CHAPTER IV

GOETHE IN STRASSBURG

APRIL, 1770--AUGUST, 1771

Goethe was in his twenty-first year when he entered Strassburg in the

beginning of April, 1770. From his maturer age and the chastening

experience of the preceding eighteen months, therefore, it was to be

expected that his management of his life in his new home would be more

in accordance with his father's wishes than his wild ways in Leipzig.

In sending his son to Strassburg it was the father's intention that he

should complete those legal studies of which he had made a jest in

Leipzig, and qualify himself for the profession by which he was to

make his future living. During his residence of some sixteen months in

Strassburg Goethe did actually fulfil his father's wish, and returned

to Frankfort as a full-fledged Licenciate of Laws, but as little as at

Leipzig did the interests which engrossed him suggest future eminence

in his profession.

What again strikes us is the rapidity with which he caught the tone of

his new surroundings. In Strassburg he found a society whose ways of

living and thinking were equally different from those of Frankfort and

of Leipzig. Strassburg had not the bounded intellectual horizon which

made him feel himself an alien in his native town, nor, on the other

hand, did it offer the opportunities for frivolous distraction which

he found in the "little Paris." Strassburg had been a French town for

a hundred years, but there was no town in Germany more intensely

German in its sympathies and aspirations. The officials and the upper

classes in the town spoke French and were French in their tastes and

habits, but the great majority of its citizens clung to their national

traditions with the tenacity of the conquered. It is Goethe's own

testimony that his residence in Strassburg precisely at this period of

his life was a decisive circumstance for his future development. At

the moment of his arrival, he had not yet completely broken with

French models, and he would even appear to have had vague dreams that

he would eventually choose the French language as his literary

medium.[64] Ever responsive to the intellectual and spiritual

atmosphere in which he found himself, however, the intensely German

sympathies of his Strassburg circle definitely turned him from a

career which would have cut off his genius from its profoundest

sources.

[Footnote 64: So we are led to infer from what he says in Part iii.,

Book ii. of _Dichtung und Wahrheit_.]

His decisive rejection of French for German ideals was the governing

fact of his sojourn in Strassburg, but he had other experiences there

which show that he was the same variable being of the Leipzig days.

His first letters from his new home would seem to show that he had

brought with him something of the pious sentiments he had acquired

from his association with Fräulein von Klettenberg, though his

expression of them has a singular savour. About a fortnight after his

arrival in Strassburg he writes as follows to one Limprecht, a

theological student whose acquaintance he had made in Leipzig: "I am

now again _Studiosus_, and, thank God, have now as much health as I

need, and spirits in superabundance. As I was, so am I still; only

that I stand better with our Lord God and with his dear Son Jesus

Christ. It follows that I am a somewhat wiser man; and have learned by

experience the meaning of the saying, 'The fear of the Lord is the

beginning of wisdom.' To be sure, we first sing Hosanna to him who

cometh yonder; well and good! even that is joy and happiness; the King

must first enter before he ascends his throne." A week later he writes

again to the same correspondent in a similar strain[65]: "I am a

different man, very different: for that I thank my Saviour; and I am

thankful also that I am not what I pass for."[66]

[Footnote 65: _Werke, Briefe_, Band i. 232.]

[Footnote 66: _Ib._ p. 234.]

Two months later (July 28th) he appears to be in the same pious frame

of mind. "I still live somewhat at random," he writes to another

correspondent, "and I thank God for it; and often, when I dare, I

thank His Son also that I am in circumstances which seem to enjoin

this random mode of life.... Reflections are very light wares, but

prayer is a profitable business; a single welling-up of the heart to

Him whom we call _a_ God till we can name Him _our_ God, and we are

overwhelmed by the multitude of our mercies."[67]

[Footnote 67: _Ib._ pp. 240, 241.]

This mood, we cannot help feeling, sits ill on Goethe; pious as are

his expressions, they have not the ring of the genuine believer. Yet

it would be unjust to charge him with deliberate hypocrisy. The truth

is that at this time, and indeed throughout all his sojourn in

Strassburg, he was in a state of nervous irritability of which both

himself and his friends were aware.[68] Other expressions in letters

of the same date reveal a variability of moods, the only explanation

of which is that he had not fully recovered from the depressed mental

condition consequent on his long illness in Frankfort. But his

unnatural mood of piety did not long withstand the new influences to

which he was now subjected, and it is in a letter to Fräulein von

Klettenberg herself, written towards the end of August, that he

intimates his growing distaste for the religious set to whom she had

introduced him in Strassburg. After telling her that he had been to

Holy Communion "to remind him of the sufferings and death of our

Lord," he proceeds: "My intercourse with the religious people here is

not quite hearty, though at first I did turn very heartily to them;

but it seems as if it were not to be. They are so deadly dull when

they begin that my natural vivacity cannot endure it." He goes on to

say that he has made the acquaintance of one who is of a different way

of thinking from these people--one "who from the coolness of blood

with which he has always regarded the world thinks he has discovered

that we are put in this world for the special purpose of being useful

in it; that we are capable of making ourselves so; that religion is of

some help in this; and that the most useful man is the best."[69]

[Footnote 68: Lerse, one of Goethe's friends in Strassburg, said: "Da

geriet Goethe oft in hohe Verzückung, sprach Worte der Prophezeiung

und machte Lerse Besorgnisse, er werde überschnappen." (Goethe's

_Gespräche_. Gesamtausgabe von Freiherrn v. Biedermann, Leipzig, 1909,

i. p. 19.)]

[Footnote 69: _Werke, Briefe_, Band i. pp. 245-7.]

The acquaintance to whom Goethe thus refers was the most important

person in the circle with which he was mainly associated during his

residence in Strassburg. It was a circle widely different in tastes

and ways of thinking from that which he had left at Frankfort. Boarded

in one house, the persons who composed it, about ten in number, daily

met at a common table. Of different ages, and mostly medical students,

their talk, as Goethe tells us, mainly turned on their professional

studies. The talk of medical students is not favourable to the

cultivation of a mystical piety, and it need not surprise us that a

few weeks in this atmosphere were sufficient to give Goethe a growing

distaste for those religious sentiments which in his case were only a

morbid distortion of his natural instincts. Yet during these

Strassburg days there is no trace in him of that anti-Christian

attitude of mind which was to be one of his later phases. He

decisively dissociated himself from the Herrnhut society, and he

ceased to speak in their language, but, as we have seen, he was still

disposed to assign to religion a due place in the lives of reasonable

men.

In the president of the common table, Dr. Salzmann, the acquaintance

to whom he referred, Goethe found one who by his personal character

and general views of life appealed to what was deepest in his own

nature. Salzmann's belief that "the most useful man is the best," may

be said, indeed, to sum up Goethe's own maturest conviction regarding

the conduct of life. In his relations to Salzmann, therefore, so far

as Goethe's ethical and religious ideals are concerned, we have the

clearest light thrown on his Strassburg period. As described by Goethe

himself, Salzmann was a man of the world, characterised by a tact,

good sense, and personal dignity which gave him an undisputed

ascendancy over the miscellaneous company which met at the common

table. From another member of the circle[70] we have this additional

tribute to Salzmann's high character: "His place (at table) was the

uppermost, and that would have been his natural place, even had he sat

behind the door. His modesty does not permit me to pass a panegyric on

him.... Let my readers imagine a philosophy, based at once on feeling

and a thorough grasp of principles, conjoined with the most genuine

Christianity, and he will have an idea of a Salzmann." Goethe and he,

the same writer adds, were "the most cordial friends (_Herzensfreunde_)."

In Leipzig the cynical _roué_ Behrisch had been Goethe's mentor; in

Strassburg his mentor was Salzmann, and the fact emphasises all the

difference between Goethe's Leipzig and Strassburg days. That he chose

Salzmann as his chiefest friend and confidant at a period when

self-control was still far from his reach, is the proof that _des

Lebens ernstes Führen_--the strenuous conduct of life--was in reality,

as he himself claimed, an imperative instinct of his nature. Certainly

he did not regulate his life in Strassburg in accordance with the

maxim of his self-chosen counsellor, yet we may conjecture that but

for Salzmann's restraining influence he would have gone further and

faster than he actually did. In the extremity of what was to be his

most passionate experience in Strassburg, it was to Salzmann that he

poured forth all the tumult of his passion, and the very act of laying

bare his heart to such a counsellor was a suggestion of the necessity

of a certain measure of self-control. In connection with Goethe's

relations to Salzmann we have also to note what is true of his

relations to everyone at whose feet he chose for the time to sit. When

a youth of eighteen he had written to Behrisch, a man of thirty, on

terms of perfect equality. He was now a little over twenty, and

Salzmann was approaching fifty and a man of the stamp we have seen,

yet in Goethe's letters to him there is no trace of the modest

diffidence with which a youth usually addresses his seniors. A forward

self-confidence, which some found objectionable, was in fact a

characteristic of his youth and early manhood which is noticed by more

than one observer. He entered a room, we are told, with a bold and

confident air; and we have it from another witness that he was _d'une

suffisance insupportable_.[71] Be it remarked, however, that there is

equal testimony to the overpowering charm of his bearing and

conversation--a charm due, as we learn, to a spontaneity of feeling

and exuberance of youthful spirits which broke through all conventions

and gave the tone to every company in which he found himself.

[Footnote 70: Jung Stilling.]

[Footnote 71: Biedermann, _op. cit._, i. pp. 15, 19. At an earlier

period Goethe was thus described: "Er mag 15 oder 16 Jahr alt sein, im

übrigen hat er mehr ein gutes Plappermaul als Gründlichkeit." _Ib._ p.

6.]

Goethe's relations to another member of the circle, who joined it

somewhat later, show him in his most attractive light. This was Johann

Heinrich Jung, better known as Jung Stilling, now about thirty years

of age. Stilling was another of those originals who crossed Goethe's

path at different periods, and to whom he was at all times specially

attracted. Stilling had had a remarkable career; he had been

successively charcoal-burner, tailor, schoolmaster, and private tutor,

and he had come to Strassburg to qualify himself for the practice of

medicine. What attracted Goethe to him was a type of mind and

character at every point dissimilar from his own. With a simple

mystical piety, which led him to believe that he was a special child

of Providence, Stilling combined an intelligence and a zeal for

knowledge which gave his words and his actions an individual stamp. It

is from Stilling that we have the most vivid description of Goethe in

these Strassburg days. As he sat with a friend at the common table for

the first time, they saw a youth enter who, by his "large bright eyes,

magnificent forehead, handsome person, and confident air," arrested

their attention.[72] "That must be a fine fellow," remarked

Stilling's friend, but both agreed that they might look for trouble

with him, as he seemed _ein wilder Kamerad_. They were mistaken, and

Goethe was to prove one of Stilling's warmest friends. Stilling

himself relates how, when one at the table directed a gibe at him, it

was Goethe who rebuked the railer. When Stilling was in despair at the

news of the illness of his betrothed, it was to Goethe he flew for

comfort, and he found him a friend in need. At a later date Goethe

published Stilling's Autobiography without his knowledge, and

presented him with the copyright. It was with the lively recollection

of these and other acts of friendship that Stilling wrote the words

which are the finest tribute ever paid to Goethe: "Goethe's heart,

which few knew, was as great as his intellect, which all knew."[73]

[Footnote 72: Goethe's personal appearance made such a remarkable

impression on all who met him that it deserves to be more minutely

described. In stature he was slightly over the middle height, though

the poise of his head, both in youth and age, gave the impression of

greater tallness. Till past his thirtieth year he was notably slender

in figure, a defect in symmetry being the observable shortness of the

legs, and he walked with swift, elastic step. The foot was elegantly

shaped, but the hand was that of the descendant of ancestors who had

been engaged in manual labour. The head was of oval form, the chin

small and feminine, the height of the forehead remarkable. The face,

which (in youth) gave the impression of smallness, was brown in

complexion; the nose was delicately formed and slightly curved; the

hair brown, abundant, and usually dishevelled. The feature which

struck all who met him for the first time was the eyes, which were

brown in colour, large, and widely-opened, with the white conspicuous,

and piercingly bright.--An exhaustive study of the portraits and busts

of Goethe will be found in _Goethes Kopf und Gestalt von Karl Bauer_,

Berlin, 1908.]

[Footnote 73: Stilling elsewhere says: "Schade, dass so wenige diesen

vortrefflichen Menschen seinem Herzen nach kennen!" Others used

similar expressions regarding Goethe's mind and heart.]

Neither in Frankfort, nor in Leipzig, nor in Strassburg had Goethe as

yet met the man in whom he could recognise his intellectual peer. In

the beginning of September, 1770, however, there came to Strassburg

one who, for the first time, impressed him with a sense of

inferiority. This was Johann Gottfried Herder, who, some five years

Goethe's senior, had a career behind him widely different from that of

the fortunate son of the Imperial Councillor of Frankfort. Born of

poor parents, he had had to fight his way at every step to the

distinction which he had already attained. He had studied under Kant

at Königsberg, had been successively assistant teacher, assistant

pastor, and private tutor. In this last capacity he had travelled in

France, and visited Paris, where he had made the acquaintance, among

others, of Diderot and D'Alembert. In Hamburg he had for several weeks

been in intercourse with Lessing, whom Goethe in a moment of caprice

had neglected to visit in Leipzig. Already, moreover, he had produced

work in literary criticism which by its suggestiveness and originality

had attracted much attention, and notably among the youth of Germany.

In hard-won experience, in extent of knowledge and range of ideas,

therefore, Herder, as Goethe himself speedily saw and acknowledged,

was far ahead of him along those very paths where he himself was

ambitious of distinction.

The association of Herder and Goethe in these Strassburg days is one

of the interesting chapters in European literary history. Goethe

himself bears emphatic testimony to Herder's determining influence at

once on his mind and character. "The most significant event of that

time, he tells us, "and one which was to have the weightiest

consequences for me, was my acquaintance with Herder and the closer

bond that resulted from it." Bond there was between them, but it was

not the bond of genuine friendship. No two men, indeed, could be more

essentially antipathetic by nature than Herder and Goethe. Their

antagonism was clearly apparent during their intercourse in

Strassburg, and in the end, after many years of uneasy relations,

their alienation became complete. Be it said that the traits in Herder

which estranged Goethe from him were equally recognised and felt by

others. Naturally querulous, splenetic, and inconsiderate of others'

feelings, the adverse circumstances of his early life had made him

something of a Timon among his fellows.[74] His favourite author was

Swift, and from this preference and from the peculiarities of his own

temper he was known among his acquaintances as the "Dean." But there

were sides to his nature which certainly did not exist in the

"terrible" Dean. Herder was an enthusiast for his own ideas, and these

ideas were of a quality and range that marked him as one of the

pioneers of his time. Religion as a primary instinct in man and the

principal factor in his development was Herder's lifelong and

predominant interest. He identified himself with Christianity, but it

was a Christianity understood by him in the most liberal sense, a

Christianity free from dogma, a spirit rather than a creed. As

kindred to religion, poetry in his conception was inseparable from it

in the essential being of man--poetry not as expressed in conventional

forms but as the breath of the human spirit, and one of the most

precious gifts for the purifying and elevation of humanity. These

conceptions he owed, not to Kant, to whom he had listened in

Königsberg, but to a less systematic teacher, J.G. Hamann, whose

eccentric character and visionary speculations had gained for him the

designation of the "Magus of the North." Goethe came to be acquainted

with the writings of Hamann, and had a genuine admiration of him as a

seer struggling with visions to which he was unable to give adequate

utterance.[75] It was in his conversations with Herder, however, that

he was introduced to those deeper conceptions of man and his

possibilities which implied a complete emancipation from the

mechanical philosophy which he had hitherto been endeavouring to find

in a mystical religion.

[Footnote 74: R. Haym, Herder's biographer, says of him: "Einen

unbedingt erfreulichen, harmonischen Eindruck kann dieser Mann, der

selbst von den 'gräulichen Dissonanzen' redet, in die Äussererungen

zuweilen ausklingen möchten, auch auf den günstigst gestimmten

Betrachter nimmermehr machen." (_Herder nach seinem Leben und seinen

Werken_, Berlin, 1887, i. p. 396.)]

[Footnote 75: Goethe attached so much importance to many of Hamann's

utterances that, as late as 1806, he had thoughts of bringing out an

edition of Hamann's works.]

During the six months that Herder resided in Strassburg he was under

treatment for a serious ailment of his eyes, and Goethe was assiduous

in his attendance on him, often remaining with him for whole days.

Their intercourse was not an unmixed pleasure for either. Herder's

mordant humour and spirit of contradiction were a daily trial to

Goethe's temper, and he describes his feelings of alternating

attraction and repulsion as a wholly new experience in his life.

Herder, who had known Diderot and D'Alembert and Lessing, appears,

indeed, to have treated Goethe as an undisciplined boy, spoilt by

flattery, with no serious purpose in life, inconsequent and

irresponsible.[76] Nor does he seem to have been specially impressed

by any promise in the youth who was so completely to eclipse him in

the eyes of the world. In his letters from Strassburg he does not even

mention Goethe's name; and, when he subsequently referred to him, it

was in terms he might have applied to any clever and confident youth.

"Goethe," he wrote, "is at bottom a good fellow, only somewhat

superficial and sparrow-like,[77] faults with which I constantly taxed

him." If Herder's moods frequently jarred on Goethe, it is evident

that the experience was mutual. The physical and mental restlessness,

which is suggested by the epithet "sparrow-like," and which was noted

by others as characteristic of Goethe at this period, could not fail

to irritate one like Herder, naturally grave, sobered by hard

experience, and then suffering from a painful and serious ailment.

Equally distasteful to Herder were Goethe's explosive outbursts in

general conversation and his liking for practical jokes at the expense

of his friends. To Herder as to everyone else Goethe aired his

opinions with the "frank confidingness" which he notes as a trait of

his own character, and which gave Herder frequent opportunities for

scathing criticism. Herder gibed at his youthful tastes--at his

collection of seals, at his elegantly-bound volumes which stood unread

on his shelves, at his enthusiasms for Italian art, for the writings

of the Cabbalists, for the poetry of Ovid.[78]

[Footnote 76: Herder thought that Goethe was lacking in enthusiasm.]

[Footnote 77: Elsewhere Herder calls Goethe a _Specht_, a

wood-pecker.]

[Footnote 78: Writing to a correspondent in 1780, Goethe says: "Herder

fährt fort, sich und andern das Leben sauer zu machen."]

At bottom, as Herder said, Goethe was a "good fellow," slow to take

offence, and as little vindictive as is possible to human nature. This

easy temper doubtless stood him in good stead under the fire of

Herder's sarcasms, but he himself specifies another reason for his

docility which is equally characteristic: he endured all Herder's

satirical spleen because he had learned to attach a high value to

everything that contributed to his own culture. According to his own

account, he owed a double debt to Herder--a determining influence on

his character, and an equally determining influence on his

intellectual development. Till he met Herder he had been treated as a

youthful genius, as a "conquering lord," whose eccentricities were

only a proof of his originality. Very different was the measure he

received from Herder, who showed no mercy for "whatever of

self-complacency, egotism, vanity, pride and presumption was latent or

active" in him. Herder, he says elsewhere, "exercised such a

blighting influence on me that I began to doubt my own powers."

Whether or not Goethe learned from Herder the lesson of modesty

regarding his own gifts, it is the truth that of all the sons of

genius none has been freer than Goethe was in his maturer years from

every form of vanity and self-consciousness.

It is on his intellectual debt to Herder, however, that Goethe dwells

most emphatically in his account of their personal intercourse. Daily

and even hourly, he says, Herder's conversation was a summons to new

points of view. Poetry was the subject in which both had a common

interest, and from Herder Goethe learned to regard poetry "in another

sense" from that in which he had hitherto regarded it. He had hitherto

regarded poetry as an accomplishment; Herder taught him that it was a

gift of nature, of the essence of humanity, "the mother-speech of the

human race." This expression was Hamann's, who had been inspired to

utter it out of his revulsion against French literature and his study

of the literature of England. From England, indeed, came those

conceptions of the nature and function of poetry which, as expounded

and exemplified in the writings of Hamann, Herder, Goethe, and others,

were to effect a revolution in German literature. In a literary

manifesto, written by an Englishman, but apparently better known in

Germany than in England, German historians of their own literature

have found the main impulse that gave occasion to this revolution.

This manifesto was a pamphlet written by Edward Young, the author of

_Night Thoughts_, entitled _Conjectures on Original Composition, in a

Letter addressed to the Author of Sir Charles Grandison_. The

dithyrambic style of the Letter manifestly exercised a powerful

influence on the prose of Herder and Goethe--prose charged with

perfervid feeling, and hitherto unknown in German literature. Young's

main contention is that in literature genius must make rules for

itself, and that imitation is suicidal. "Genius," he says, "can set us

right in composition, without the rules of the learned; as conscience

sets us right in life, without the laws of the land." He lays it down

as a maxim that "the less we copy the renowned ancients, we shall

resemble them the more." The two golden rules in composition as in

ethics are: know thyself and reverence thyself. Such were the

"conjectures on original composition," expounded to him by Herder

which led Goethe to regard poetry in "another sense" from that in

which he had hitherto understood it. And in confirmation of his views

Herder directed him to the exemplars where he would find their

illustration--to the Bible, to Homer and Pindar, to Shakespeare and

Ossian, and, above all, to the primitive poetry of all peoples.

As we shall see, Goethe laid these counsels even too faithfully to

heart; the first composition[79] in which he attempted to realise them

drew upon him Herder's characteristic censure. And it is in this

connection that we have to note the reserves which Goethe makes in the

acknowledgment of his debt to Herder, "Had Herder been more methodical

in his mental habit," he says, "he would have afforded the most

valuable guidance for the permanent direction of my culture; but he

was more disposed to probe and to stimulate than to give guidance and

leading." So it was, as Goethe adds elsewhere, that the result of

Herder's influence on him was a mental confusion and tumult, plainly

visible in another of his early writings,[80] where "quite simple

thoughts and observations are veiled in a dust-cloud of unusual words

and phrases."

[Footnote 79: _Götz von Berlichingen._]

[Footnote 80: Von deutcher Baukunst.]

The homage which Goethe pays to Herder in the retrospect of his

Strassburg days is equally emphasised in his contemporary letters.

"Herder, Herder," he writes in one place, "remain to me what you are.

If I am destined to be your planet I will be it; be it willingly,

faithfully."[81] Yet we may doubt whether Herder's influence was, in

truth, so determining a factor in his life as Goethe himself

represents it. Herder, he tells us, first taught him a wise

self-distrust, but we have seen that one of the lessons he professes

to have learned from Oeser was "to be modest without self-depreciation,

and to be proud without presumption." Before he saw Herder, also, he

had already divined the greatness of Shakespeare and the futility of

Voltaire's criticisms of him. Herder's ideas regarding the human

spirit and its possibilities were in the air, and, had the two men

never met, the probability is that Goethe's development would not have

been different from what it actually was. Herder's general views were

already incipient in him; and what Herder did was to deepen and

intensify them.[82] Nevertheless the collision for the first time with

a mind that revealed to him his own immaturity was for Goethe, as for

every youth, a formative influence of the highest import and an epoch

in his mental history. Yet in his association with Herder one fact has

to be noted: Goethe was not subjugated by him. He frankly recognised

Herder's superiority to himself in knowledge and experience, but he

retained his mental independence. In his letters to Herder, as in

those to Salzmann, he writes in terms of equality. In such words as

the following, for example, we have not the attitude of the

unquestioning disciple to his master. "Pray let us try to see each

other oftener. You feel how you would embrace one who could be to you

what you are to me. Don't let us be frightened like weaklings because

we must often disagree: should our passions collide, can we not

endure the collision?"[83] Might we not infer from this passage that

not Herder but Goethe was the dominating spirit in their

intercourse?[84]

[Footnote 81: _Werke, Briefe_, Band i. p. 264. He adds that he would

prefer to be Mercury, the least of the seven planets that revolve

round the sun, than first among the five that revolve round Saturn.]

[Footnote 82: Herder himself says of his influence on Goethe: "Ich

glaube ihm, ohne Lobrednerei, einige gute Eindrücke gegeben zu haben,

die einmal wirksam werden können."--Haym, _op. cit._ i. 392.]

[Footnote 83: _Ib._ Band ii. p. 18.]

[Footnote 84: Schiller, in a letter to C.G. Körner, the father of the

poet, writes (July, 1787): "He [Herder] said that Goethe had greatly

influenced his intellectual development."]

Goethe found another source of inspiration in Strassburg besides

Herder, and one which, as he describes it both in his Autobiography

and in a contemporary effusion, moved him even more powerfully. His

first act on his arrival in Strassburg, he tells us, was to visit its

cathedral whose towers had caught his eye long before he reached the

town. He had been taught by his old master Oeser, who only represented

the general opinion of the time in Germany, that Gothic architecture

was the product of a barbarous age and could be regarded only with

amazed disgust by every person of educated taste. But Goethe's

mystical studies and religious experiences in Frankfort had not left

him what he was in his Leipzig days, and had given him an insight into

movements of the human spirit which did not come within the cognizance

of Oeser. It was with predisposed sympathy, therefore, that he looked

for the first time on a specimen of Gothic architecture in its most

august form. His first impression was of "a wholly peculiar kind";

and, without seeking to analyse the impression, "he surrendered

himself to its silent working." Thenceforward, during his stay in

Strassburg, the cathedral exercised a fascination upon him that evoked

a new world of thought and feeling. It was his delight to ascend its

tower at sunset and gaze on the rich landscape of Alsace, whose beauty

made him bless the fate that had placed him for a time amid such

surroundings. He studied its structure with such minute care that he

correctly divined the additions to the great tower which the original

architect had contemplated, but which he had been unable to carry out.

Goethe has himself indicated how the impressions he received from the

cathedral influenced his first literary productions which bore the

stamp of his individuality. It formed a fitting background, he says,

for such poetical creations as _Götz von Berlichingen_ and _Faust_. To

the cathedral and its suggestions, even more than to Herder, perhaps,

we should trace the inspiration that produced these works--the former

of which met with Herder's questioning approval. To the full force of

that inspiration Goethe gave direct expression in a composition which

is the most characteristic product of his Strassburg period--a short

essay, entitled _Of German Architecture_. Probably sketched in

Strassburg, it was not published till his return to Frankfort. Its

rhapsodical style, as well as the conceptions of art and nature which

it embodies, directly recall Young's _Conjectures on Original

Composition_. Like Young he proclaims that genius is a law to itself,

that all imitation and subservience to rule is disastrous to

imaginative production. "Principles," he declares, "are even more

injurious to genius than examples." The burden of the Essay is the

glorification of the genius of the architect of Strassburg cathedral,

and of Gothic architecture in general, which, Goethe maintained,

should be correctly designated "German" architecture, as having had

its origin on German soil. With this youthful sally of Goethe, time

was to deal with its unkindest irony. Later research has proved that

Gothic architecture is of French and not of German origin, and Goethe

himself did not remain faithful to his youthful enthusiasm. On his way

home from Strassburg, he relates, the sight of some specimens of

ancient art in Mannheim "shook his faith in northern architecture,"

and the impression he thus received was to become a permanent

conviction. It was in the art of classical antiquity that he was to

find the expression of his maturest ideal; when in later years his

attention was temporarily turned to Gothic architecture, it was with

little of his youthful enthusiasm that he admitted its claim to our

regard.

"I cannot go on long without a passion," Goethe wrote in his

twenty-third year, and we have no difficulty in believing him. In

Strassburg he lived through a passion which was to be the occasion of

his giving the first clear proof to the world that he was to be among

its original poets. On the 14th of October, 1770, more than five

months after his arrival in Strassburg, he wrote these words to a

correspondent: "I have never so vividly experienced what it is to be

content with one's heart disengaged as now here in Strassburg."[85] In

the same letter in which these words occur he casually mentions that

he has just spent a few days in the country with some pleasant people.

These pleasant people were a pastor Brion and his family living at

Sesenheim, an Alsace village some twenty miles from Strassburg. These

few days spent with the Brion family were to be the beginning of a

history which, as Goethe relates it in his Autobiography, has the

character of an idyll, but, when stripped of the poetic haze which he

has thrown around it, is not far from tragedy. He himself is our sole

authority for its incidents, and he chose so to tell them that the

exact truth of the whole history can never be known.[86]

[Footnote 85: _Ib._ Band i. p. 250.]

[Footnote 86: Subsequent investigation has proved that Goethe has

committed several errors of fact in his narrative. For example, he

relates that on his first visit to the Sesenheim family he was vividly

reminded of the family of the Vicar of Wakefield. In point of fact, he

was introduced to Goldsmith's work by Herder, who came to Strassburg

subsequent to Goethe's first visit to Sesenheim.]

The day following the writing of the letter just quoted, Goethe wrote

another letter which proves that his heart was no longer "disengaged."

This letter is, in fact, a declaration of love to the youngest

daughter of the Sesenheim pastor, Friederike--name of pleasantest

suggestions in the long list of Goethe's loves. The letter, it may be

said, does not strike us as a happy introduction to the relations that

were to follow; it would not have been written had Friederike been the

daughter of a house of the same social standing as his own. All

through his relations to the Sesenheim family, indeed, there is an

unpleasant suggestion that it is the son of the Imperial Councillor

who is indulging a passion which he is fully aware must one day end in

a more or less bitter parting. "Dear new Friend," he begins, "Such I

do not hesitate to call you, for, if in other circumstances I have not

much insight into the language of the eyes, at the first glance I saw

in yours the hope of this friendship; and for our hearts I would

swear. How should you, tender and good as I know you to be, not be a

little partial to me in return?"[87] In this strain the letter

continues, and with a skill of approach that reminds us of his boast

to his former confidant Behrisch.

[Footnote 87: _Ib._ p. 251.]

Goethe's relations with Friederike lasted till the end of June,

1771--a period of some ten months. Of this period the first half would

seem to have been passed by both in idyllic oblivion of consequences;

during the second there came painful awakening to realities on the

part of one of the lovers. As they lived in his memory, those first

months that Goethe spent in intercourse with the Sesenheim circle were

a long dream of happiness; and nowhere in his Autobiography is he so

obviously moved by his recollection of the past.[88] The picture he

has drawn of that time is, indeed, an idyll in every sense. We have

the setting of a primitive home in a country Arcadian in its

bountifulness and beauty; in the centre of this home is the father,

whose simple piety is in perfect keeping with his office and his

surroundings; and the home is brightened by the presence of two

daughters,[89] the one of whom, Friederike, appears as a vision of

rustic grace and modest maidenhood. In the midst of this circle moves

the richly-gifted youth, laying under a spell father, daughters, and

all who come within the magnetism of his presence. In no other

situation, indeed, are the attractive sides of Goethe's character so

strikingly manifest as in his intercourse with the Sesenheim family

and the friendly group attached to them. It is without a touch of

egotism that he brings himself before us in all the buoyant spirits,

the quickness of sympathy, the diversity of interests, the splendour

of his gifts, which made Wieland speak of him as "a veritable ruler of

spirits." He humours the good father by drawing a plan for a new

parsonage and painting his coach, he charms the daughters by his

various accomplishments, and the neighbours who came about the

parsonage are carried away by his frolicsome humour. "When Goethe

came among us girls when we were at work in the barn," related one who

had seen him, "his jests and droll stories almost made work

impossible."[90]

[Footnote 88: It is recorded that his voice trembled as he dictated

the passages referring to Sesenheim and Friederike.]

[Footnote 89: In reality, there were four daughters, but Goethe omits

mention of the other two in order to make more striking the

resemblance between the family of the Vicar of Wakefield and that of

Sesenheim.]

[Footnote 90: Biedermann, _op. cit._ i. pp. 16-17.]

The beginning of disillusion came on the occasion of a visit made by

the two sisters to Strassburg. In a world that was alien to her

Friederike lost something of the charm which was derived from her

perfect fitness to her native surroundings, and it was brought home to

Goethe that there must be a rude awakening from the dream of the last

few months. In May, 1771, he paid a visit to Sesenheim which lasted

several weeks, and the picture we have of his state of mind during his

visit shows that he felt that the time of reckoning had come. His mind

was already clear that he and Friederike must separate, but he was

fully conscious that he was playing a sorry part. Exaggerated language

was such an inveterate habit with him at this period of his life that

it is difficult to know with what exactness his words express his real

feelings.[91] That he was unhappy, however, we cannot doubt, make what

reserves we may for rhetorical excesses of style. Here are a few

passages from letters addressed to his friend Salzmann during his stay

at Sesenheim: "It rains without and within, and the hateful evening

winds rustle among the vine leaves before my window, and my _animula

vagula_ is like yonder weather-cock on the church tower." "For the

honour of God I am not leaving this place just at present.... I am now

certainly in tolerably good health; my cough, as the result of

treatment and exercise, is pretty nearly gone, and I hope it will soon

go altogether. Things about me, however, are not very bright; the

little one [Friederike] continues sadly ill, and that makes everything

look out of joint--not to speak of _conscia mens_, unfortunately not

_recti_, which I carry about with me." "It is now about time that I

should return [to Strassburg]; I will and will, but what avails

willing in the presence of the faces I see around me? The state of my

heart is strange, and my health is as variable as usual in the world,

which it is long since I have seen so beautiful. The most delightful

country, people who love me, a round of pleasures! Are not the dreams

of thy childhood all fulfilled?--I often ask myself when my eye feeds

on this circumambient bliss. Are not these the fairy gardens after

which thy heart yearned? They are! They are! I feel it, dear friend;

and feel that we are not a whit the happier when our desires are

realised. The make-weight! the make-weight! with which Fate balances

every bliss that we enjoy. Dear friend, there needs much courage not

to lose courage in this world of ours."[92]

[Footnote 91: In the recently discovered manuscript of _Wilhelm

Meisters Theatralische Sendung_ occurs this passage, evidently

self-descriptive: "Als Knabe hatte er zu grossen prächtigen Worten und

Sprüchen eine ausserordentliche Liebe, er schmückte seine Seele damit

aus wie mit einem köstlichen Kleide, und freute sich darüber, als wenn

sie zu ihm selbst gehörten kindlisch über diesen äussern Schmuck."]

[Footnote 92: _Werke, Briefe_, Band i. p. 258 _ff._]

The day of parting came at the end of June; on August 6th he passed

the tests necessary for the Licentiate of Laws, and at the end of that

month he left Strassburg for home. He left Friederike, he tells us, at

a moment when their parting almost cost her her life[93]; did he do

her a greater wrong than his own narrative would imply? We cannot

tell; but one thing is certain, from the first he never intended

marriage. That he had pangs of self-reproach for the part he had

played, his words above quoted may be taken as sufficient evidence,

but alike from temperament and deliberate consideration of the facts

of life he was incapable of the contrition that troubles human nature

to its depths.[94] Yet in our judgment of him it is well to remember

the ideas then current in Germany regarding the relations between love

and marriage. In his seventy-fourth year Goethe himself said: "Love is

something ideal, marriage is something real; and never with impunity

do we exchange the ideal for the real." The severest of moralists,

Kant, was of the same opinion. "The word _conjugium_ itself," he says,

"implies that two married people are yoked together, and to be thus

yoked cannot be called bliss." And to the same purport Wilhelm von

Humboldt, one of the finest spirits of his time, declared that

"marriage was no bond of souls." It was in a world where such opinions

were entertained by men of the highest character and intelligence that

Goethe made his irresponsible addresses to the successive objects of

his passion.

[Footnote 93: Friederike died in 1815. She was still alive when Goethe

was writing the story of their love.]

[Footnote 94:

Nichts taugt Ungeduld,

Noch weniger Reue;

Jene vermehrt die Schuld,

Diese schafft neue.]

The distractions of Strassburg, no more than the distractions of

Leipzig, diverted Goethe from what were his ruling instincts from the

beginning--to know life and to be master of himself. As in Leipzig,

his professional studies in Strassburg held little place in his

thoughts; his law degree, he tells us, he regarded as a matter of

"secondary importance." The subject he chose as his thesis--the

obligation of magistrates to impose a State religion binding on all

their subjects--was of a nature that had no living interest for him at

any period of his life, and he wrote the thesis "only to satisfy his

father." If his law studies were neglected, however, it was almost

with feverish passion that he coursed through other fields of

knowledge. In the _Ephemerides_--a diary he kept in Strassburg and in

which he noted his random thoughts and the books that happened to be

engaging him--we can see the range of his reading and the scope of his

interests. Occultism, metaphysics, science in many departments,

literature ancient and modern, all in turn absorbed his attention and

suggest a mental state impatient of the limits of the human

faculties--the state of mind which he was afterwards so marvellously

to reproduce in his _Faust_.[95] Inspired by the conversation of the

medical students who met at the common table, as well as by his own

natural bent, he attended the university lectures on chemistry and

anatomy, and thus laid a solid foundation for his subsequent original

investigations in these sciences. Extensive travels in the surrounding

country were among the chief pleasures of his sojourn in Strassburg,

and these travels, as was the case with him always, were voyages of

discovery. Architecture, machinery, works of engineering, Roman

antiquities, the native ballads of the district--on all he turned an

equally curious eye, and with such vivid impressions that they

remained in his memory after the lapse of half a lifetime.

[Footnote 95: "I, too," Goethe wrote in _Dichtung und Wahrheit_, "had

trodden the path of knowledge, and had early been led to see the

vanity of it."]

In Goethe the instinct for self-mastery was as remarkable as his

instinct for knowledge. As the result of his illness in Frankfort, his

organs of sense were in a state of morbid susceptibility which "put

him out of harmony with himself, with objects around him, and even

with the elements." It throws a curious light on the nature of the man

that amid all the preoccupations of his mind and heart in Strassburg

he could deliberately turn his thoughts to the cure of his jarred

nerves. Loud sounds disturbed him, and to deaden the sensitiveness of

his ears he attended the evening tatoo; to cure himself of a tendency

to giddiness he practised climbing the cathedral; partly to rid

himself of a repugnance to repulsive sights he attended clinical

lectures; and by a similar course of discipline he so completely

delivered himself from "night fears" that he afterwards found it

difficult to realise them even in imagination.

In his old age Goethe said of himself: "I have that in me which, if I

allowed it to go unchecked, would ruin both myself and those about

me." Was it, as Goethe would have us believe, by sheer purposive will

that he kept this dangerous element in him under check and saved

himself at critical moments from disaster? When we regard his life as

a whole, the actual facts hardly justify such a conclusion. Nature had

given him two safeguards which, without any effort of will on his own

part, assured him deliverance where the risk of wreckage was

greatest--a consuming desire to _know_ which grew with every year of

his life, and a versatility of temperament which necessitated

ever-renewed sensations equally of the mind and heart. Of the working

of these two elements in him we have already had illustration; they

will receive further illustration as we proceed.

It would be within the truth to say that the period of Goethe's

sojourn in Strassburg was the most memorable epoch of his life. During

the eighteen months he spent there he received an intellectual

stimulus from which we may date his dedication to the unique career

before him, in which self-culture, the passion for knowledge, and the

impulse to produce were all commensurate ends. Moreover, as has

already been said, it was in Strassburg that his genius found its

first adequate expression. And, what is worth noting in the case of

one who was to range over so many fields, it was in lyric poetry that

his genius first expressed itself. The problem with Goethe is to

discover which among his various gifts was nature's special dowry to

him. What, at least, is true is that at different periods of his life

he produced numbers of lyrics which the world has recognised as among

the most perfect things of their kind. And among these perfect things

are the few songs and other pieces inspired by Friederike Brion.

Doubtless his genius would have flowered had he never seen Friederike,

but it was among the many kind offices that fortune did him that he

found the theme for his muse in one whose simple charm, while it

excited his passion, at the same time chastened and purified it, and

compelled a truthful simplicity of expression in keeping with her own

nature. It was to Friederike that Goethe owed the pure inspiration

which gives his verses to her a quality rare in lyric poetry, but to

the writing of them there went all the forces that were then working

in him. In these verses we have the conclusive proof that he now both

understood and felt poetry "in another sense" from that in which he

had hitherto understood and felt it. Through them we feel the breath

of another air than that which he had breathed when he strained his

invention to make poetic compliments to Käthchen Schönkopf. In the

intensity and directness of passion which they express we may trace

all the new poetic influences which he had come under in

Strassburg--Shakespeare, Ossian, the popular ballad, the inspiration

of Herder. What is remarkable in these early lyrics, however, is that

though they vibrate with the emotion of the poet, the emotion is under

strict restraint and never passes into the watery effusiveness which

is the inherent sin of so much German lyrical poetry. That "brevity

and precision" which was the ideal he now put before him he had

attained at one bound, and in none of his later work did he exemplify

it in greater perfection. As his countrymen have frequently pointed

out, these firstfruits of Goethe's genius mark a new departure in

lyrical poetry. In them we have the direct simplicity of the best

lyrics of the past, but combined with this simplicity a depth of

introspection and a fusion of nature with human feeling which is a new

content in the imaginative presentation of human experience. In

connection with Goethe's Leipzig period we gave a specimen of the best

work he was then capable of producing; when we place beside it such a

poem as the following, we are reminded of the saying of Emerson that

"the soul's advances are not made by gradation ... but rather by

ascension of state."

WILKOMMEN UND ABSCHIED.

Es schlug mein Herz; geschwind zu Pferde,

Und fort, wild, wie ein Held zur Schlacht!

Der Abend wiegte schon die Erde,

Und an den Bergen hing die Nacht;

Schon stund im Nebelkleid die Eiche,

Wie ein getürmter Riese da,

Wo Finsternis aus dem Gesträuche

Mit hundert schwarzen Augen sah.

Der Mond von einem Wolkenhügel

Sah kläglich aus dem Duft hervor;

Die Winde schwangen leise Flügel,

Umsausten schauerlich mein Ohr;

Die Nacht schuf tausend Ungeheuer;

Doch frisch und fröhlich war mein Mut;

In meinen Adern welches Feuer!

In meinem Herzen welche Glut!

Dich sah ich, und die milde Freude

Floss aus dem süssen Blick auf mich,

Ganz war mein Herz an deiner Seite,

Und jeder Athemzug für dich.

Ein rosenfarbnes Frühlingswetter

Umgab das liebliche Gesicht,

Und Zärtlichkeit für mich, ihr Götter!

Ich hofft' es, ich verdient' es nicht.

Doch ach, schon mit der Morgensonne

Verengt der Abschied mir das Herz:

In deinen Küssen, welche Wonne,

In deinem Auge, welcher Schmerz!

Ich ging, du standst und sahst zur Erden,

Und sahst mir nach mit nassem Blick;

Und doch, welch Glück geliebt zu werden!

Und lieben, Götter, welch ein Glück!

WELCOME AND PARTING.

Throbbed high my breast! To horse, to horse!

Raptured as hero for the fight;

Soft lay the earth in eve's embrace,

And on the mountain brooded night.

The oak, a dim-discovered shape,

Did, like a towering giant, rise--

There whence from forth the thicket glared

Black darkness with its myriad eyes.

From out a pile of cloud the moon

Peered sadly through the misty veil;

Softly the breezes waved their wings;

Sighed in my ears with plaintive wail.

Night shaped a thousand monstrous forms;

Yet fresh and frolicsome my breast;

And what a fire burned in my veins,

And what a glow my heart possessed!

I saw thee: in thine eye's soft gaze

A tender, calm delight I knew;

All motions of my heart were thine.

And thine was every breath I drew.

The freshest, richest hues of Spring

Enhaloëd thy lovely face,--

And tenderest thoughts for me!--my hope!

But, undeserved, ye Powers of Grace!

But, ah! too soon, with morning's dawn,

The hour of parting cramps my heart;

Then, in thy kisses, O what bliss!

And in thine eye, what poignant smart!

I went; thou stood'st and downward gazed,

Gazed after me with tearful eyes;

Yet, to be loved, what blessedness,

And, oh! to love, ye Gods, what bliss!

The Youth of Goethe · 第 4 / 14 章