white shade was lost in the black, without

being divided by any line. It was web-footed; had black legs and a black

bill, which was long, and not unlike that of a curlew. It is said these

birds never fly far from land. We knew of none nearer the station we

were in, than Gough’s or Richmond Island, from which our distance could

not be less than one hundred leagues. But it must be observed that the

Atlantic Ocean, to the southward of this latitude, has been but little

frequented; so that there may be more islands there than we are

acquainted with.

We frequently, in the night, saw those luminous marine animals mentioned

and described in my first voyage.[98] Some of them seemed to be

considerably larger than any I had before met with; and sometimes they

were so numerous, that hundreds were visible at the same moment.

This calm weather was succeeded by a fresh gale from the N. W., which

lasted two days. Then we had again variable light airs for about

twenty-four hours; when the N. W. wind returned, and blew with such

strength, that on the 17th we had sight of the Cape of Good Hope; and

the next day anchored in Table Bay, in four fathoms water, with the

church bearing S. W. 1/4 S., and Green Point N. W. 1/4 W.

As soon as we had received the usual visit from the master attendant and

the surgeon, I sent an officer to wait on Baron Plettenberg, the

governor; and, on his return, saluted the garrison with thirteen guns,

which complement was returned with the same number.

We found in the bay two French East India ships; the one outward, and

the other homeward bound. And two or three days before our arrival,

another homeward bound ship of the same nation had parted from her

cable, and been driven on shore at the head of the bay, where she was

lost. The crew were saved; but the greatest part of the cargo shared the

same fate with the ship, or (which amounted to the same) was plundered

and stolen by the inhabitants, either out of the ship, or as it was

driven or carried on shore. This is the account the French officers gave

to me; and the Dutch themselves could not deny the fact. But, by way of

excusing themselves from being guilty of a crime disgraceful to every

civilised state, they endeavoured to lay the whole blame on the French

captain, for not applying in time for a guard.

As soon as we had saluted, I went on shore, accompanied by some of my

officers, and waited on the governor, the lieutenant-governor, the

fiscal, and the commander of the troops. These gentlemen received me

with the greatest civility; and the governor, in particular, promised me

every assistance that the place afforded. At the same time I obtained

his leave to set up our observatory on any spot I should think most

convenient; to pitch tents for the sailmakers and coopers; and to bring

the cattle on shore, to graze near our encampment. Before I returned on

board, I ordered soft bread, fresh meat, and greens, to be provided,

every day, for the ship’s company.

On the 22d, we set up the tents and observatory, and began to send the

several articles out of the ship which I wanted on shore. This could not

be done sooner, as the militia of the place were exercising on, or near

the ground which we were to occupy.

The next day, we began to observe equal altitudes of the sun, in order

to ascertain the rate of the watch, or, which is the same thing, to find

whether it had altered its rate. These observations were continued every

day, whenever the weather would permit, till the time of our departure

drew near. But before this, the caulkers had been set to work to caulk

the ship; and I had concerted measures with Messrs. Brandt and Chiron,

for supplying both ships with such provisions as I should want. Bakers,

likewise, had been ordered, immediately after our arrival, to bake such

a quantity of bread as I thought would be requisite. As fast as the

several articles destined for the Resolution were got ready, they were

carried on board.

On the 26th, the French ship sailed for Europe, and by her, we sent

letters to England. The next day, the Hampshire, East India ship, from

Bencoolen, anchored in the bay, and saluted us with thirteen guns, which

we returned with eleven.

Nothing remarkable happened till the evening of the 31st, when it came

on to blow excessively hard at S. E., and continued for three days;

during which time there was no communication between the ship and the

shore. The Resolution was the only ship in the bay that rode out the

gale without dragging her anchors. We felt its effects as sensibly on

shore. Our tents and observatory were torn to pieces; and our

astronomical quadrant narrowly escaped irreparable damage. On the 3d of

November the storm ceased, and the next day we resumed our different

employments.

On the 6th, the Hampshire India ship, sailed for England. In her I sent

home an invalid, whom Captain Trimble was so obliging as to receive on

board. I was afterwards sorry that I had not availed myself of this

opportunity to part with two or three more of my crew, who were troubled

with different complaints; but, at this time, there was some hope of

their health being re-established.

In the morning of the 10th, the Discovery arrived in the bay. Captain

Clerke informed me that he had sailed from Plymouth on the 1st of

August, and should have been with us here a week sooner if the late gale

of wind had not blown him off the coast. Upon the whole, he was seven

days longer in his passage from England than we had been. He had the

misfortune to lose one of his marines, by falling over-board; but there

had been no other mortality amongst his people, and they now arrived

well and healthy.

Captain Clerke having represented to me that his ship was in want of

caulking; that no time might be lost in repairing this defect, next day

I sent all my workmen on board her, having already completed this

service on board the Resolution. I lent every other assistance to the

captain to expedite his supply of provisions and water, having given him

an order to receive on board as much of both articles as he could

conveniently stow. I now found that the bakers had failed in baking the

bread I had ordered for the Discovery. They pretended a want of flour;

but the truth was, they were doubtful of her coming, and did not care to

begin till they saw her at anchor in the bay.

I have before made mention of our getting our cattle on shore. The bull

and two cows, with their calves, were sent to graze along with some

other cattle; but I was advised to keep our sheep, sixteen in number,

close to our tents, where they were penned up every night. During the

night preceding the 14th, some dogs having got in amongst them, forced

them out of the pen, killing four, and dispersing the rest. Six of them

were recovered the next day; but the two rams, and two of the finest

ewes in the whole flock, were amongst those missing. Baron Plettenberg

being now in the country, I applied to the lieutenant-governor, Mr.

Hemmy, and to the fiscal. Both these gentlemen promised to use their

endeavours for the recovery of the lost sheep. The Dutch, we know, boast

that the police at the Cape is so carefully executed, that it is hardly

possible for a slave, with all his cunning and knowledge of the country,

to effectuate his escape. Yet my sheep evaded all the vigilance of the

fiscal’s officers and people. However, after much trouble and expence,

by employing some of the meanest and lowest scoundrels in the place

(who, to use the phrase of the person who recommended this method to me,

would, for a ducatoon, cut their master’s throat, burn the house over

his head, and bury him and the whole family in the ashes), I recovered

them all but the two ewes. Of these I never could hear the least

tidings: and I gave over all inquiry after them, when I was told, that

since I had got the two rams, I might think myself very well off. One of

these, however, was so much hurt by the dogs, that there was reason to

believe he would never recover.

Mr. Hemmy very obligingly offered to make up this loss, by giving me a

Spanish ram, out of some that he had sent for from Lisbon. But I

declined the offer, under a persuasion that it would answer my purpose

full as well, to take with me some of the Cape rams; the event proved,

that I was under a mistake. This gentleman has taken some pains to

introduce European sheep at the Cape; but his endeavours, as he told me,

have been frustrated by the obstinacy of the country people, who hold

their own breed in greater estimation, on account of their large tails,

of the fat of which they sometimes make more money than of the whole

carcass besides[99]; and think that the wool of European sheep will, by

no means, make up for their deficiency in this respect. Indeed, I have

heard some sensible men here make the same observation. And there seems

to be foundation for it. For, admitting that European sheep were to

produce wool of the same quality here as in Europe, which experience has

shown not to be the case, the Dutch have not hands, at the Cape of Good

Hope, to spare for the manufacturing even their own clothing. It is

certain that, were it not for the continual importation of slaves, this

settlement would be thinner of people than any other inhabited part of

the world.

While the ships were getting ready for the prosecution of our voyage,

some of our officers made an excursion to take a view of the

neighbouring country. Mr. Anderson, my surgeon, who was one of the

party, gave me the following relation of their proceedings[100]:

“On the 16th, in the forenoon, I set out in a waggon, with five more, to

take a view of some part of the country. We crossed the large plain that

lies to the eastward of the town, which is entirely a white sand, like

that commonly found on beaches, and produces only heath, and other small

plants of various sorts. At five in the afternoon we passed a large

farm-house, with some corn-fields, and pretty considerable vineyards,

situated beyond the plain, near the foot of some low hills, where the

soil becomes worth cultivating. Between six and seven we arrived at

Stellenbosh, the colony next to that of the Cape for its importance.

“The village does not consist of more than thirty houses, and stands at

the foot of the range of lofty mountains, above twenty miles to the

eastward of the Cape Town. The houses are neat; and, with the advantage

of a rivulet which runs near, and the shelter of some large oaks,

planted at its first settling, forms what may be called a rural prospect

in this desert country. There are some vineyards and orchards about the

place, which, from their thriving appearance, seem to indicate an

excellent soil; though, perhaps, they owe much to climate, as the air

here has an uncommon serenity.

“I employed the next day in searching for plants and insects about

Stellenbosh, but had little success. Few plants are in flower here at

this season, and insects but scarce. I examined the soil in several

places, and found it to consist of yellowish clay, mixed with a good

deal of sand. The sides of the low hills, which appear brown, seem to be

constituted of a sort of stone marle.

“We left Stellenbosh next morning, and soon arrived at the house we had

passed on Saturday; the owner of which, Mr. Cloeder, had sent us an

invitation, the evening before, to visit him. This gentleman entertained

us with the greatest hospitality, and in a manner very different from

what we expected. He received us with music; and a band also played

while we were at dinner; which, considering the situation of the place,

might be reckoned elegant. He shewed us his wine-cellars, his orchards,

and vineyards; all which, I must own, inspired me with a wish to know in

what manner these industrious people could create such plenty in a spot

where, I believe, no other European nation would have attempted to

settle.

“In the afternoon we crossed the country, and passed a few plantations,

one of which seemed very considerable, and was laid out in a taste

somewhat different from any other we saw. In the evening we arrived at a

farm-house, which is the first in the cultivated tract called the

_Pearl_. We had, at the same time, a view of Drakenstein, the third

colony of this country, which lies along by the foot of the lofty hills

already mentioned, and contains several farms or plantations, not very

extensive.

“I went, on the 19th in the forenoon, in quest of plants and insects,

which I found almost as scarce as at Stellenbosh; but I met with more

shrubs or small trees, naturally produced, in the valleys, than in any

part of the country I had hitherto seen.

“In the afternoon, we went to see a stone of a remarkable size, called

by the inhabitants the Tower of Babylon, or the Pearl Diamond.[101] It

lies, or stands, upon the top of some low hills, at the foot of which

our farm-house was situated; and though the road to it is neither very

steep nor rugged, we were above an hour and a half in walking to it. It

is of an oblong shape, rounded on the top, and lies nearly south and

north. The east and west sides are steep, and almost perpendicular. The

south end is likewise steep, and its greatest height is there; from

whence it declines gently to the north part, by which we ascended to its

top, and had an extensive view of the whole country.

“Its circumference, I think, must be at least half a mile; as it took us

above half an hour to walk round it, including every allowance for the

bad road, and stopping a little. At its highest part, which is the south

end, comparing it with a known object, it seems to equal the dome of St.

Paul’s church. It is one uninterrupted mass of stone, if we except some

fissures, or rather impressions, not above three or four feet deep, and

a vein which runs across near its north end. It is of that sort of stone

called, by mineralogists, _Saxum conglutinatum_, and consists chiefly of

pieces of coarse _quartz_ and _glimmer_, held together by a clayey

cement. But the vein which crosses it, though of the same materials, is

much compacter. This vein is not above a foot broad or thick; and its

surface is cut into little squares or oblongs, disposed obliquely, which

makes it look like the remains of some artificial work. But I could not

observe whether it penetrated far into the large rock, or was only

superficial. In descending, we found at its foot a very rich black

mould; and on the sides of the hills, some trees of a considerable size,

natives of the place, which are a species of _olea_.[102]

“In the morning on the 20th, we set out from the _Pearl_; and going a

different road from that by which we came, passed through a country,

wholly uncultivated, till we got to the _Tyger_ hills, when some

tolerable corn-fields appeared. At noon, we stopped in a hollow for

refreshment; but, in walking about here, were plagued with a vast number

of musquitoes or sand-flies, which were the first I saw in the country.

In the afternoon we set out again, and in the evening arrived at the

Cape Town, tired with the jolting waggon.”

On the 23d, we got on board the observatory, clock, &c. By a mean of the

several results of the equal altitudes of the sun, taken with the

astronomical quadrant, the astronomical clock was found to lose on

sidereal time, 1ʹ 8ʺ, 368 each day. The pendulum was kept at the same

length as at Greenwich, where the daily loss of the clock on sidereal

time, was 4ʺ.

The watch, by the mean of the results of fifteen days’ observations, was

found to be losing 2ʺ 261, on mean time, each day; which is 1ʺ 052 more

than at Greenwich: and on the 21st, at noon, she was too slow for mean

time by 1^h 20ʹ 57ʺ 66. From this, 6ʹ 48ʺ, 956, is to be subtracted, for

what she was too slow on the 11th of June at Greenwich, and her daily

rate since; and the remainder, viz. 1^h 14ʹ 08ʺ 704, or 18° 32ʹ 10ʺ,

will be the longitude of the Cape Town by the watch. Its true longitude,

as found by Messrs. Mason and Dixon, is 18° 23ʹ 15ʺ. As our observations

were made about half a mile to the east of theirs, the error of the

watch, in longitude, is no more than 8ʹ 25ʺ. Hence we have reason to

conclude, that she had gone well all the way from England, and that the

longitude, thus given, may be nearer the truth than any other.

If this be admitted, it will, in a great measure, enable me to find the

direction and strength of the currents we met with on this passage from

England. For, by comparing the latitude and longitude by dead reckoning,

with those by observation and the watch, we shall from time to time,

have, very accurately, the error of the ship’s reckoning, be the cause

what it will. But as all imaginable care was taken in having and keeping

the log, and every necessary allowance made for lee-way, heave of the

sea, and other such circumstances, I cannot attribute those errors that

did happen, to any other cause but currents; but more particularly when

the error was constantly the same way, for several days successively.

On the contrary, if we find the ship ahead of the reckoning on one day,

and astern of it on another, we have reason to believe that such errors

are owing to accidental causes, and not to currents. This seems to have

been the case in our passage between England and Teneriffe. But, from

the time of our leaving that island, till the 15th of August, being then

in the latitude of 12° N., and longitude 24° W., the ship was carried 1°

20ʹ of longitude to the westward of her reckoning. At this station, the

currents took a contrary direction, and set to E. S. E., at the rate of

twelve or fourteen miles a day, or twenty-four hours, till we arrived

into the latitude of 5° N., and longitude of 20° W.; which was our most

easterly situation after leaving the Cape de Verde Islands, till we got

to the southward. For in this situation the wind came southerly, and we

tacked and stretched to the westward; and for two or three days could

not find that our reckoning was affected by any current. So that, I

judged, we were between the current that generally, if not constantly,

sets to the east upon the coast of Guinea, and that which sets to the

west towards the coast of Brasil.

This westerly current was not considerable till we got into 2° N., and

25° W. From this station, to 3° S. and 30° W., the ship, in the space of

four days, was carried one hundred and fifteen miles in the direction of

S. W. by W., beyond her reckoning; an error by far too great to have any

other cause but a strong current running in the same direction. Nor did

its strength abate here; but its course was, afterward, more westerly,

and to the N. of W.; and off Cape Augustine, north, as I have already

mentioned. But this northerly current did not exist at twenty or thirty

leagues to the southward of that Cape, nor any other, that I could

perceive, in the remaining part of the passage. The little difference we

afterward found between the reckoning and observations, might very well

happen without the assistance of currents; as will appear by the Table

of Days’ Works.

In the account of my last voyage[103], I remarked, that the currents one

meets with in this passage generally balance each other. It happened so

then; because we crossed the line about 20° more to the eastward than we

did now; so that we were, of consequence, longer under the influence of

the easterly current, which made up for the westerly one.

And this, I apprehend, will generally be the case, if you cross the line

10° or 15° to the east of the meridian of St. Jago.

From these remarks I shall draw the following conclusion, that, after

passing the Cape de Verde Island, if you do not make above 4° or 5°

easting, and cross the line in, or to the westward of, the meridian of

St. Jago, you may expect to find your ship 3° or 4° to the westward of

her reckoning, by the time you get into the latitude of 10° S. If, on

the other hand, you keep well to the east, and cross the line 15° or 20°

to the east of St. Jago, you will be then as much to the east of your

reckoning; and the more you keep to the eastward, the greater will be

your error; as has been experienced by some India ships, whose people

have found themselves close upon the coast of Angola, when they thought

its distance was above two hundred leagues.

During the whole of our passage from England, no opportunity was

admitted of observing, with all the attention and accuracy that

circumstances would permit, the variation of the compass, which I have

inserted in a table, with the latitude and longitude of the ship at the

time of observation. As the longitude may be depended upon, to a quarter

or half a degree at most, this table will be of use to those navigators

who correct their reckoning by the variation. It will also enable Mr.

Dun to correct his new Variation Chart, a thing very much wanted.

It seems strange to me, that the advocates for the variation should not

agree amongst themselves. We find one[104] of them telling us, as I have

already observed, _that with 8° west variation, or any thing above that,

you may venture to sail by the Cape de Verde Islands, by night or day,

being well assured, with that variation, that you are to the eastward of

them_. Another, in his chart[105], lays down this variation ninety

leagues to the westward of them. Such a disagreement as this, is a

strong proof of the uncertainty of both. However, I have no doubt, the

former found here, as well as in other places, the variation he

mentions. But he should have considered, that at sea, nay even on land,

the results of the most accurate observations will not always be the

same. Different compasses will give different variations; and even the

same compass will differ from itself two degrees, without our being able

to discover, much less to remove, the cause.

Whoever imagines he can find the variation within a degree, will very

often see himself much deceived. For, besides the imperfection which may

be in the construction of the instrument, or in the power of the needle,

it is certain that the motion of the ship, or attraction of the

ironwork, or some other cause not yet discovered, will frequently

occasion far greater errors than this. That the variation may be found,

with a share of accuracy more than sufficient to determine the ship’s

course, is allowed; but that it can be found so exactly as to fix the

longitude within a degree, or sixty miles, I absolutely deny.

CHAP. IV.

THE TWO SHIPS LEAVE THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.—TWO ISLANDS, NAMED PRINCE

EDWARD’S, SEEN, AND THEIR APPEARANCE DESCRIBED.—KERGUELEN’S LAND

VISITED.—ARRIVAL IN CHRISTMAS HARBOUR.—OCCURRENCES THERE.—DESCRIPTION

OF IT.

After the disaster which happened to our sheep, it may be well supposed

I did not trust those that remained long on shore; but got them, and the

other cattle, on board as fast as possible. I also added to my original

stock, by purchasing two young bulls, two heifers, two young

stone-horses, two mares, two rams, several ewes and goats, and some

rabbits and poultry. All of them were intended for New Zealand,

Otaheite, and the neighbouring islands, or any other places, in the

course of our voyage, where there might be a prospect that the leaving

any of them would be useful to posterity.

Towards the latter end of November, the calkers had finished their work

on board the Discovery, and she had received all her provisions and

water. Of the former, both ships had a supply sufficient for two years

and upwards. And every other article we could think of, necessary for

such a voyage, that could be had at the Cape, was procured; neither

knowing when, or where, we might come to a place where we could furnish

ourselves so well.

Having given Captain Clerke a copy of my instructions, and an order

directing him how to proceed in case of separation; in the morning of

the 30th, we repaired on board. At five in the afternoon, a breeze

sprung up at S. E., with which we weighed, and stood out of the bay. At

nine it fell calm, and we anchored between Penguin Island and the east

shore, where we lay till three o’clock next morning. We then weighed and

put to sea, with a light breeze at south; but did not get clear of the

land till the morning of the 3d, when with a fresh gale at W. N. W., we

stood to the S. E. to get more into the way of these winds.

On the 5th, a sudden squall of wind carried away the Resolution’s mizen

top-mast. Having another to replace it, the loss was not felt;

especially as it was a bad stick, and had often complained. On the 6th,

in the evening, being then in the latitude of 39° 14ʹ S., and in the

longitude of 23° 56ʹ E., we passed through several small spots of water

of reddish colour. Some of this was taken up; and it was found to abound

with a small animal, which the microscope discovered to be like a

cray-fish, of a reddish hue.

We continued our course to the south-east, with a very strong gale from

the westward, followed by a mountainous sea; which made the ship roll

and tumble exceedingly, and gave us a great deal of trouble to preserve

the cattle we had on board. Notwithstanding all our care, several goats,

especially the males, died; and some sheep. This misfortune was, in a

great measure, owing to the cold, which we now began most sensibly to

feel.

On the 12th, at noon, we saw land extending from S. E. by S. to S. E. by

E. Upon a nearer approach, we found it to be two islands. That which

lies most to the south, and is also the largest, I judged to be about

fifteen leagues in circuit; and to be in the latitude of 46° 53ʹ S., and

in the longitude of 37° 46ʹ E. The most northerly one is about nine

leagues in circuit; and lies in the latitude of 46° 40ʹ S., and in 38°

8ʹ E. longitude. The distance from the one to the other is about five

leagues.

We passed through this channel, at equal distance from both islands; and

could not discover, with the assistance of our best glasses, either tree

or shrub on either of them. They seemed to have a rocky and bold shore;

and, excepting the south-east parts, where the land is rather low and

flat, a surface composed of barren mountains, which rise to a

considerable height, and whose summits and sides were covered with snow,

which in many places seemed to be of a considerable depth. The

south-east parts had a much greater quantity on them than the rest;

owing probably, to the sun acting for a less space of time on these than

on the north and north-west parts. The ground, where it was not hid by

the snow, from the various shades it exhibited, may be supposed to be

covered with moss, or, perhaps, such a coarse grass as is found in some

parts of Falkland’s Islands. On the north side of each of the islands is

a detached rock: that near the south island is shaped like a tower, and

seemed to be at some distance from the shore. As we passed along, a

quantity of sea-weed was seen, and the colour of the water indicated

soundings. But there was no appearance of an inlet, unless near the rock

just mentioned; and that, from its smallness, did not promise a good

anchoring-place.

These two islands, as also four others which lie from nine to twelve

degrees of longitude more to the east, and nearly in the same latitude,

were discovered, as I have mentioned in my late voyage[106], by Captains

Marion du Fresne, and Crozet, French navigators, in January 1772, on

their passage in two ships from the Cape of Good Hope to the Philippine

Islands. As they have no names in the French chart of the southern

hemisphere, which Captain Crozet communicated to me in 1775[107], I

shall distinguish the two we now saw, by calling them Prince Edward’s

Islands, after his Majesty’s fourth son; and the other four, by the name

of Marion’s and Crozet’s Islands, to commemorate their discoveries.

We had now, for the most part, strong gales between the north and west,

and but very indifferent weather; not better, indeed, than we generally

have in England in the very depth of winter, though it was now the

middle of summer in this hemisphere. Not discouraged, however, by this,

after leaving Prince Edward’s Islands, I shaped our course to pass to

the southward of the others, that I might get into the latitude of the

land discovered by Monsieur de Kerguelen.

The Three Voyages of Captain Cook Round the World. Vol. V. Being the First of the Third Voyage · 第 4 / 11 章