In 1825 Comte married a Mdlle Caroline Massin. His marriage was one of
those of which "magnanimity owes no account to prudence," and it did not
turn out prosperously. His family were strongly Catholic and royalist,
and they were outraged by his refusal to have the marriage performed
other than civilly. They consented, however, to receive his wife, and
the pair went on a visit to Montpellier. Madame Comte conceived a
dislike to the circle she found there, and this was the too early
beginning of disputes which lasted for the remainder of their union. In
the year of his marriage we find Comte writing to the most intimate of
his correspondents:--"I have nothing left but to concentrate my whole
moral existence in my intellectual work, a precious but inadequate
compensation; and so I must give up, if not the most dazzling, still the
sweetest part of my happiness." He tried to find pupils to board with
him, but only one pupil came, and he was soon sent away for lack of
companions. "I would rather spend an evening," wrote the needy
enthusiast, "in solving a difficult question, than in running after some
empty-headed and consequential millionaire in search of a pupil." A
little money was earned by an occasional article in _Le Producteur_, in
which he began to expound the philosophic ideas that were now maturing
in his mind. He announced a course of lectures (1826), which it was
hoped would bring money as well as fame, and which were to be the first
dogmatic exposition of the Positive Philosophy. A friend had said to
him, "You talk too freely, your ideas are getting abroad, and other
people use them without giving you the credit; put your ownership on
record." The lectures attracted hearers so eminent as Humboldt the
cosmologist, Poinsot the geometer and Blainville the physiologist.
Serious illness.
Unhappily, after the third lecture of the course, Comte had a severe
attack of cerebral derangement, brought on by intense and prolonged
meditation, acting on a system that was already irritated by the chagrin
of domestic discomfort. He did not recover his health for more than a
year, and as soon as convalescence set in he was seized by so profound
a melancholy at the disaster which had thus overtaken him, that he threw
himself into the Seine. Fortunately he was rescued, and the shock did
not stay his return to mental soundness. One incident of this painful
episode is worth mentioning. Lamennais, then in the height of his
Catholic exaltation, persuaded Comte's mother to insist on her son being
married with the religious ceremony, and as the younger Madame Comte
apparently did not resist, the rite was duly performed, in spite of the
fact that Comte was at the time raving mad. Philosophic assailants of
Comtism have not always resisted the temptation to recall the
circumstance that its founder was once out of his mind. As has been
justly said, if Newton once suffered a cerebral attack without
forfeiting our veneration for the _Principia_, Comte may have suffered
in the same way, and still not have forfeited our respect for Positive
Philosophy and Positive Polity.
Official work.
In 1828 the lectures were renewed, and in 1830 was published the first
volume of the _Course of Positive Philosophy_. The sketch and ground
plan of this great undertaking had appeared in 1826. The sixth and last
volume was published in 1842. The twelve years covering the publication
of the first of Comte's two elaborate works were years of indefatigable
toil, and they were the only portion of his life in which he enjoyed a
certain measure, and that a very modest measure, of material prosperity.
In 1833 he was appointed examiner of the boys who in the various
provincial schools aspired to enter the Ecole Polytechnique at Paris.
This and two other engagements as a teacher of mathematics secured him
an income of some L400 a year. He made M. Guizot, then Louis Philippe's
minister, the important proposal to establish a chair of general history
of the sciences. If there are four chairs, he argued, devoted to the
history of philosophy, that is to say, the minute study of all sorts of
dreams and aberrations through the ages, surely there ought to be at
least one to explain the formation and progress of our real knowledge?
This wise suggestion, still unfulfilled, was at first welcomed,
according to Comte's own account, by Guizot's philosophic instinct, and
then repulsed by his "metaphysical rancour."
Meanwhile Comte did his official work conscientiously, sorely as he
grudged the time which it took from the execution of the great object of
his thoughts. "I hardly know if even to you," he writes to his wife, "I
dare disclose the sweet and softened feeling that comes over me when I
find a young man whose examination is thoroughly satisfactory. Yes,
though you may smile, the emotion would easily stir me to tears if I
were not carefully on my guard." Such sympathy with youthful hope, in
union with industry and intelligence, shows that Comte's dry and austere
manner veiled the fires of a generous social emotion. It was this which
made him add to his labours the burden of delivering every year from
1831 to 1848 a course of gratuitous lectures on astronomy for a popular
audience. The social feeling that inspired this disinterested act showed
itself in other ways. He suffered imprisonment rather than serve in the
national guard; his position was that though he would not take arms
against the new monarchy of July, yet being a republican he would take
no oath to defend it. The only amusement that Comte permitted himself
was a visit to the opera. In his youth he had been a playgoer, but he
shortly came to the conclusion that tragedy is a stilted and bombastic
art, and after a time comedy interested him no more than tragedy. For
the opera he had a genuine passion, which he gratified as often as he
could, until his means became too narrow to afford even that single
relaxation.
Of his manner and personal appearance we have the following account from
one who was his pupil:--"Daily as the clock struck eight on the horologe
of the Luxembourg, while the ringing hammer on the bell was yet audible,
the door of my room opened, and there entered a man, short, rather
stout, almost what one might call sleek, freshly shaven, without vestige
of whisker or moustache. He was invariably dressed in a suit of the most
spotless black, as if going to a dinner party; his white neck-cloth was
fresh from the laundress's hands, and his hat shining like a racer's
coat. He advanced to the arm-chair prepared for him in the centre of the
writing-table, laid his hat on the left-hand corner; his snuff-box was
deposited on the same side beside the quire of paper placed in readiness
for his use, and dipping the pen twice into the ink-bottle, then
bringing it to within an inch of his nose to make sure it was properly
filled, he broke silence: 'We have said that the chord AB,' &c. For
three-quarters of an hour he continued his demonstration, making short
notes as he went on, to guide the listener in repeating the problem
alone; then, taking up another cahier which lay beside him, he went over
the written repetition of the former lesson. He explained, corrected or
commented till the clock struck nine; then, with the little finger of
the right hand brushing from his coat and waistcoat the shower of
superfluous snuff which had fallen on them, he pocketed his snuff-box,
and resuming his hat, he as silently as when he came in made his exit by
the door which I rushed to open for him."
Completion of "Positive Philosophy."
In 1842, as we have said, the last volume of the _Positive Philosophy_
was given to the public. Instead of that contentment which we like to
picture as the reward of twelve years of meritorious toil devoted to the
erection of a high philosophic edifice, Comte found himself in the midst
of a very sea of small troubles, of that uncompensated kind that harass
without elevating, and waste a man's spirit without softening or
enlarging it. First, the jar of temperament between Comte and his wife
had become so unbearable that they separated (1842). We know too little
of the facts to allot blame to either of them. In spite of one or two
disadvantageous facts in her career, Madame Comte seems to have
uniformly comported herself towards her husband with an honourable
solicitude for his well-being. Comte made her an annual allowance, and
for some years after the separation they corresponded on friendly terms.
Next in the list of the vexations was a lawsuit with his publisher. The
publisher had inserted in the sixth volume a protest against a certain
footnote, in which Comte had used some hard words about Arago. Comte
threw himself into the suit with an energy worthy of Voltaire and won
it. Third, and worst of all, he had prefixed a preface to the sixth
volume, in which he went out of his way to rouse the enmity of the men
on whom depended his annual re-election to the post of examiner for the
Polytechnic school. The result was that he lost the appointment, and
with it one-half of his very modest income. This was the occasion of an
episode, which is of more than merely personal interest.
J. S. Mill.
Before 1842 Comte had been in correspondence with J. S. Mill, who had
been greatly impressed by Comte's philosophic ideas; Mill admits that
his own _System of Logic_ owes many valuable thoughts to Comte, and
that, in the portion of that work which treats of the logic of the moral
sciences, a radical improvement in the conceptions of logical method was
derived from the _Positive Philosophy_. Their correspondence, which was
full and copious, turned principally upon the two great questions of the
equality between men and women, and of the expediency and constitution
of a sacerdotal or spiritual order. When Comte found himself straitened,
he confided the entire circumstances to Mill. As might be supposed by
those who know the affectionate anxiety with which Mill regarded the
welfare of any one whom he believed to be doing good work in the world,
he at once took pains to have Comte's loss of income made up to him,
until Comte should have had time to repair that loss by his own
endeavour. Mill persuaded Grote, Molesworth, and Raikes Currie to
advance the sum of L240. At the end of the year (1845) Comte had taken
no steps to enable himself to dispense with the aid of the three
Englishmen. Mill applied to them again, but with the exception of Grote,
who sent a small sum, they gave Comte to understand that they expected
him to earn his own living. Mill had suggested to Comte that he should
write articles for the English periodicals, and expressed his own
willingness to translate any such articles from the French. Comte at
first fell in with the plan, but he speedily surprised and disconcerted
Mill by boldly taking up the position of "high moral magistrate," and
accusing the three defaulting contributors of a scandalous falling away
from righteousness and a high mind. Mill was chilled by these
pretensions; and the correspondence came to an end. There is something
to be said for both sides. Comte, regarding himself as the promoter of a
great scheme for the benefit of humanity, might reasonably look for the
support of his friends in the fulfilment of his designs. But Mill and
the others were fully justified in not aiding the propagation of a
doctrine in which they might not wholly concur. Comte's subsequent
attitude of censorious condemnation put him entirely in the wrong.
From 1845 to 1848 Comte lived as best he could, as well as made his wife
her allowance, on an income of L200 a year. His little account books of
income and outlay, with every item entered down to a few hours before
his death, are accurate and neat enough to have satisfied an ancient
Roman householder. In 1848, through no fault of his own, his salary was
reduced to L80. Littre and others, with Comte's approval, published an
appeal for subscriptions, and on the money thus contributed Comte
subsisted for the remaining nine years of his life. By 1852 the subsidy
produced as much as L200 a year. It is worth noticing that Mill was one
of the subscribers, and that Littre continued his assistance after he
had been driven from Comte's society by his high pontifical airs. We are
sorry not to be able to record any similar trait of magnanimity on
Comte's part. His character, admirable as it is for firmness, for
intensity, for inexorable will, for iron devotion to what he thought the
service of mankind, yet offers few of those softening qualities that
make us love good men and pity bad ones.
Literary method.
It is best to think of him only as the intellectual worker, pursuing in
uncomforted obscurity the laborious and absorbing task to which he had
given up his whole life. His singularly conscientious fashion of
elaborating his ideas made the mental strain more intense than even so
exhausting a work as the abstract exposition of the principles of
positive science need have been. He did not write down a word until he
had first composed the whole matter in his mind. When he had thoroughly
meditated every sentence, he sat down to write, and then, such was the
grip of his memory, the exact order of his thoughts came back to him as
if without an effort, and he wrote down precisely what he had intended
to write, without the aid of a note or a memorandum, and without check
or pause. For example, he began and completed in about six weeks a
chapter in the _Positive Philosophy_ (vol. v. ch. 55) which would fill
forty pages of this Encyclopaedia. When we reflect that the chapter is
not narrative, but an abstract exposition of the guiding principles of
the movements of several centuries, with many threads of complex thought
running along side by side all through the speculation, then the
circumstances under which it was reduced to literary form are really
astonishing. It is hardly possible, however, to share the admiration
expressed by some of Comte's disciples for his style. We are not so
unreasonable as to blame him for failing to make his pages picturesque
or thrilling; we do not want sunsets and stars and roses and ecstasy;
but there is a certain standard for the most serious and abstract
subjects. When compared with such philosophic writing as Hume's,
Diderot's, Berkeley's, then Comte's manner is heavy, laboured,
monotonous, without relief and without light. There is now and then an
energetic phrase, but as a whole the vocabulary is jejune; the sentences
are overloaded; the pitch is flat. A scrupulous insistence on making his
meaning clear led to an iteration of certain adjectives and adverbs,
which at length deadened the effect beyond the endurance of all but the
most resolute students. Only the interest of the matter prevents one
from thinking of Rivarol's ill-natured remark upon Condorcet, that he
wrote with opium on a page of lead. The general effect is impressive,
not by any virtues of style, for we do not discern one, but by reason of
the magnitude and importance of the undertaking, and the visible
conscientiousness and the grasp with which it is executed. It is by
sheer strength of thought, by the vigorous perspicacity with which he
strikes the lines of cleavage of his subject, that he makes his way
into the mind of the reader; in the presence of gifts of this power we
need not quarrel with an ungainly style.
Hygiene cerebrale.
Comte pursued one practice which ought to be mentioned in connexion with
his personal history, the practice of what he style _hygiene cerebrale_.
After he had acquired what he considered to be a sufficient stock of
material, and this happened before he had completed the _Positive
Philosophy_, he abstained from reading newspapers, reviews, scientific
transactions and everything else, except two or three poets (notably
Dante) and the _Imitatio Christi_. It is true that his friends kept him
informed of what was going on in the scientific world. Still this
partial divorce of himself from the record of the social and scientific
activity of his time, though it may save a thinker from the deplorable
evils of dispersion, moral and intellectual, accounts in no small
measure for the exaggerated egoism, and the absence of all feeling for
reality, which marked Comte's later days.
Madame de Vaux.
In 1845 Comte made the acquaintance of Madame Clotilde de Vaux, a lady
whose husband had been sent to the galleys for life. Very little is
known about her qualities. She wrote a little piece which Comte rated so
preposterously as to talk about George Sand in the same sentence; it is
in truth a flimsy performance, though it contains one or two gracious
thoughts. There is true beauty in the saying--"_It is unworthy of a
noble nature to diffuse its pain._" Madame de Vaux's letters speak well
for her good sense and good feeling, and it would have been better for
Comte's later work if she had survived to exert a wholesome restraint on
his exaltation. Their friendship had only lasted a year when she died
(1846), but the period was long enough to give her memory a supreme
ascendancy in Comte's mind. Condillac, Joubert, Mill and other eminent
men have shown what the intellectual ascendancy of a woman can be. Comte
was as inconsolable after Madame de Vaux's death as D'Alembert after the
death of Mademoiselle L'Espinasse. Every Wednesday afternoon he made a
reverential pilgrimage to her tomb, and three times every day he invoked
her memory in words of passionate expansion. His disciples believe that
in time the world will reverence Comte's sentiment about Clotilde de
Vaux, as it reveres Dante's adoration of Beatrice--a parallel that Comte
himself was the first to hit upon. Yet we cannot help feeling that it is
a grotesque and unseemly anachronism to apply in grave prose, addressed
to the whole world, those terms of saint and angel which are touching
and in their place amid the trouble and passion of the great mystic
poet. Whatever other gifts Comte may have had--and he had many of the
rarest kind,--poetic imagination was not among them, any more than
poetic or emotional expression was among them. His was one of those
natures whose faculty of deep feeling is unhappily doomed to be
inarticulate, and to pass away without the magic power of transmitting
itself.
Positive Polity.
Comte lost no time, after the completion of his _Course of Positive
Philosophy_, in proceeding with the _System of Positive Polity_, for
which the earlier work was designed to be a foundation. The first volume
was published in 1851, and the fourth and last in 1854. In 1848, when
the political air was charged with stimulating elements, he founded the
Positive Society, with the expectation that it might grow into a reunion
as powerful over the new revolution as the Jacobin Club had been in the
revolution of 1789. The hope was not fulfilled, but a certain number of
philosophic disciples gathered round Comte, and eventually formed
themselves, under the guidance of the new ideas of the latter half of
his life, into a kind of church, for whose use was drawn up the
_Positivist Calendar_ (1849), in which the names of those who had
advanced civilization replaced the titles of the saints. Gutenberg and
Shakespeare were among the patrons of the thirteen months in this
calendar. In the years 1849, 1850 and 1851 Comte gave three courses of
lectures at the Palais Royal. They were gratuitous and popular, and in
them he boldly advanced the whole of his doctrine, as well as the direct
and immediate pretensions of himself and his system. The third course
ended in the following uncompromising terms--"In the name of the Past
and of the Future, the servants of Humanity--both its philosophical and
its practical servants--come forward to claim as their due the general
direction of this world. Their object is to constitute at length a real
Providence in all departments,--moral, intellectual and material.
Consequently they exclude once for all from political supremacy all the
different servants of God--Catholic, Protestant or Deist--as being at
once behindhand and a cause of disturbance." A few weeks after this
invitation, a very different person stepped forward to constitute
himself a real Providence.
In 1852 Comte published the _Catechism of Positivism_. In the preface to
it he took occasion to express his approval of Louis Napoleon's _coup
d'etat_ of the 2nd of December,--"a fortunate crisis which has set aside
the parliamentary system and instituted a dictatorial republic."
Whatever we may think of the political sagacity of such a judgment, it
is due to Comte to say that he did not expect to see his dictatorial
republic transformed into a dynastic empire, and, next, that he did
expect from the Man of December freedom of the press and of public
meeting. His later hero was the emperor Nicholas, "the only statesman in
Christendom,"--as unlucky a judgment as that which placed Dr Francia in
the Comtist Calendar.
Death.
In 1857 he was attacked by cancer, and died peaceably on the 5th of
September of that year. The anniversary is celebrated by ceremonial
gatherings of his French and English followers, who then commemorate the
name and the services of the founder of their religion. By his will he
appointed thirteen executors who were to preserve his rooms at 10 rue
Monsieur-le-Prince as the headquarters of the new religion of Humanity.
Comte's philosophic consistency.
Early writing.
In proceeding to give an Outline of Comte's system, we shall consider
the _Positive Polity_ as the more or less legitimate sequel of the
_Positive Philosophy_, notwithstanding the deep gulf which so eminent a
critic as J. S. Mill insisted upon fixing between the earlier and the
later work. There may be, as we think there is, the greatest difference
in their value, and the temper is not the same, nor the method. But the
two are quite capable of being regarded, and for the purposes of an
account of Comte's career ought to be regarded, as an integral whole.
His letters when he was a young man of one-and-twenty, and before he had
published a word, show how strongly present the social motive was in his
mind, and in what little account he should hold his scientific works, if
he did not perpetually think of their utility for the species. "I feel,"
he wrote, "that such scientific reputation as I might acquire would give
more value, more weight, more useful influence to my political sermons."
In 1822 he published a _Plan of the Scientific Works necessary to
reorganize Society_. In this he points out that modern society is
passing through a great crisis, due to the conflict of two opposing
movements,--the first, a disorganizing movement owing to the break-up of
old institutions and beliefs; the second, a movement towards a definite
social state, in which all means of human prosperity will receive their
most complete development and most direct application. How is this
crisis to be dealt with? What are the undertakings necessary in order to
pass successfully through it towards an organic state? The answer to
this is that there are two series of works. The first is theoretic or
spiritual, aiming at the development of a new principle of co-ordinating
social relations, and the formation of the system of general ideas which
are destined to guide society. The second work is practical or temporal;
it settles the distribution of power, and the institutions that are most
conformable to the spirit of the system which has previously been
thought out in the course of the theoretic work. As the practical work
depends on the conclusions of the theoretical, the latter must obviously
come first in order of execution.
In 1826 this was pushed farther in a most remarkable piece called
_Considerations on the Spiritual Power_--the main object of which is to
demonstrate the necessity of instituting a spiritual power, distinct
from the temporal power and independent of it. In examining the
conditions of a spiritual power proper for modern times, he indicates in
so many terms the presence in his mind of a direct analogy between his
proposed spiritual power and the functions of the Catholic clergy at the
time of its greatest vigour and most complete independence,--that is to
say, from about the middle of the 11th century until towards the end of
the 13th. He refers to de Maistre's memorable book, _Du Pape_, as the
most profound, accurate and methodical account of the old spiritual
organization, and starts from that as the model to be adapted to the
changed intellectual and social conditions of the modern time. In the
_Positive Philosophy_, again (vol. v. p. 344), he distinctly says that
Catholicism, reconstituted as a system on new intellectual foundations,
would finally preside over the spiritual reorganization of modern
society. Much else could be quoted to the same effect. If unity of
career, then, means that Comte, from the beginning designed the
institution of a spiritual power, and the systematic reorganization of
life, it is difficult to deny him whatever credit that unity may be
worth, and the credit is perhaps not particularly great. Even the
readaptation of the Catholic system to a scientific doctrine was plainly
in his mind thirty years before the final execution of the _Positive
Polity_, though it is difficult to believe that he foresaw the religious
mysticism in which the task was to land him. A great analysis was to
precede a great synthesis, but it was the synthesis on which Comte's
vision was centred from the first. Let us first sketch the nature of the
analysis. Society is to be reorganized on the base of knowledge. What is
the sum and significance of knowledge? That is the question which
Comte's first master-work professes to answer.
Law of the Three States.
The _Positive Philosophy_ opens with the statement of a certain law of
which Comte was the discoverer, and which has always been treated both
by disciples and dissidents as the key to his system. This is the Law of
the Three States. It is as follows. Each of our leading conceptions,
each branch of our knowledge, passes successively through three
different phases; there are three different ways in which the human mind
explains phenomena, each way following the other in order. These three
stages are the Theological, the Metaphysical and the Positive.
Knowledge, or a branch of knowledge, is in the Theological state, when
it supposes the phenomena under consideration to be due to immediate
volition, either in the object or in some supernatural being. In the
Metaphysical state, for volition is substituted abstract force residing
in the object, yet existing independently of the object; the phenomena
are viewed as if apart from the bodies manifesting them; and the
properties of each substance have attributed to them an existence
distinct from that substance. In the Positive state, inherent volition
or external volition and inherent force or abstraction personified have
both disappeared from men's minds, and the explanation of a phenomenon
means a reference of it, by way of succession or resemblance, to some
other phenomenon,--means the establishment of a relation between the
given fact and some more general fact. In the Theological and
Metaphysical state men seek a cause or an essence; in the Positive they
are content with a law. To borrow an illustration from an able English
disciple of Comte:--"Take the phenomenon of the sleep produced by opium.
The Arabs are content to attribute it to the 'will of God.' Moliere's
medical student accounts for it by a _soporific principle_ contained in
the opium. The modern physiologist knows that he cannot account for it
at all. He can simply observe, analyse and experiment upon the phenomena
attending the action of the drug, and classify it with other agents
analogous in character."--(_Dr Bridges._)
The first and greatest aim of the Positive Philosophy is to advance the
study of society into the third of the three stages,--to remove social
phenomena from the sphere of theological and metaphysical conceptions,
and to introduce among them the same scientific observation of their
laws which has given us physics, chemistry, physiology. Social physics
will consist of the conditions and relations of the facts of society,
and will have two departments,--one, statical, containing the laws of
order; the other dynamical, containing the laws of progress. While
men's minds were in the theological state, political events, for
example, were explained by the will of the gods, and political authority
based on divine right. In the metaphysical state of mind, then, to
retain our instance, political authority was based on the sovereignty of
the people, and social facts were explained by the figment of a falling
away from a state of nature. When the positive method has been finally
extended to society, as it has been to chemistry and physiology, these
social facts will be resolved, as their ultimate analysis, into
relations with one another, and instead of seeking causes in the old
sense of the word, men will only examine the conditions of social
existence. When that stage has been reached, not merely the greater
part, but the whole, of our knowledge will be impressed with one
character, the character, namely, of positivity or scientificalness; and
all our conceptions in every part of knowledge will be thoroughly
homogeneous. The gains of such a change are enormous. The new
philosophical unity will now in its turn regenerate all the elements
that went to its own formation. The mind will pursue knowledge without
the wasteful jar and friction of conflicting methods and mutually
hostile conceptions; education will be regenerated; and society will
reorganize itself on the only possible solid base--a homogeneous
philosophy.
Classification of sciences.
The _Positive Philosophy_ has another object besides the demonstration
of the necessity and propriety of a science of society. This object is
to show the sciences as branches from a single trunk,--is to give to
science the ensemble or spirit or generality hitherto confined to
philosophy, and to give to philosophy the rigour and solidity of
science. Comte's special object is a study of social physics, a science
that before his advent was still to be formed; his second object is a
review of the methods and leading generalities of all the positive
sciences already formed, so that we may know both what system of inquiry
to follow in our new science, and also where the new science will stand
in relation to other knowledge.
The first step in this direction is to arrange scientific method and
positive knowledge in order, and this brings us to another cardinal
element in the Comtist system, the classification of the sciences. In
the front of the inquiry lies one main division, that, namely, between
speculative and practical knowledge. With the latter we have no concern.
Speculative or theoretic knowledge is divided into abstract and
concrete. The former is concerned with the laws that regulate phenomena
in all conceivable cases: the latter is concerned with the application
of these laws. Concrete science relates to objects or beings; abstract
science to events. The former is particular or descriptive; the latter
is general. Thus, physiology is an abstract science; but zoology is
concrete. Chemistry is abstract; mineralogy is concrete. It is the
method and knowledge of the abstract sciences that the Positive
Philosophy has to reorganize in a great whole.
Comte's principle of classification is that the dependence and order of
scientific study follows the dependence of the phenomena. Thus, as has
been said, it represents both the objective dependence of the phenomena
and the subjective dependence of our means of knowing them. The more
particular and complex phenomena depend upon the simpler and more
general. The latter are the more easy to study. Therefore science will
begin with those attributes of objects which are most general, and pass
on gradually to other attributes that are combined in greater
complexity. Thus, too, each science rests on the truths of the sciences
that precede it, while it adds to them the truths by which it is itself
constituted. Comte's series or hierarchy is arranged as follows:--(1)
Mathematics (that is, number, geometry, and mechanics), (2) Astronomy,
(3) Physics, (4) Chemistry, (5) Biology, (6) Sociology. Each of the
members of this series is one degree more special than the member before
it, and depends upon the facts of all the members preceding it, and
cannot be fully understood without them. It follows that the crowning
science of the hierarchy, dealing with the phenomena of human society,
will remain longest under the influence of theological dogmas and
abstract figments, and will be the last to pass into the positive stage.
You cannot discover the relations of the facts of human society without
reference to the conditions of animal life; you cannot understand the
conditions of animal life without the laws of chemistry; and so with the
rest.
The double key of positive philosophy.
This arrangement of the sciences, and the Law of the Three States, are
together explanatory of the course of human thought and knowledge. They
are thus the double key of Comte's systematization of the philosophy of
all the sciences from mathematics to physiology, and his analysis of
social evolution, which is the base of sociology. Each science
contributes its philosophy. The co-ordination of all these partial
philosophies produces the general Positive Philosophy. "Thousands had
cultivated science, and with splendid success; not one had conceived the
philosophy which the sciences when organized would naturally evolve. A
few had seen the necessity of extending the scientific method to all
inquiries, but no one had seen how this was to be effected.... The
Positive Philosophy is novel as a philosophy, not as a collection of
truths never before suspected. Its novelty is the organization of
existing elements. Its very principle implies the absorption of all that
great thinkers had achieved; while incorporating their results it
extended their methods.... What tradition brought was the results; what
Comte brought was the organization of these results. He always claimed
to be the founder of the Positive Philosophy. That he had every right to
such a title is demonstrable to all who distinguish between the positive
sciences and the philosophy which co-ordinated the truths and methods of
these sciences into a doctrine."--_G. H. Lewes._
Criticism on Comte's classification.
Comte's classification of the sciences has been subjected to a vigorous
criticism by Herbert Spencer. Spencer's two chief points are these:--(1)
He denies that the principle of the development of the sciences is the
principle of decreasing generality; he asserts that there are as many
examples of the advent of a science being determined by increasing
generality as by increasing speciality. (2) He holds that any grouping
of the sciences in a succession gives a radically wrong idea of their
genesis and their interdependence; no true filiation exists; no science
develops itself in isolation; no one is independent, either logically or
historically. Littre, by far the most eminent of the scientific
followers of Comte, concedes a certain force to Spencer's objections,
and makes certain secondary modifications in the hierarchy in
consequence, while still cherishing his faith in the Comtist theory of
the sciences. J. S. Mill, while admitting the objections as good, if
Comte's arrangement pretended to be the only one possible, still holds
the arrangement as tenable for the purpose with which it was devised. G.
H. Lewes asserts against Spencer that the arrangement in a series is
necessary, on grounds similar to those which require that the various
truths constituting a science should be systematically co-ordinated
although in nature the phenomena are intermingled.
The first three volumes of the _Positive Philosophy_ contain an
exposition of the partial philosophies of the five sciences that precede
sociology in the hierarchy. Their value has usually been placed very low
by the special followers of the sciences concerned; they say that the
knowledge is second-hand, is not coherent, and is too confidently taken
for final. The Comtist replies that the task is philosophic; and is not
to be judged by the minute accuracies of science. In these three volumes
Comte took the sciences roughly as he found them. His eminence as a man
of science must be measured by his only original work in that
department,--the construction, namely, of the new science of society.
This work is accomplished in the last three volumes of the _Positive
Philosophy_, and the second and third volumes of the _Positive Polity_.
The Comtist maintains that even if these five volumes together fail in
laying down correctly and finally the lines of the new science, still
they are the first solution of a great problem hitherto unattempted.
"Modern biology has got beyond Aristotle's conception; but in the
construction of the biological science, not even the most
unphilosophical biologist would fail to recognize the value of
Aristotle's attempt. So for sociology. Subsequent sociologists may have
conceivably to remodel the whole science, yet not the less will they
recognize the merit of the first work which has facilitated their
labours."--_Congreve._
Sociological conceptions.
Method.
We shall now briefly describe Comte's principal conceptions in
sociology, his position in respect to which is held by himself, and by
others, to raise him to the level of Descartes or Leibnitz. Of course
the first step was to approach the phenomena of human character and
social existence with the expectation of finding them as reducible to
general laws as the other phenomena of the universe, and with the hope
of exploring these laws by the same instruments of observation and
verification as had done such triumphant work in the case of the latter.
Comte separates the collective facts of society and history from the
individual phenomena of biology; then he withdraws these collective
facts from the region of external volition, and places them in the
region of law. The facts of history must be explained, not by
providential interventions, but by referring them to conditions inherent
in the successive stages of social existence. This conception makes a
science of society possible. What is the method? It comprises, besides
observation and experiment (which is, in fact, only the observation of
abnormal social states), a certain peculiarity of verification. We begin
by deducing every well-known historical situation from the series of its
antecedents. Thus we acquire a body of empirical generalizations as to
social phenomena, and then we connect the generalizations with the
positive theory of human nature. A sociological demonstration lies in
the establishment of an accordance between the conclusions of historical
analysis and the preparatory conceptions of biological theory. As Mill
puts it:--"If a sociological theory, collected from historical evidence,
contradicts the established general laws of human nature; if (to use M.
Comte's instances) it implies, in the mass of mankind, any very decided
natural bent, either in a good or in a bad direction; if it supposes
that the reason, in average human beings, predominates over the desires,
or the disinterested desires over the personal,--we may know that
history has been misinterpreted, and that the theory is false. On the
other hand, if laws of social phenomena, empirically generalized from
history, can, when once suggested, be affiliated to the known laws of
human nature; if the direction actually taken by the developments and
changes of human society, can be seen to be such as the properties of
man and of his dwelling-place made antecedently probable, the empirical
generalizations are raised into positive laws, and sociology becomes a
science." The result of this method, is an exhibition of the events of
human experience in co-ordinated series that manifest their own
graduated connexion.
Next, as all investigation proceeds from that which is known best to
that which is unknown or less well known, and as, in social states, it
is the collective phenomenon that is more easy of access to the observer
than its parts, therefore we must consider and pursue all the elements
of a given social state together and in common. The social organization
must be viewed and explored as a whole. There is a nexus between each
leading group of social phenomena and other leading groups; if there is
a change in one of them, that change is accompanied by a corresponding
modification of all the rest. "Not only must political institutions and
social manners, on the one hand, and manners and ideas, on the other, be
always mutually connected; but further, this consolidated whole must be
always connected by its nature with the corresponding state of the
integral development of humanity, considered in all its aspects of
intellectual, moral and physical activity."--_Comte._
Decisive Importance of Intellectual development.
Is there any one element which communicates the decisive impulse to all
the rest,--any predominating agency in the course of social evolution?
The answer is that all the other parts of social existence are
associated with, and drawn along by, the contemporary condition of
intellectual development. The Reason is the superior and preponderant
element which settles the direction in which all the other faculties
shall expand. "It is only through the more and more marked influence of
the reason over the general conduct of man and of society, that the
gradual march of our race has attained that regularity and persevering
continuity which distinguish it so radically from the desultory and
barren expansion of even the highest animal orders, which share, and
with enhanced strength, the appetites, the passions, and even the
primary sentiments of man." The history of intellectual development,
therefore, is the key to social evolution, and the key to the history of
intellectual development is the Law of the Three States.
Among other central thoughts in Comte's explanation of history are
these:--The displacement of theological by positive conceptions has been
accompanied by a gradual rise of an industrial regime out of the
military regime;--the great permanent contribution of Catholicism was
the separation which it set up between the temporal and the spiritual
powers;--the progress of the race consists in the increasing
preponderance of the distinctively human elements over the animal
elements;--the absolute tendency of ordinary social theories will be
replaced by an unfailing adherence to the relative point of view, and
from this it follows that the social state, regarded as a whole, has
been as perfect in each period as the co-existing condition of humanity
and its environment would allow.
The elaboration of these ideas in relation to the history of the
civilization of the most advanced portion of the human race occupies two
of the volumes of the _Positive Philosophy_, and has been accepted by
very different schools as a masterpiece of rich, luminous, and
far-reaching suggestion. Whatever additions it may receive, and whatever
corrections it may require, this analysis of social evolution will
continue to be regarded as one of the great achievements of human
intellect.
Social dynamics in the Positive Polity.
The third volume of the _Positive Polity_ treats of social dynamics, and
takes us again over the ground of historic evolution. It abounds with
remarks of extraordinary fertility and comprehensiveness; but it is
often arbitrary; and its views of the past are strained into coherence
with the statical views of the preceding volume. As it was composed in
rather less than six months, and as the author honestly warns us that he
has given all his attention to a more profound co-ordination, instead of
working out the special explanations more fully, as he had promised, we
need not be surprised if the result is disappointing to those who had
mastered the corresponding portion of the _Positive Philosophy_. Comte
explains the difference between his two works. In the first his "chief
object was to discover and demonstrate the laws of progress, and to
exhibit in one unbroken sequence the collective destinies of mankind,
till then invariably regarded as a series of events wholly beyond the
reach of explanation, and almost depending on arbitrary will. The
present work, on the contrary, is addressed to those who are already
sufficiently convinced of the certain existence of social laws, and
desire only to have them reduced to a true and conclusive system."
The Positivist system.
The Religion of humanity.
The main principles of the Comtian system are derived from the _Positive
Polity_ and from two other works,--the _Positivist Catechism: a Summary
Exposition of the Universal Religion, in Twelve Dialogues between a
Woman and a Priest of Humanity_; and, second, _The Subjective Synthesis_
(1856), which is the first and only volume of a work upon mathematics
announced at the end of the _Positive Philosophy_. The system for which
the _Positive Philosophy_ is alleged to have been the scientific
preparation contains a Polity and a Religion; a complete arrangement of
life in all its aspects, giving a wider sphere to Intellect, Energy and
Feeling than could be found in any of the previous organic
types,--Greek, Roman or Catholic-feudal. Comte's immense superiority
over such prae-Revolutionary utopians as the Abbe Saint Pierre, no less
than over the group of post-revolutionary Utopians, is especially
visible in this firm grasp of the cardinal truth that the improvement of
the social organism can only be effected by a moral development, and
never by any changes in mere political mechanism, or any violences in
the way of an artificial redistribution of wealth. A moral
transformation must precede any real advance. The aim, both in public
and private life, is to secure to the utmost possible extent the
victory of the social feeling over self-love, or Altruism over
Egoism.[1] This is the key to the regeneration of social existence, as
it is the key to that unity of individual life which makes all our
energies converge freely and without wasteful friction towards a common
end. What are the instruments for securing the preponderance of
Altruism? Clearly they must work from the strongest element in human
nature, and this element is Feeling or the Heart. Under the Catholic
system the supremacy of Feeling was abused, and the Intellect was made
its slave. Then followed a revolt of Intellect against Sentiment. The
business of the new system will be to bring back the Intellect into a
condition, not of slavery, but of willing ministry to the Feelings. The
subordination never was, and never will be, effected except by means of
a religion, and a religion, to be final, must include a harmonious
synthesis of all our conceptions of the external order of the universe.
The characteristic basis of a religion is the existence of a Power
without us, so superior to ourselves as to command the complete
submission of our whole life. This basis is to be found in the Positive
stage, in Humanity, past, present and to come, conceived as the Great
Being.
"A deeper study of the great universal order reveals to us at length
the ruling power within it of the true Great Being, whose destiny it
is to bring that order continually to perfection by constantly
conforming to its laws, and which thus best represents to us that
system as a whole. This undeniable Providence, the supreme dispenser
of our destinies, becomes in the natural course the common centre of
our affections, our thoughts, and our actions. Although this Great
Being evidently exceeds the utmost strength of any, even of any
collective, human force, its necessary constitution and its peculiar
function endow it with the truest sympathy towards all its servants.
The least amongst us can and ought constantly to aspire to maintain
and even to improve this Being. This natural object of all our
activity, both public and private, determines the true general
character of the rest of our existence, whether in feeling or in
thought; which must be devoted to love, and to know, in order rightly
to serve, our Providence, by a wise use of all the means which it
furnishes to us. Reciprocally this continued service, whilst
strengthening our true unity, renders us at once both happier and
better."
Remarks on the religion.
The exaltation of Humanity into the throne occupied by the Supreme Being
under monotheistic systems made all the rest of Comte's construction
easy enough. Utility remains the test of every institution, impulse,
act; his fabric becomes substantially an arch of utilitarian
propositions, with an artificial Great Being inserted at the top to keep
them in their place. The Comtist system is utilitarianism crowned by a
fantastic decoration. Translated into the plainest English, the position
is as follows: "Society can only be regenerated by the greater
subordination of politics to morals, by the moralization of capital, by
the renovation of the family, by a higher conception of marriage and so
on. These ends can only be reached by a heartier development of the
sympathetic instincts. The sympathetic instincts can only be developed
by the Religion of Humanity." Looking at the problem in this way, even a
moralist who does not expect theology to be the instrument of social
revival, might still ask whether the sympathetic instincts will not
necessarily be already developed to their highest point, before people
will be persuaded to accept the religion, which is at the bottom hardly
more than sympathy under a more imposing name. However that may be, the
whole battle--into which we shall not enter--as to the legitimateness of
Comtism as a religion turns upon this erection of Humanity into a Being.
The various hypotheses, dogmas, proposals, as to the family, to capital,
&c., are merely propositions measurable by considerations of utility and
a balance of expediencies. Many of these proposals are of the highest
interest, and many of them are actually available; but there does not
seem to be one of them of an available kind, which could not equally
well be approached from other sides, and even incorporated in some
radically antagonistic system. Adoption, for example, as a practice for
improving the happiness of families and the welfare of society, is
capable of being weighed, and can in truth only be weighed, by
utilitarian considerations, and has been commended by men to whom the
Comtist religion is naught. The singularity of Comte's construction, and
the test by which it must be tried, is the transfer of the worship and
discipline of Catholicism to a system in which "the conception of God is
superseded" by the abstract idea of Humanity, conceived as a kind of
Personality.
And when all is said, the invention does not help us. We have still to
settle what _is_ for the good of Humanity, and we can only do that in
the old-fashioned way. There is no guidance in the conception. No
effective unity can follow from it, because you can only find out the
right and wrong of a given course by summing up the advantages and
disadvantages, and striking a balance, and there is nothing in the
Religion of Humanity to force two men to find the balance on the same
side. The Comtists are no better off than other utilitarians in judging
policy, events, conduct.
The worship and discipline.
The particularities of the worship, its minute and truly ingenious
re-adaptations of sacraments, prayers, reverent signs, down even to the
invocation of a New Trinity, need not detain us. They are said, though
it is not easy to believe, to have been elaborated by way of Utopia. If
so, no Utopia has ever yet been presented in a style so little
calculated to stir the imagination, to warm the feelings, to soothe the
insurgency of the reason. It is a mistake to present a great body of
hypotheses--if Comte meant them for hypotheses--in the most dogmatic and
peremptory form to which language can lend itself. And there is no more
extraordinary thing in the history of opinion than the perversity with
which Comte has succeeded in clothing a philosophic doctrine, so
intrinsically conciliatory as his, in a shape that excites so little
sympathy and gives so much provocation. An enemy defined Comtism as
Catholicism _minus_ Christianity, to which an able champion retorted by
calling it Catholicism _plus_ Science. Comte's Utopia has pleased the
followers of the Catholic, just as little as those of the scientific,
spirit.
The priesthood.
The elaborate and minute systematization of life, proper to the religion
of Humanity, is to be directed by a priesthood. The priests are to
possess neither wealth nor material power; they are not to command, but
to counsel; their authority is to rest on persuasion, not on force. When
religion has become positive, and society industrial, then the influence
of the church upon the state becomes really free and independent, which
was not the case in the middle ages. The power of the priesthood rests
upon special knowledge of man and nature; but to this intellectual
eminence must also be added moral power and a certain greatness of
character, without which force of intellect and completeness of
attainment will not receive the confidence they ought to inspire. The
functions of the priesthood are of this kind:--To exercise a systematic
direction over education; to hold a consultative influence over all the
important acts of actual life, public and private; to arbitrate in cases
of practical conflict; to preach sermons recalling those principles of
generality and universal harmony which our special activities dispose us
to ignore; to order the due classification of society; to perform the
various ceremonies appointed by the founder of the religion. The
authority of the priesthood is to rest wholly on voluntary adhesion, and
there is to be perfect freedom of speech and discussion. This provision
hardly consists with Comte's congratulations to the tsar Nicholas on the
"wise vigilance" with which he kept watch over the importation of
Western books.
Women.
From his earliest manhood Comte had been powerfully impressed by the
necessity of elevating the condition of women. (See remarkable passage
in his letters to M. Valat, pp. 84-87.) His friendship with Madame de
Vaux had deepened the impression, and in the reconstructed society women
are to play a highly important part. They are to be carefully excluded
from public action, but they are to do many more important things than
things political. To fit them for their functions, they are to be raised
above material cares, and they are to be thoroughly educated. The
family, which is so important an element of the Comtist scheme of
things, exists to carry the influence of woman over man to the highest
point of cultivation. Through affection she purifies the activity of
man. "Superior in power of affection, more able to keep both the
intellectual and the active powers in continual subordination to
feeling, women are formed as the natural intermediaries between Humanity
and man. The Great Being confides specially to them its moral
Providence, maintaining through them the direct and constant cultivation
of universal affection, in the midst of all the distractions of thought
or action, which are for ever withdrawing men from its influence....
Beside the uniform influence of every woman on every man, to attach him
to Humanity, such is the importance and the difficulty of this ministry
that each of us should be placed under the special guidance of one of
these angels, to answer for him, as it were, to the Great Being. This
moral guardianship may assume three types,--the mother, the wife and the
daughter; each having several modifications, as shown in the concluding
volume. Together they form the three simple modes of solidarity, or
unity with contemporaries,--obedience, union and protection--as well as
the three degrees of continuity between ages, by uniting us with the
past, the present and the future. In accordance with my theory of the
brain, each corresponds with one of our three altruistic
instincts--veneration, attachment and benevolence."
Conclusion.
How the positive method of observation and verification of real facts
has landed us in this, and much else of the same kind, is extremely hard
to guess. Seriously to examine an encyclopaedic system, that touches
life, society and knowledge at every point, is evidently beyond the
compass of such an article as this. There is in every chapter a whole
group of speculative suggestions, each of which would need a long
chapter to itself to elaborate or to discuss. There is at least one
biological speculation of astounding audacity, that could be examined in
nothing less than a treatise. Perhaps we have said enough to show that
after performing a great and real service to thought Comte almost
sacrificed his claims to gratitude by the invention of a system that, as
such, and independently of detached suggestions, is markedly retrograde.
But the world will take what is available in Comte, while forgetting
that in his work which is as irrational in one way as Hegel is in
another.
See also the article POSITIVISM.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.--_Works, Editions and Translations: Cours de philosophie
positive_ (6 vols., Paris, 1830-1842; 2nd ed. with preface by E.
Littre, Paris, 1864; 5th ed., 1893-1894; Eng. trans. Harriet
Martineau, 2 vols., London, 1853; 3 vols. London and New York, 1896);
_Discours sur l'esprit positif_ (Paris, 1844; Eng. trans. with
explanation E. S. Beesley, 1905); _Ordre et progres_ (ib. 1848);
_Discours sur l'ensemble de positivisme_ (1848, Eng. trans. J. H.
Bridges, London, 1852); _Systeme de politique positive, ou Traite de
sociologie_ (4 vols., Paris, 1852-1854; ed. 1898; Eng. trans. with
analysis and explanatory summary by Bridges, F. Harrison, E. S.
Beesley and others, 1875-1879); _Catechisme positiviste_ (Paris, 1852;
3rd ed., 1890; Eng. trans. R. Congreve, Lond. 1858, 3rd ed., 1891);
_Appel aux Conservateurs_ (Paris, 1855 and 1898); _Synthese
subjective_ (1856 and 1878); _Essai de philos. mathematique_ (Paris,
1878); P. Descours and H. Gordon Jones, _Fundamental Principles of
Positive Philos._ (trans. 1905), with biog. preface by E. S. Beesley.
The Letters of Comte have been published as follows:--the letters to
M. Valat and J. S. Mill, in _La Critique philosophique_ (1877);
correspondence with Mde. de Vaux (ib., 1884); _Correspondance inedite
d'Aug. Comte_ (1903 foll.); _Lettres inedites de J. S. Mill a Aug.
Comte publ. avec les responses de Comte_ (1899).
_Criticism._--J. S. Mill, _Auguste Comte and Positivism_; J. H.
Bridges' reply to Mill, _The Unity of Comte's Life and Doctrines_
(1866); Herbert Spencer's essay on the _Genesis of Science_ and
pamphlet on _The Classification of the Sciences_; Huxley's "Scientific
Aspects of Positivism," in his _Lay Sermons_; R. Congreve, _Essays
Political, Social and Religious_ (1874); J. Fiske, _Outlines of Cosmic
Philosophy_ (1874); G. H. Lewes, _History of Philosophy_, vol. ii.;
Edward Caird, _The Social Philosophy and Religion of Comte_ (Glasgow,
1885); Hermann Gruber, _Aug. Comte der Begrunder des Positivismus.
Sein Leben und seine Lehre_ (Freiburg, 1889) and _Der Positivismus vom
Tode Aug. Comtes bis auf unsere Tage, 1857-1891_ (Freib. 1891); L.
Levy-Bruhl, _La Philosophie d'Aug. Comte_ (Paris, 1900); H. D. Hutton,
_Comte's Theory of Man's Future_ (1877), _Comte, the Man and the
Founder_ (1891), _Comte's Life and Work_ (1892); E. de Roberty, _Aug.
Comte et Herbert Spencer_ (Paris, 1894); J. Watson, _Comte, Mill and
Spencer. An outline of Philos._ (1895 and 1899); Millet, _La
Souverainete d'apres Aug. Comte_ (1905); L. de Montesquieu Fezensac,
_Le Systeme politique d'Aug. Comte_ (1907); G. Dumas, _Psychologie de
deux Messies positivistes_ (1905). (J. Mo.; X.)
FOOTNOTE:
[1] For Comte's place in the history of ethical theory see ETHICS.
COMUS (from [Greek: komos], revel, or a company of revellers), in the
later mythology of the Greeks, the god of festive mirth. In classic
mythology the personification does not exist; but Comus appears in the
[Greek: Eikones], or _Descriptions of Pictures_, of Philostratus, a
writer of the 3rd century A.D. as a winged youth, slumbering in a
standing attitude, his legs crossed, his countenance flushed with wine,
his head--which is sunk upon his breast--crowned with dewy flowers, his
left hand feebly grasping a hunting spear, his right an inverted torch.
Ben Jonson introduces Comus, in his masque entitled _Pleasure reconciled
to Virtue_ (1619), as the portly jovial patron of good cheer, "First
father of sauce and deviser of jelly." In the _Comus, sive Phagesiposia
Cimmeria; Somnium_ (1608, and at Oxford, 1634), a moral allegory by a
Dutch author, Hendrik van der Putten, or Erycius Puteanus, the
conception is more nearly akin to Milton's, and Comus is a being whose
enticements are more disguised and delicate than those of Jonson's
deity. But Milton's Comus is a creation of his own. His story is one
"Which never yet was heard in tale or song
From old or modern bard, in hall or bower."
Born from the loves of Bacchus and Circe, he is "much like his father,
but his mother more"--a sorcerer, like her, who gives to travellers a
magic draught that changes their human face into the "brutal form of
some wild beast," and, hiding from them their own foul disfigurement,
makes them forget all the pure ties of life, "to roll with pleasure in a
sensual sty."
COMYN, JOHN (d. c. 1300), Scottish baron, was a son of John Comyn (d.
1274), justiciar of Galloway, who was a nephew of the constable of
Scotland, Alexander Comyn, earl of Buchan (d. 1289), and of the powerful
and wealthy Walter Comyn, earl of Mentieth (d. 1258). With his uncle the
earl of Buchan, the elder Comyn took a prominent part in the affairs of
Scotland during the latter part of the 13th century, and he had
interests and estates in England as well as in his native land. He
fought for Henry III. at Northampton and at Lewes, and was afterwards
imprisoned for a short time in London. The younger Comyn, who had
inherited the lordship of Badenoch from his great-uncle the earl of
Mentieth, was appointed one of the guardians of Scotland in 1286, and
shared in the negotiations between Edward I. and the Scots in 1289 and
1290. When Margaret, the Maid of Norway, died in 1290, Comyn was one of
the claimants for the Scottish throne, but he did not press his
candidature, and like the other Comyns urged the claim of John de
Baliol. After supporting Baliol in his rising against Edward I., Comyn
submitted to the English king in 1296; he was sent to reside in England,
but returned to Scotland shortly before his death.
Comyn's son, JOHN COMYN (d. 1306), called the "red Comyn," is more
famous. Like his father he assisted Baliol in his rising against Edward
I., and he was for some time a hostage in England. Having been made
guardian of Scotland after the battle of Falkirk in 1298 he led the
resistance to the English king for about five years, and then early in
1304 made an honourable surrender. Comyn is chiefly known for his
memorable quarrel with Robert the Bruce. The origin of the dispute is
uncertain. Doubtless the two regarded each other as rivals; Comyn may
have refused to join in the insurrection planned by Bruce. At all events
the pair met at Dumfries in January 1306; during a heated altercation
charges of treachery were made, and Comyn was stabbed to death either by
Bruce or by his followers.
Another member of the Comyn family who took an active part in Scottish
affairs during these troubled times is JOHN COMYN, earl of Buchan (d. c.
1313). This earl, a son of Earl Alexander, was constable of Scotland,
and was first an ally and then an enemy of Robert the Bruce.
CONACRE (a corruption of corn-acre), in Ireland, a system of letting
land, mostly in small patches, and usually for the growth of potatoes as
a kind of return instead of wages. It is now practically obsolete.
CONANT, THOMAS JEFFERSON (1802-1891), American Biblical scholar, was
born at Brandon, Vermont, on the 13th of December 1802. Graduating at
Middlebury College in 1823, he became tutor in the Columbian University
(now George Washington University) from 1825 to 1827, professor of
Greek, Latin and German at Waterville College (now Colby College) from
1827 to 1833, professor of biblical literature and criticism in Hamilton
(New York) Theological Institute from 1835 to 1851, and professor of
Hebrew and of Biblical exegesis in Rochester Theological Seminary from
1851 to 1857. From 1857 to 1875 he was employed by the American Bible
Union on the revision of the New Testament (1871). He married in 1830
Hannah O'Brien Chaplin (1809-1865), who was herself the author of _The
Earnest Man_, a biography of Adoniram Judson (1855), and of _The History
of the English Bible_ (1859), besides being her husband's able assistant
in his Hebrew studies. He died in Brooklyn, New York, on the 30th of
April 1891. Conant was the foremost Hebrew scholar of his time in
America. His treatise, _The Meaning and Use of "Baptizein"
Philologically and Historically Investigated_ (1860), an "appendix to
the revised version of the Gospel by Matthew," is a valuable summary of
the evidence for Baptist doctrine. He translated and edited Gesenius's
_Hebrew Grammar_ (1839; 1877), and published revised versions with notes
of _Job_ (1856), _Genesis_ (1868), _Psalms_ (1871), _Proverbs_ (1872),
_Isaiah_ i.-xiii. 22 (1874), and _Historical Books of the Old Testament,
Joshua to II. Kings_ (1884).
CONATION (from Lat. _conari_, to attempt, strive), a psychological term,
originally chosen by Sir William Hamilton (_Lectures on Metaphysics_,
pp. 127 foll.), used generally of an attitude of mind involving a
tendency to take _action_, e.g. when one decides to remove an object
which is causing a painful sensation, or to try to interrupt an
unpleasant train of thought. This use of the word tends to lay emphasis
on the mind as self-determined in relation to external objects. Another
less common use of the word is to describe the pleasant or painful
sensations which accompany muscular activity; the _conative_ phenomena,
thus regarded, are psychic changes brought about by external causes.
The chief difficulty in connexion with Conation is that of
distinguishing it from Feeling, a term of very vague significance both
in technical and in common usage. Thus the German psychologist F.
Brentano holds that no real distinction can be made. He argues that the
mental process from sorrow or dissatisfaction, through hope for a change
and courage to act, up to the voluntary determination which issues in
action, is a single homogeneous whole (_Psychologie_, pp. 308-309). The
mere fact, however, that the series is continuous is no ground for not
distinguishing its parts; if it were so, it would be impossible to
distinguish by separate names the various colours in the solar spectrum,
or indeed perception from conception. A more material objection,
moreover, is that, in point of fact, the feeling of pleasure or pain
roused by a given stimulus is specifically different from, and indeed
may not be followed by, the determination to modify or remove it.
Pleasure and pain, i.e. hedonic sensation _per se_, are essentially
distinct from appetition and aversion; the pleasures of hearing music or
enjoying sunshine are not in general accompanied by any volitional
activity. It is true that painful sensations are generally accompanied
by definite aversion or a tendency to take action, but the cases of
positive pleasure are amply sufficient to support a distinction.
Therefore, though in ordinary language such phrases as "feeling
aversion" are quite legitimate, accurate psychology compels us to
confine "feeling" to states of consciousness in which no conative
activity is present, i.e. to the psychic phenomena of pleasure or pain
considered in and by themselves. The study of such phenomena is
specifically described as Hedonics (Gr. [Greek: hedone], pleasure) or
Algedonics (Gr. [Greek: algedon], pain); the latter term was coined by
H. R. Marshall (in _Pain, Pleasure and Aesthetics_, 1894), but has not
been generally used.
The problem of conation is closely related to that of Attention (q.v.),
which indeed, regarded as active consciousness, implies conation (G. T.
Ladd, _Psychology_, 1894, p. 213). Thus, whenever the mind deliberately
focusses itself upon a particular object, there is implied a psychic
effort (for the relation between Attention and Conation, see G. F.
Stout, _Analytic Psychology_, book i. chap. vi.). All conscious action,
and in a less degree even unconscious or reflex action, implies
attention; when the mind "attends" to any given external object, the
organ through the medium of which information regarding that object is
conveyed to the mind is set in motion. (See PSYCHOLOGY.)
CONCA, SEBASTIANO (1679-1764), Italian painter of the Florentine school,
was born at Gaeta, and studied at Naples under Francesco Solimena. In
1706, along with his brother Giovanni, who acted as his assistant, he
settled at Rome, where for several years he worked in chalk only, to
improve his drawing. He was patronized by the Cardinal Ottoboni, who
introduced him to Clement XI.; and a Jeremiah painted in the church of
St John Lateran was rewarded by the pope with knighthood and by the
cardinal with a diamond cross. His fame grew quickly, and he received
the patronage of most of the crowned heads of Europe. He painted till
near the day of his death, and left behind him an immense number of
pictures, mostly of a brilliant and showy kind, which are distributed
among the churches of Italy. Of these the Probatica, or Pool of Siloam,
in the hospital of Santa Maria della Scala, at Siena, is considered the
finest.
CONCARNEAU, a fishing port of western France in the department of
Finistere, 14 m. by road S.E. of Quimper. Pop. (1906) 7887. The town
occupies a picturesque situation on an inlet opening into the Bay of La
Foret. The old portion stands on an island, and is surrounded by
ramparts, parts of which are believed to date from the 14th century. It
is an important centre of the sardine, mackerel and lobster fisheries.
Sardine-preserving, boat-building and the manufacture of sardine-boxes
are carried on.
CONCEPCION, a province of southern Chile, lying between the provinces of
Maule and Nuble on the N. and Bio-Bio on the S., and extending from the
Pacific to the Argentine boundary. Its outline is very irregular, the
Itata river forming its northern boundary, and the Bio-Bio and one of
its tributaries a part of its southern boundary. Area (estimated) 3252
sq. m.; pop. (1895) 188,190. Concepcion is the most important province
of southern Chile because of its advantageous commercial position,
fertility and productive industries. Its coast is indented by two large
well-sheltered bays, Talcahuano and Arauco, the former having the ports
of Talcahuano, Penco and El Tome, and the latter Coronel and Lota. Its
railway communications are good, and the Bio-Bio, which crosses its S.W.
corner, has 100 m. of navigable channel. The province produces wheat and
manufactures flour for export; its wines are reputed the best in Chile,
cattle are bred in large numbers, wool is produced, and considerable
timber is shipped. Near the coast are extensive deposits of coal, which
is shipped from Lota and Coronel, the former being the site of the most
productive coal-mine in South America. The climate is mild and the
rainfall is abundant. Large copper-smelting and glass works have been
established at Lota because of its coal resources. The valley of the
Itata is largely devoted to vine cultivation, and the port of this
district, El Tome, is noted for its wine vaults and trade. It also
possesses a small woollen factory. The principal towns are on the coast
and had in 1895 the following populations: Talcahuano, 10,431; Lota,
9797 (largely operatives in the mines and smelting works); Coronel,
4575; and El Tome, 3977.
CONCEPCION, a city of southern Chile, capital of a province and
department of the same name, on the right bank of the Bio-Bio river, 7
m. above its mouth, and 355 m. S.S.W. of Santiago by rail. Pop. (1895)
39,837; (1902, estimated) 49,351. It is the commercial centre of a rich
agricultural region, but because of obstructions at the mouth of the
Bio-Bio its trade passes in great part through the port of Talcahuano, 8
m. distant by rail. The small port of Penco, situated on the same bay
and 10 m. distant by rail, also receives a part of the trade because of
official restrictions at Talcahuano. Concepcion is one of the southern
termini of the Chilean central railway, by which it is connected with
Santiago to the N., with Valdivia and Puerto Montt to the S., and with
the port of Talcahuano. Another line extends southward through the
Chilean coal-producing districts to Curanilhue, crossing the Bio-Bio by
a steel viaduct 6000 ft. long on 62 skeleton piers; and a short line of
10 m. runs northward to Penco. The Bio-Bio is navigable above the city
for 100 m. and considerable traffic comes through this channel. The
districts tributary to Concepcion produce wheat, wine, wool, cattle,
coal and timber, and among the industrial establishments of the city are
flour mills, furniture and carriage factories, distilleries and
breweries. The city is built on a level plain but little above the
sea-level, and is laid out in regular squares with broad streets. It is
an episcopal see with a cathedral and several fine churches, and is the
seat of a court of appeal. The city was founded by Pedro de Valdivia in
1550, and received the singular title of "La Concepcion del Nuevo
Extremo." It was located on the bay of Talcahuano where the town of
Penco now stands, about 9 m. from its present site, but was destroyed by
earthquakes in 1570, 1730 and 1751, and was then (1755) removed to the
margin of the Bio-Bio. In 1835 it was again laid in ruins, a graphic
description of which is given by Charles Darwin in _The Voyage of H.M.S.
Beagle_. The city was twice burned by the Araucanians during their long
struggle against the Spanish colonists.
CONCEPCION, or VILLA CONCEPCION, the principal town and a river port of
northern Paraguay, on the Paraguay river, 138 m. (234 m. by river) N. of
Asuncion, and about 345 ft. above sea-level. Pop. (1895, estimate)
10,000, largely Indians and mestizos. It is an important commercial
centre, and a port of call for the river steamers trading with the
Brazilian town of Corumba, Matto Grosso. It is the principal point for
the exportation of Paraguay tea, or "yerba mate" (_Ilex paraguayensis_).
The town has a street railway and telephone service, a national college,
a public school, a market, and some important commercial establishments.
The neighbouring country is sparsely settled and produces little except
forest products. Across the river, in the Paraguayan Chaco, is an
English missionary station, whose territory extends inland among the
Indians for many miles.
CONCEPT[1] (Lat. _conceptus_, a thought, from _concipere_, to take
together, combine in thought; Ger. _Begriff_), in philosophy, a term
applied to a general idea derived from and considered apart from the
particulars observed by the senses. The mental process by which this
idea is obtained is called abstraction (q.v.). By the comparison, for
instance, of a number of boats, the mind abstracts a certain common
quality or qualities in virtue of which the mind affirms the general
idea of "boat." Thus the connotation of the term "boat," being the sum
of those qualities in respect of which all boats are regarded as alike,
whatever their individual peculiarities may be, is described as a
"concept." The psychic process by which a concept is affirmed is called
"Conception," a term which is often loosely used in a concrete sense for
"Concept" itself. It is also used even more loosely as synonymous in the
widest sense with "idea," "notion." Strictly, however, it is contrasted
with "perception," and implies the mental reconstruction and combination
of sense-given data. Thus when one carries one's thoughts back to a
series of events, one constructs a psychic whole made up of parts which
take definite shape and character by their mutual interrelations. This
process is called _conceptual synthesis_, the possibility of which is a
_sine qua non_ for the exchange of information by speech and writing. It
should be noticed that this (very common) psychological interpretation
of "conception" differs from the metaphysical or general philosophical
definition given above, in so far as it includes mental presentations in
which the universal is not specifically distinguished from the
particulars. Some psychologists prefer to restrict the term to the
narrower use which excludes all mental states in which particulars are
cognized, even though the universal be present also.
In biology conception is the coalescence of the male and female
generative elements, producing pregnancy.
FOOTNOTE:
[1] The word "conceit" in its various senses ("idea," "plan," "fancy,"
"imagination," and, by modern extension, an overweening sense of one's
own value) is likewise derived ultimately from the Latin _concipere_.
It appears to have been formed directly from the English derivative
"conceive" on the analogy of "deceit" from "deceive." According to the
_New English Dictionary_ there is no intermediate form in Old French.
CONCEPTUALISM (from "Concept"), in philosophy, a term applied by modern
writers to a scholastic theory of the nature of universals, to
distinguish it from the two extremes of Nominalism and Realism. The
scholastic philosophers took up the old Greek problem as to the nature
of true reality--whether the general idea or the particular object is
more truly real. Between Realism which asserts that the _genus_ is more
real than the _species_, and that particulars have no reality, and
Nominalism according to which _genus_ and _species_ are merely names
(_nomina, flatus vocis_), Conceptualism takes a mean position. The
conceptualist holds that universals have a real existence, but only in
the mind, as the concepts which unite the individual things: e.g. there
is in the mind a general notion or idea of boats, by reference to which
the mind can decide whether a given object is, or is not, a boat. On the
one hand "boat" is something more than a mere sound with a purely
arbitrary conventional significance; on the other it has, apart from
particular things to which it applies, no reality; its reality is purely
abstract or conceptual. This theory was enunciated by Abelard in
opposition to Roscellinus (nominalist) and William of Champeaux
(realist). He held that it is only by becoming a predicate that the
class-notion or general term acquires reality. Thus similarity
(_conformitas_) is observed to exist between a number of objects in
respect of a particular quality or qualities. This quality becomes real
as a mental concept when it is predicated of all the objects possessing
it ("quod de pluribus natum est praedicari"). Hence Abelard's theory is
alternatively known as Sermonism (_sermo_, "predicate"). His statement
of this position oscillates markedly, inclining sometimes towards the
nominalist, sometimes towards the realist statement, using the arguments
of the one against the other. Hence he is described by some as a
realist, by others as a nominalist. When he comes to explain that
objective similarity in things which is represented by the class-concept
or general term, he adopts the theological Platonic view that the ideas
which are the archetypes of the qualities exist in the mind of God. They
are, therefore, _ante rem, in re_ and _post rem_, or, as Avicenna stated
it, _universalia ante multiplicitatem, in multiplicitate, post
multiplicitatem_. (See LOGIC, METAPHYSICS.)
CONCERT (through the French from Lat. CON-, with, and _certare_, to
strive), a term meaning, in general, co-operation, agreement or union;
the more specific usages being, in music, for a public performance by
instrumentalists, vocalists or both combined, and in diplomacy, for an
understanding or agreement for common action between two or more states,
whether defined by treaty or not. The term "Concert of Europe" has been
commonly applied, since the congress of Vienna (1814-1815), to the
European powers consulting or acting together in questions of common
interest. (See ALLIANCE and EUROPE: _HISTORY_.)
CONCERTINA, or MELODION (Fr. _concertina_, Ger. _Ziehharmonica_ or
_Bandoneon_), a wind instrument of the seraphine family with free reeds,
forming a link in the evolution of the harmonium from the mouth organ,
intermediate links being the cheng and the accordion. The concertina
consists of two hexagonal or rectangular keyboards connected by a long
expansible bellows of many folds similar to that of the accordion. The
keyboards are furnished with rows of knobs, which, on being pressed down
by the fingers, open valves admitting the air compressed by the bellows
to the free reeds, which are thus set in vibration. These free reeds
consist of narrow tongues of brass riveted by one end to the inside
surface of the keyboard, and having their free ends slightly bent, some
outwards, some inwards, the former actuated by suction when the bellows
are expanded, the latter by compression. The pitch of the note depends
upon the length and thickness of the reeds, reduction of the length
tending to sharpen the pitch of the note, while reduction of the
thickness lowers it. The bellows being unprovided with a valve can only
draw in and emit the air through the reed valves. In order to produce
the sound, the concertina is held horizontally between the hands, the
bellows being by turns compressed and expanded. The English concertina,
invented and patented by Sir Charles Wheatstone in 1829, the year of the
reputed invention of the accordion (q.v.), is constructed with a double
action, the same note being produced on compressing and expanding the
bellows, whereas in the German concertina or accordion two different
notes are given out. Concertinas are made in complete families--treble,
tenor, bass and double bass, having a combined total range of nearly
seven octaves. The compass is as follows:--
[Illustration: Treble concertina, double action]
[Illustration: Tenor concertina, single action]
[Illustration: Bass concertina, single action]
[Illustration: Double bass concertina, single action]
The timbre of the concertina is penetrating but soft, and capable of the
most delicate gradations of tone. This quality is due to a law of
acoustics governing the vibration of free reeds by means of which
_fortes_ and _pianos_ are obtained by varying the pressure of the wind,
as is also the case with the double reed or the single or beating reed,
while the pressure of the reed with the lips combined with greater
pressure of wind produces the harmonic overtones which are not given out
by free reeds. The English concertina possesses one peculiarity which
renders it unsuitable for playing with instruments tuned according to
the law of equal temperament, such as the pianoforte, harmonium or
melodion, i.e. it has enharmonic intervals between G# and A# and between
D[flat] and E[flat]. The German concertina is not constructed according
to this system; its compass extends down to C or even B[flat], but it is
not provided with double action. It is possible on the English
concertina to play diatonic and chromatic passages or arpeggios in
legato or staccato style with rapidity, shakes single and double in
thirds; it is also possible to play in parts as on the pianoforte or
organ and to produce very rich chords. Concertos were written for
concertina with orchestra by Molique and Regondi, a sonata with piano by
Molique, while Tschaikowsky scored in his second orchestral suite for
four accordions.
The aeola, constructed by the representatives of the original firm of
Wheatstone, is a still more artistically developed concertina, having
among other improvements steel reeds instead of brass, which increase
the purity and delicacy of the timbre.
See also ACCORDION; CHENG; HARMONIUM; Free-Reed Vibrator. (K. S.)
CONCERTO (Lat. _concertus_, from _certare_, to strive, also confused
with _concentus_), in music, a term which appears as early as the
beginning of the 17th century, at first as a title of no very definite
meaning, but which early acquired a sense justified by its etymology and
became applied chiefly to compositions in which unequal instrumental or
vocal forces are brought into opposition.
Although by Bach's time the concerto as a polyphonic instrumental form
was thoroughly established, the term frequently appears in the autograph
title-pages of his church cantatas, even when the cantata contains no
instrumental prelude. Indeed, so entirely does the actual concerto form,
as Bach understands it, depend upon the opposition of masses of tone
unequal in volume with a compensating inequality in power of commanding
attention, that Bach is able to rewrite an instrumental movement as a
chorus without the least incongruity of style. A splendid example of
this is the first chorus of a university festival cantata, _Vereinigte
Zwietracht der wechselnden Saiten_, the very title of which ("united
contest of turn-about strings") is a perfect definition of the earlier
form of _concerto grosso_, in which the chief mass of the orchestra was
opposed, not to a mere solo instrument, but to a small group called the
_concertino_, or else the whole work was for a large orchestral mass in
which tutti passages alternate with passages in which the whole
orchestra is dispersed in every possible kind of grouping. But the
special significance of this particular chorus is that it is arranged
from the second movement of the first Brandenburg concerto; and that
while the orchestral material is unaltered except for transposition of
key, enlargement of force and substitution of trumpets and drums for the
original horns, the whole chorus part has been evolved from the solo
part for a kit violin (_violino piccolo_). This admirably illustrates
Bach's grasp of the true idea of a concerto, namely, that whatever the
relations may be between the forces in respect of volume or sound, the
whole treatment of the form must depend upon the healthy relation of
function between that force which commands more and that which commands
less attention. _Ceteris paribus_ the individual, suitably placed, will
command more attention than the crowd, whether in real life, drama or
instrumental music. And in music the human voice, with human words, will
thrust any orchestral force into the background, the moment it can make
itself heard at all. Hence it is not surprising that the earlier
concerto forms should show the closest affinity (not only in general
aesthetic principle, but in many technical details) with the form of the
vocal aria, as matured by Alessandro Scarlatti. And the treatment of the
orchestra is, _mutatis mutandis_, exactly the same in both. The
orchestra is entrusted with a highly pregnant and short summary of the
main contents of the movement, and the solo, or the groups corresponding
thereto, will either take up this material or first introduce new themes
to be combined with it, and, in short, enter into relations with the
orchestra very like those between the actors and the chorus in Greek
drama. If the aria before Mozart may be regarded as a single large
melody expanded by the device of the ritornello so as to give full
expression to the power of a singer against an instrumental
accompaniment, so the polyphonic concerto form may be regarded as an
expansion of the aria form to a scale worthy of the larger and purely
instrumental forces employed, and so rendered capable of absorbing large
polyphonic and other types of structure incompatible with the lyric idea
of the aria. The _da capo_ form, by which the aria had attained its full
dimensions through the addition of a second strain in foreign keys
followed by the original strain _da capo_, was absorbed by the
polyphonic concerto on an enormous scale, both in first movements and
finales (see Bach's Klavier concerto in E, Violin concerto in E, first
movement), while for slow movements the _ground bass_ (see VARIATIONS),
diversified by changes of key (Klavier concerto in D minor), the more
melodic types of binary form, sometimes with the repeats ornamentally
varied or inverted (Concerto for 3 klaviers in D minor, Concerto for
klavier, flute and violin in A minor), and in finales the _rondo_ form
(Violin concerto in E major, Klavier concerto in F minor) and the binary
form (3rd Brandenburg concerto) may be found.
When conceptions of musical form changed and the modern sonata style
arose, the peculiar conditions of the concerto gave rise to problems the
difficulty of which only the highest classical intellects could
appreciate or solve. The number and contrast of the themes necessary to
work out a first movement of a sonata are far too great to be contained
within the single musical sentence of Bach's and Handel's ritornello,
even when it is as long as the thirty bars of Bach's Italian concerto (a
work in which every essential of the polyphonic concerto is reproduced
on the harpsichord by means of the contrasts between its full register
on the lower of its two keyboards and its solo stops on both). Bach's
sons had taken shrewd steps in forming the new style; and Mozart, as a
boy, modelled himself closely on Johann Christian Bach, and by the time
he was twenty was able to write concerto ritornellos that gave the
orchestra admirable opportunity for asserting its character and resource
in the statement in charmingly epigrammatic style of some five or six
sharply contrasted themes, afterwards to be worked out with additions by
the solo with the orchestra's co-operation and intervention. As the
scale of the works increases the problem becomes very difficult, because
the alternation between solo and tutti easily produces a sectional type
of structure incompatible with the high degree of organization required
in first movements; yet frequent alternation is evidently necessary, as
the orchestral solo is audible only above a very subdued orchestral
accompaniment, and it would be highly inartistic to use the orchestra
for no other purpose. Hence in the classical concerto the ritornello is
never abandoned, in spite of the enormous dimensions to which the sonata
style expanded it. And though from the time of Mendelssohn onwards most
composers have seemed to regard it as a conventional impediment easily
abandoned, it may be doubted whether any modern concerto, except the
four magnificent examples of Brahms, and Dr Joachim's Hungarian
concerto, possesses first movements in which the orchestra seems to
enjoy breathing space. And certainly in the classical concerto the entry
of the solo instrument, after the long opening tutti, is always dramatic
in direct proportion to its delay. The great danger in handling so long
an orchestral prelude is that the work may for some minutes be
indistinguishable from a symphony and thus the entry of the solo may be
unexpected without being inevitable. This is especially the case if the
composer has treated his opening tutti like the exposition of a sonata
movement, and made a deliberate transition from his first group of
themes to a second group in a complementary key, even if the transition
is only temporary, as in Beethoven's C minor concerto. Mozart keeps his
whole tutti in the tonic, relieved only by his mastery of sudden
subsidiary modulation; and so perfect is his marshalling of his
resources that in his hands a tutti a hundred bars long passes by with
the effect of a splendid pageant, of which the meaning is evidently
about to be revealed by the solo. After the C minor concerto, Beethoven
grasped the true function of the opening tutti and enlarged it to his
new purposes. With an interesting experiment of Mozart's before him, he,
in his G major concerto, _Op. 53_, allowed the solo player to state the
opening theme, making the orchestra enter _pianissimo_ in a foreign key,
a wonderful incident which has led to the absurd statement that he
"abolished the opening tutti," and that Mendelssohn in so doing has
"followed his example." In this concerto he also gave considerable
variety of key to the opening tutti by the use of an important theme
which executes a considerable series of modulations, an entirely
different thing from a deliberate modulation from material in one key to
material in another. His fifth and last pianoforte concerto, in E flat,
commonly called the "Emperor," begins with a rhapsodical introduction of
extreme brilliance for the solo player, followed by a tutti of unusual
length which is confined to the tonic major and minor with a strictness
explained by the gorgeous modulations with which the solo subsequently
treats the second subject. In this concerto Beethoven also dispenses
with the only really conventional feature of the form, namely, the
_cadenza_, a custom elaborated from the operatic aria, in which the
singer was allowed to extemporize a flourish on a pause near the end. A
similar pause was made in the final ritornello of a concerto, and the
soloist was supposed to extemporize what should be equivalent to a
symphonic coda, with results which could not but be deplorable unless
the player (or cadenza writer) were either the composer himself, or
capable of entering into his intentions, like Joachim, who has written
the finest extant cadenza of classical violin concertos.
Brahms's first concerto in D minor, _Op. 15_, was the result of an
immense amount of work, and, though on a mass of material originally
intended for a symphony, was nevertheless so perfectly assimilated into
the true concerto form that in his next essay, the violin concerto, _Op.
77_, he had no more to learn, and was free to make true innovations. He
succeeds in presenting the contrasts even of remote keys so immediately
that they are serviceable in the opening tutti and give the form a wider
range in definitely functional key than any other instrumental music.
Thus in the opening tutti of the D minor concerto the second subject is
announced in B flat minor. In the B flat pianoforte concerto, _Op. 83_,
it appears in D minor, and in the double concerto, _Op. 102_, for violin
and violoncello in A minor it appears in F major. In none of these cases
is it in the key in which the solo develops it, and it is reached with
a directness sharply contrasted with the symphonic deliberation with
which it is approached in the solo. In the violin concerto, _Op. 77_,
Brahms develops a counterplot in the opposition between solo and
orchestra, inasmuch as after the solo has worked out its second subject
the orchestra bursts in, not with the opening ritornello, but with its
own version of the material with which the solo originally entered. In
other words we have now not only the development by the solo of material
stated by the orchestra but also a counter-development by the orchestra
of material stated by the solo. This concerto is, on the other hand,
remarkable as being the last in which a blank space is left for a
cadenza, Brahms having in his friend Joachim a kindred spirit worthy of
such trust. In the pianoforte concerto in B flat, and in the double
concerto,[1] _Op. 102_, the idea of an introductory statement in which
the solo takes part before the opening tutti is carried out on a large
scale, and in the double concerto both first and second subjects are
thus suggested. It is unnecessary to speak of the other movements of
concerto form, as the sectional structure that so easily results from
the opposition between solo and orchestra is not of great disadvantage
to slow movements and finales, which accordingly do not show important
differences from the ordinary types of symphonic and chamber music. The
scherzo, on the other hand, is normally of too small a range of contrast
for successful adaptation to concerto form, and the solitary great
example of its use is the second movement of Brahms's B flat pianoforte
concerto.
Nothing is more easy to handle with inartistic or pseudo-classic
effectiveness than the opposition between a brilliant solo player and an
orchestra; and, as the inevitable tendency of even the most artistic
concerto has been to exhaust the resources of the solo instrument in the
increased difficulty of making a proper contrast between solo and
orchestra, so the technical difficulty of concertos has steadily
increased until even in classical times it was so great that the
orthodox definition of a concerto is that it is "an instrumental
composition designed to show the skill of an executant, and one which is
almost invariably accompanied by orchestra." This idea is in flat
violation of the whole history and aesthetics of the form, which can
never be understood by means of a study of averages. In art the average
is always false, and the individual organization of the greatest
classical works is the only sound basis for generalizations, historic or
aesthetic. (D. F. T.)
FOOTNOTE:
[1] Double and triple concertos are concertos with two or three solo
players. A concerto for several solo players is called a concertante.
CONCH (Lat. _concha_, Gr. [Greek: konche]), a shell, particularly one of
a mollusc; hence the term "conchology," the science which deals with
such shells, more used formerly when molluscs were studied and
classified according to the shell formation; the word is chiefly now
used for the collection of shells (see MOLLUSCA, and such articles as
GASTROPODA, MALACOSTRACA, &c.). Large spiral conchs have been from early
times used as a form of trumpet, emitting a very loud sound. They are
used in the West Indies and the South Sea Islands. The Tritons of
ancient mythology are represented as blowing such "wreathed horns." In
anatomy, the term _concha_ or "conch" is used of the external ear, or of
the hollowed central part leading to the meatus; and, in architecture,
it is sometimes given to the half dome over the semicircular apse of the
basilica. In late Roman work at Baalbek and Palmyra and in Renaissance
buildings shells are frequently carved in the heads of circular niches.
A low class of the negro or other inhabitants of the Bahamas and the
Florida Keys are sometimes called "Conches" or "Conks" from the
shell-fish which form their staple food.
CONCHOID (Gr. [Greek: konche], shell, and [Greek: eidos], form), a plane
curve invented by the Greek mathematician Nicomedes, who devised a
mechanical construction for it and applied it to the problem of the
duplication of the cube, the construction of two mean proportionals
between two given quantities, and possibly to the trisection of an angle
as in the 8th lemma of Archimedes. Proclus grants Nicomedes the credit
of this last application, but it is disputed by Pappus, who claims that
his own discovery was original. The conchoid has been employed by later
mathematicians, notably Sir Isaac Newton, in the construction of various
cubic curves.
[Illustration]
The conchoid is generated as follows:--Let O be a fixed point and BC a
fixed straight line; draw any line through O intersecting BC in P and
take on the line PO two points X, X', such that PX = PX' = a constant
quantity. Then the locus of X and X' is the conchoid. The conchoid is
also the locus of any point on a rod which is constrained to move so
that it always passes through a fixed point, while a fixed point on the
rod travels along a straight line. To obtain the equation to the curve,
draw AO perpendicular to BC, and let AO = a; let the constant quantity
PX = PX' = b. Then taking O as pole and a line through O parallel to BC
as the initial line, the polar equation is r = a cosec [theta] [+-] b,
the upper sign referring to the branch more distant from O. The
cartesian equation with A as origin and BC as axis of x is x^2y^2 = (a +
y)^2 (b^2 -y^2). Both branches belong to the same curve and are included
in this equation. Three forms of the curve have to be distinguished
according to the ratio of a to b. If a be less than b, there will be a
node at O and a loop below the initial point (curve 1 in the figure); if
a equals b there will be a cusp at O (curve 2); if a be greater than b
the curve will not pass through O, but from the cartesian equation it is
obvious that O is a conjugate point (curve 3). The curve is symmetrical
about the axis of y and has the axis of x for its asymptote.
CONCIERGE (a French word of unknown origin; the Latinized form was
_concergius_ or _concergerius_), originally the guardian of a house or
castle, in the middle ages a court official who was the custodian of a
royal palace. In Paris, when the _Palais de la Cite_ ceased about 1360
to be a royal residence and became the seat of the courts of justice,
the _Conciergerie_ was turned into a prison. In modern usage a
"concierge" is a hall-porter or janitor.
CONCINI, CONCINO (d. 1617), COUNT DELLA PENNA, MARSHAL D'ANCRE, Italian
adventurer, minister of King Louis XIII. of France, was a native of
Florence. He came to France in the train of Marie de' Medici, and
married the queen's lady-in-waiting, Leonora Dori, known as Galigai. The
credit which his wife enjoyed with the queen, his wit, cleverness and
boldness made his fortune. In 1610 he had purchased the marquisate of
Ancre and the position of first gentleman-in-waiting. Then he obtained
successively the governments of Amiens and of Normandy, and in 1614 the
baton of marshal. From then first minister of the realm, he abandoned
the policy of Henry IV., compromised his wise legislation, allowed the
treasury to be pillaged, and drew upon himself the hatred of all
classes. The nobles were bitterly hostile to him, particularly Conde,
with whom he negotiated the treaty of Loudun in 1616, and whom he had
arrested in September 1616. This was done on the advice of Richelieu,
whose introduction into politics was favoured by Concini. But Louis
XIII., incited by his favourite Charles d'Albert, due de Luynes, was
tired of Concini's tutelage. The baron de Vitry received in the king's
name the order to imprison him. Apprehended on the bridge of the Louvre,
Concini was killed by the guards on the 24th of April 1617. Leonora was
accused of sorcery and sent to the stake in the same year.
In 1767 appeared at Brescia a _De Concini vita_, by D. Sandellius. On
the role of Concini see the _Histoire de France_, published under the
direction of E. Lavisse, vol. vi. (1905), by Mariejol.
CONCLAVE (Lat. _conclave_, from _cum_, together, and _clavis_, a key),
strictly a room, or set of rooms, locked with a key; in this sense the
word is now obsolete in English, though the _New English Dictionary_
gives an example of its use so late as 1753. Its present loose
application to any private or close assembly, especially ecclesiastical,
is derived from its technical application to the assembly of cardinals
met for the election of the pope, with which this article is concerned.
Conclave is the name applied to that system of strict seclusion to which
the electors of the pope have been and are submitted, formerly as a
matter of necessity, and subsequently as the result of a legislative
enactment; hence the word has come to be used of the electoral assembly
of the cardinals. This system goes back only as far as the 12th century.
_Election of the Popes in Antiquity._--The very earliest episcopal
nominations, at Rome as elsewhere, seem without doubt to have been made
by the direct choice of the founders of the apostolic Christian
communities. But this exceptional method was replaced at an early date
by that of election. At Rome the method of election was the same as in
other towns: the Roman clergy and people and the neighbouring bishops
each took part in it in their several capacities. The people would
signify their approbation or disapprobation of the candidates more or
less tumultuously, while the clergy were, strictly speaking, the
electoral body, met to elect for themselves a new head, and the bishops
acted as presidents of the assembly and judges of the election. The
choice had to meet with general consent; but we can well imagine that in
an assembly of such size, in which the candidates were acclaimed rather
than elected by counting votes, the various functions were not very
distinct, and that persons of importance, whether clerical or lay, were
bound to influence the elections, and sometimes decisively. Moreover,
this form of election lent itself to cabals; and these frequently gave
rise to quarrels, sometimes involving bloodshed and schisms, i.e. the
election of antipopes, as they were later called. Such was the case at
the elections of Cornelius (251), Damasus (366), Boniface (418),
Symmachus (498), Boniface II. (530) and others. The remedy for this
abuse was found in having recourse, more or less freely, to the support
of the civil power. The emperor Honorius upheld Boniface against his
competitor Eulalius, at the same time laying down that cases of
contested election should henceforth be decided by a fresh election; but
this would have been a dangerous method and was consequently never
applied. Theodoric upheld Symmachus against Laurentius because he had
been elected first and by a greater majority. The accepted fact soon
became law, and John II. recognized (532) the right of the Ostrogothic
court of Ravenna to ratify the pontifical elections. Justinian succeeded
to this right together with the kingdom which he had destroyed; he
demanded, together with the payment of a tribute of 3000 golden
_solidi_, that the candidate elected should not receive the episcopal
consecration till he had obtained the confirmation of the emperor. Hence
arose long vacancies of the See, indiscreet interference in the
elections by the imperial officials, and sometimes cases of simony and
venality. This bondage became lighter in the 7th century, owing rather
to the weakening of the imperial power than to any resistance on the
part of the popes.
_9th to 12th Centuries._--From the emperors of the East the power
naturally passed to those of the West, and it was exercised after 824 by
the descendants of Charlemagne, who claimed that the election should not
proceed until the arrival of their envoys. But this did not last long;
at the end of the 9th century, Rome, torn by factions, witnessed the
scandal of the posthumous condemnation of Formosus. This deplorable
state of affairs lasted almost without interruption till the middle of
the 11th century. When the emperors were at Rome, they presided over the
elections; when they were away, the rival factions of the barons, the
Crescentii and the Alberici especially, struggled for the spiritual
power as they did for the temporal. During this period were seen cases
of popes imposed by a faction rather than elected, and then, at the
mercy of sedition, deposed, poisoned and thrown into prison, sometimes
to be restored by force of arms.
Election reserved to the cardinals.
The influence of the Ottos (962-1002) was a lesser evil; that of the
emperor Otto III. was even beneficial, in that it led to the election of
Gerbert (Silvester II., in 999). But this was only a temporary check in
the process of decadence, and in 1146 Clement II., the successor of the
worthless Benedict IX., admitted that henceforth not only the
consecration but even the _election_ of the Roman pontiffs could only
take place in presence of the emperor. In fact, after the death of
Clement II. the delegates of the Roman clergy did actually go to Polden
to ask Henry III. to give them a pope, and similar steps were taken
after the death of Damasus II., who reigned only twenty days.
Fortunately on this occasion Henry III. appointed, just before his
death, a man of high character, his cousin Bruno, bishop of Toul, who
presented himself in Rome in company with Hildebrand. From this time
began the reform. Hildebrand had the elections of Victor II. (1055),
Stephen IX. (1057), and Nicholas II. (1058) carried out according to the
canonical form, including the imperial ratification. The celebrated bull
_In nomine Domini_ of the 13th of April 1059 determined the electoral
procedure; it is curious to observe how, out of respect for tradition,
it preserves all the former factors in the election though their scope
is modified: "In the first place, the cardinal bishops shall carefully
consider the election together, then they shall consult with the
cardinal clergy, and afterwards the rest of the clergy and the people
shall by giving their assent confirm the new election." The election,
then, is reserved to the members of the higher clergy, to the cardinals,
among whom the cardinal bishops have the preponderating position. The
consent of the rest of the clergy and the people is now only a
formality. The same was the case of the imperial intervention, in
consequence of the phrase: "Saving the honour and respect due to our
dear son Henry (Henry IV.), according to the concession we have made to
him, and equally to his successors, who shall receive this right
personally from the Apostolic See." Thus the emperor has no rights save
those he has received as a concession from the Holy See. Gregory VII.,
it is true, notified his election to the emperor; but as he set up a
series of five antipopes, none of Gregory's successors asked any more
for the imperial sanction. Further, by this bull, the emperors would
have to deal with the _fait accompli_; for it provided that, in the
event of disturbances aroused by mischievous persons at Rome preventing
the election from being carried out there freely and without bias, the
cardinal bishops, together with a small number of the clergy and of the
laity, should be empowered to go and hold the election where they should
think fit; that should difficulties of any sort prevent the enthronement
of the new pope, the pope elect would be empowered immediately to act as
if he were actually pope. This legislation was definitely accepted by
the emperor by the concordat of Worms (1119).
A limited electoral body lends itself to more minute legislation than a
larger body; the college for electing the pope, thus reduced so as to
consist in practice of the cardinals only, was subjected as time went on
to laws of increasing severity. Two points of great importance were
established by Alexander III. at the Lateran Council of 1179. The
constitution _Licet de vitanda discordia_ makes all the cardinals
equally electors, and no longer mentions the lower clergy or the people;
it also requires a majority of two-thirds of the votes to decide an
election. This latter provision, which still holds good, made imperial
antipopes henceforth impossible.
The conclave.
Abuses nevertheless arose. An electoral college too small in numbers,
which no higher power has the right of forcing to haste, can prolong
disagreements and draw out the course of the election for a long time.
It is this period during which we actually find the Holy See left vacant
most frequently for long spaces of time. The longest of these, however,
gave an opportunity for reform and the remedy was found in the conclave,
i.e. in the forced and rigid seclusion of the electors. As a matter of
fact, this method had previously been used, but in a mitigated form: in
1216, on the death of Innocent III., the people of Perugia had shut up
the cardinals; and in 1241 the Roman magistrates had confined them
within the "Septizonium"; they took two months, however, to perform the
election. Celestine IV. died after eighteen days, and this time, in
spite of the seclusion of the cardinals, there was an interregnum of
twenty months. After the death of Clement IV. in 1268, the cardinals, of
whom seventeen were gathered together at Viterbo, allowed two years to
pass without coming to an agreement; the magistrates of Viterbo again
had recourse to the method of seclusion: they shut up the electors in
the episcopal palace, blocking up all outlets; and since the election
still delayed, the people removed the roof of the palace and allowed
nothing but bread and water to be sent in. Under the pressure of famine
and of this strict confinement, the cardinals finally agreed, on the 1st
of September 1271, to elect Gregory X., after an interregnum of two
years, nine months and two days.
Laws made by Gregory X.