AFTER THE STORM.
1536-1537.
Amid all the fencing and diplomatic insincerities that went on between
Henry and Charles, concerning Mary’s status, his cousin’s real welfare
had but a small share in the policy of the Emperor. Persecuted by her
father, Mary had taken counsel with the powerful kinsman who, she
thought, had her interests, and the cause for which she was suffering,
at heart. But Charles was a much better politician than kinsman, and
had no cause so much at heart as his own advantage, and that of the
empire. He was anxious to be at peace with Henry for more reasons than
one, and cared little what temporary concessions his cousin made, so
long as they furthered this object. He had not seen his way to make
war, when she and her mother had looked to him as their avenger, and
now that the principal cause of estrangement between himself and Henry
had been removed by death, he was eager to sacrifice Mary on the altar
of peace. Her eyes were never opened to the treacherous part he had
played, but Henry was not ignorant of the fact that she was entirely
influenced by the Emperor. If she had yielded, he knew that she had
done so with Charles’s approval, a circumstance that made largely for
political amity. The days of chivalry were done, and Mary’s trust and
confidence were ruthlessly employed to pave a way out of the imperial
difficulties.
Great stress was laid by Charles on the axiom, that concessions
extracted by force or fraud had no binding power, so long as formal
protests against the compulsion exercised were secretly made and
signed. This principle was frequently applied between the three chief
rulers of Europe at this period, and sometimes led to curious results.
Meanwhile, Mary was not yet in calm waters. Cromwell, for the sake of
his own safety, required her to express in a letter addressed to him,
but intended for Henry’s eye, all that she owed him as a mediator.
He had not forgotten what he had undergone, during the six days’
uninterrupted sitting of the Council, when he had considered himself
“a dead man,” and when, in fact, his own and Mary’s fate had trembled
in the balance. Even yet, his capricious master might again suspect
him of having encouraged Mary in her resistance, and he was anxious
that there should be no mistake in Henry’s mind, as to his share in her
submission. Besides this, the King’s tyranny required a declaration
from Mary, that she not only abandoned her title but agreed in its
being given to Anne’s daughter Elizabeth (although she, too, had been
declared illegitimate and was not allowed to use it any longer), and
that as to her own future position she made no claim, but was content
to accept whatever was conceded. Another point left vague had been her
attitude respecting Henry’s disposal of doctrines, which concerned
purgatory, pilgrimages, relics, etc., and her father must be satisfied
in this matter also. Having swallowed the whole, Mary made no further
resistance as to the parts, and wrote to Cromwell as he desired,
probably copying his entire draft.
“GOOD MASTER SECRETARY,
“How much am I bound unto you, which hath not only travailed,
when I was almost drowned in folly to recover me before I sunk
and was utterly past recovery, and so to present me to the fire
of grace and mercy, but also desisteth not sithence with your
good and wholsome counsels, so to arme me from any relapse, that
I cannot, unless I were too wilfull and obstinate, whereof there
is now no spark in me, fall again into any danger! But leaveing
the recital of your goodness apart, which I cannot recount, for
answer to the particulerities of your credence, sent by my friend
Master Wrythesley; first concerning the Princess (so I think I
must call her yet for I would be loath to offend) I offered at
her entry to that name and honour, to call her sister; but it was
refused, unless I would also add the other title unto it, which I
denyed not then more obstinately than I am now sorry for it; for
that I did therein offend my most gracious father and his just
lawes, and now that you think it meet, I shall never call her by
any other name than sister. Touching the nomination of such women
as I would have about me, surely Mr. Secretary, what men or women
soever the King’s Highness shall appoint to wait on me, without
exception, shall be unto me right heartily, and without respect
welcome; albeit to express my mind to you, whom I think worthy
to be accepted for their faithfull service done to the King’s
Majestie and to me, sythens they came into my company, I promise
you on my faith, Margery Baynton and Susan Clarcencyeus have in
every condition used themselves as faithfully, painfully and
diligently as ever did women in such a case; as sorry when I was
not so conformable, as became me, as glad when I enclined anything
to my duty, as could be devised. One other there is, that was
sometime my maid, whom for her vertue I love, and could be glad
to have in my company, that is Mary Brown; and here be all that I
will recommend; and yet, my estimation of these shall be measured
at the King’s Highness, my most mercifull father’s pleasure and
appointment, as reason is. For mine opinion touching pilgrimages,
purgatory, relicks and such like, I assure you, I have none at
all, but such as I shall receive from him, that hath mine whole
heart in keeping, that is the King’s most gracious Highness, my
most benign father, who shall imprint in the same touching these
matters and all other, what his inestimable vertue, high wisdome
and excellent learning shall think convenient, and limit unto me;
to whose presence I pray God I may once come or I dye. For every
day is a year, till I may have the fruition of it. Beseeching you,
good Mr. Secretary, to continue mine humble sute for the same, and
for all other things whatsoever they be, to repute mine heart so
firmly knit to his pleasure, that I can by no mean vary from the
direction and appointment of the same. And thus most heartily
fare you well.
“From Hounsdon this friday at 10 of the clock at night.
“Your assured loving friend during my life,
“MARYE.”[192]
Henry was at last pleased to forgive her, and by common consent,
Cromwell had all the credit of the peacemaking. Chapuys told Cardinal
Perrenot de Granvelle, President of the Emperor’s Council, that the
Secretary was also doing his best to promote friendship between their
masters, and that, having carried it into effect, he would die proud
of that feat, and of having reconciled the Princess to her father,
“not wishing to live one day longer”. On the 6th July, Chapuys applied
for an audience with the King for the next day, but was told that he
could not then have one, as both the King and Queen were to visit the
Princess secretly. Cromwell added that it would be far better for the
advancement of business, if Chapuys spoke to him after his return,
“knowing well that after seeing the beauty, goodness, prudence and
virtue of the same Princess, the King would be more inclined to the
matter in question”. The letter in which this news is communicated then
breaks off, and later on Chapuys continues:—
“The day before yesterday (6th inst.) the King and Queen left this,
with a small and secret company to visit the Princess, three miles from
here, where they remained till yesterday about vespers. The kindness
shown by the King to the Princess was inconceivable, regretting that he
had been so long separated from her. He made good amends for it in the
little time he was with her, continually talking with her, with every
sign of affection, and with ever so many fine promises. The Queen gave
her a beautiful diamond, and the King about 1000 crowns in money for
her little pleasures, telling her to have no anxiety about money, for
she should have as much as she could wish. He promised her that when
he returned from Dover, she should come to court. She will no doubt by
her great prudence remedy many things.”[193]
On the same day, however, he had cause to modify this account somewhat,
in a subsequent letter to Granvelle, in which he says:—
“What I have told his Majesty about this King’s singularly kind
behaviour to his daughter the Princess, when he saw her the other day,
I have on the authority of one of her own servants, the very same
one who, for some time past, has been the bearer of her messages to
me. Yesterday, as he was imparting the said news, and conveying his
mistress’s commendations to me, I naturally concluded that he himself
was speaking in the Princess’s name, but I am afraid such is not the
case, and that the man only repeated what he had heard, for I have
since been told, that mixed with the sweet food of paternal kindness,
there were a few drachmas of gall and bitterness. But after all, we
must set that down to paternal authority, and pray God to inspire the
King to behave still better to the Princess, and work with more zest
and sincerity than he has hitherto done, towards the establishment
and extension of the confederacy with your Majesty, which, as may be
gathered from my previous despatches, has hitherto been surrounded by
much artifice and subterfuge.”[194]
Henry was much perplexed as to the exact position Mary was to occupy
thenceforth. Cromwell told Chapuys that “the great and almost excessive
love and affection that the English have always shown for the Princess”
had so increased of late, that they were determined to risk everything
for her sake. This attitude of the people roused her father’s jealousy
and suspicion, and Cromwell was observed no longer to give her her
title, a habit which he had already resumed. He not only avoided
speaking of Mary as Princess, but requested Chapuys to do the same,
which made him think that instead of declaring her to be Princess of
Wales, she would be called Duchess of York. “Considering,” continued
Cromwell, “the King’s versatility and, on the other hand, the rumours
current among the people, I hesitate to say what the Princess’s future
is likely to be; but this I can assure you (Chapuys), that the whole
business will be conducted to her honor and profit”—“giving me,” said
the ambassador, “to understand thereby that she will be appointed
heiress to the Crown, should the King have no male issue.”
On the 22nd July, the Duke of Richmond died of consumption, and Mary’s
prospects immediately brightened. Chapuys informed the Emperor of the
fact, assuring him that the Princess had plenty of company, “even of
the following of the little Bastard who will henceforth pay her court”.
Her household had not yet been appointed, but nothing was wanting
except her name and title of princess. “Nor need we make too much of
the name,” said Chapuys, “seeing that it has not been usual to give
such a title to a daughter, while there is any hope of male issue, and
the Cardinal, for some particular reasons, had broken that custom in
her case. Nevertheless, Cromwell says, that title will be restored to
her before many days, and there is no doubt, if she comes to court, she
will have that, and everything she can desire, for her incomparable
beauty, grace and prudence. And I think that your Majesty’s affairs
will proceed all the better for it; at all events, it will not be for
want of goodwill that your affairs do not go on more prosperously than
her own. I sent lately to warn the Princess, that there was some talk
of marrying her in this kingdom to some very unsuitable person [perhaps
he means to Cromwell, who had been suggested as a possible husband for
her], and she sent to assure me, that she would never make any match
without the express consent of your Majesty; protesting that except for
some great advantage to the peace of Christendom, she would not care to
be married at all.”[195]
[Illustration: THE PRINCESS MARY.
From the original drawing by Holbein, in the possession of the Marquis
of Exeter.]
Chapuys could never admire and praise Mary enough. Even in
communicating officially the news of the Duke of Richmond’s death,
eulogy of the Princess formed the chief part of his despatch.
“Few are sorry,” he wrote to Perrenot de Granvelle, “because of the
Princess. Even Cromwell has congratulated her in his letters, and thank
God, she now triumphs, and it is to be hoped that the dangers are laid,
with which she has been surrounded, to make her a paragon of virtue,
goodness, honor and prudence: I say nothing of beauty and grace, for it
is incredible. May God raise her soon to the Crown, for the benefit of
his Majesty and of all Christendom.”[196]
Those who wished for a return to the old order in England looked to
Mary’s influence to bring it about. She was in some miraculous way,
by her very presence at court, to exercise power over her father’s
indomitable will (the will that had crushed her into submission), to
reconcile him with the Pope, and undo all the mischief he had been
doing for the last ten years.
“It is to be hoped,” wrote Chapuys to the Empress Isabella, “that
through the Princess’s means, and through her great wisdom and
discretion she may hereafter little by little bring back the King, her
father, and the whole of the English nation to the right path. It would
indeed have been a great pity to lose such a gem, her virtues being of
such a standard, that I know not how to express and define her great
accomplishments, her wisdom, beauty, prudence, virtue, austere life,
and her other great qualities, for certainly all those who have been
and are acquainted with her, cannot cease from praising her any more
than I can.”[197]
He was indefatigable in promoting Mary’s interests in every possible
way. On being presented to Queen Jane, he seems to have thought of
nothing else, regarding her merely as a useful friend, who had it in
her power to smooth the Princess’s paths. His account of the interview
is interesting:—
“Mass over, I accompanied the King to the apartments of the Queen,
whom, with the King’s pleasure, I kissed, congratulating her on her
marriage, and wishing her prosperity. I told her besides, that although
the device of the lady who had preceded her on the throne was ‘The
happiest of women,’ I had no doubt she herself would fully realise that
motto....
“Among the many felicities which I enumerated, I said to the Queen,
that certainly the chief one was the Princess, in whom, without having
had the pain and trouble of bringing her into the world, she had such
a daughter, that she would receive more pleasure and consolation from
her, than from any other she might have. I ended by begging her to
take care of the Princess’s affairs; which she kindly promised to do,
saying that she would work in earnest to deserve the honourable name
which I had given her of pacificator, that is preserver and guardian of
the peace. After this address of mine, the King, who had been talking
with the ladies of the Court, approached us, and began making excuses
for the Queen, saying that I was the first ambassador to whom she had
spoken; she was not used to that sort of reception, but he imagined
that she would do her utmost to obtain the title of pacificator which I
had greeted her with, as being herself of kind and amiable disposition,
and much inclined to peace, she would make the greatest efforts to
prevent his taking part in a foreign war, were it for no other thing
than the fear of having to separate herself from him.”[198]
A charming trait in Mary’s character was the protection which the
now happier sister pityingly extended to Anne Boleyn’s unfortunate
daughter. For the next three years, they continued to live chiefly at
Hunsdon, under the same roof, but while Mary was treated with a certain
amount of consideration, Elizabeth was wholly neglected, disgraced,
and unprovided with the commonest necessaries of life, at one time
having “neither gown nor kirtle, nor petticoat, nor linen for smocks,
nor kerchiefs, rails, body-stychets, handkerchiefs, mufflers nor
begens”.[199] But Mary’s relations with her father, although cordial on
the whole, were lacking in every element of stability. All depended
on his caprice, as the Princess well knew, and had she been worldly
minded, she might have hesitated to take up the cause of one, to whom
he was now far less favourably inclined than to herself. But Mary was
not worldly, and she took care to say a good word for the child when
she could. Thus at the end of a letter to her father she wrote: “My
sister Elizabeth is in good health, thanks be to our Lord, and such
a child toward, as I doubt not but your highness shall have cause to
rejoyce of, in time coming, as knoweth Almighty God, who send your
Grace, with the Queen my good Mother, health with the accomplishment of
your desires.
“From Hownsdon, the 21 day of July (1536).
“Your Hignes most humble daughter handmaid, and faithfull subject,
“MARYE.”[200]
The _Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary_ abound in entries for
presents “to the Lady Elizabeth’s grace,” and in the notification of
sums expended on her amusements.
The art with which Mary received gifts was no less happy than her
manner of giving, and the letter of thanks which she wrote to Cromwell,
just after he had been made Lord Privy Seal, in acknowledgment of his
services to her, is a pleasant contrast, in its spontaneous expressions
of gratitude, to the former grovelling effusions, which purported to
have emanated from her, but which were really the compositions of
Cromwell himself.
“MY LORD,
“In my heartiest manner I commend me unto you, as she which cannot
express in writing the great joy and comfort that I have received
as well by your letters as by the report of my servant this
bearer, concerning the King my Sovereign father’s goodness towards
me; which I doubt not but I have obtained much the better by your
continual suit and means. Wherefore I think myself bound to pray
for you during my life; and that I both do and will continue with
the Grace of God. Sir, as touching mine apparel, I have made no
bill. For the King’s Highnes favour is so good cloathing unto
me, that I can desire no more; and so have written to his Grace,
resting wholly in him, and willing to wear whatever his Grace
shall appoint me. My Lord, I do thank you with all my heart for
the horse that you sent me with this bearer. Wherein you have done
me a great pleasure. For I had never a one to ride upon sometimes
for my health, and besides that my servant sheweth me that he is
such a one, that I may of good right accept not only the mind of
the giver, but also the gift. And thus I commit you to God, whom I
do and shall daily pray to be with you in all your business, and
to reward you for so exceeding great pains and labours that you
take in my sutes.”[201]
And again:—
“MY LORD,
“After my most hearty commendations, I think the time so long
since I heard from the King’s Highness, my most benign father,
that nature moveth me to be so bold as to send my servant this
bearer with letters to his Grace, and also to the Queen, because I
would very fain know how their Graces do, desiring you, my Lord,
if for lack of witt I have sent sooner than I should have done,
molesting his Grace with my rude letters, you will make such an
excuse for me as your wisdom shall think best. For till it may
please his Highness to license me to come into his presence which
of all worldly things is my chiefest desire, my next comfort is,
to hear often of his Grace’s health and prosperous estate; which
I beseech our Lord long to preserve. My lord, your servant hath
brought me the well-favoured horse that you have given me, with
a very goodly saddle; for the which I do thank you with all my
heart. For he seemeth to be, indeed as good as I have heard report
of him, which was that he had all the qualities belonging to a
good horse. Wherefore I trust in time to come, the riding upon him
shall do me very much good concerning my health. For I am wont to
find great ease in riding.”[202]
Mary’s appearance at court was still delayed, probably on account of
the difficulty with regard to her rank. If the King’s eldest daughter
was thenceforth to be regarded as heiress apparent, she must appear
as Princess of Wales, with pomp and circumstance, but all was as yet
uncertain, and for the same reason, Henry came to no conclusion,
respecting the various marriages again proposed for her. If he had no
son, he would be unwilling for her to leave the kingdom, but in any
case hers was a name to intrigue with. “He feels,” wrote Chapuys to the
Emperor, “that he is getting old, and has no male children to succeed
him on the throne, and knows that he will have enough to do to keep the
peace in his own kingdom, where the novelties he has introduced are not
generally approved of. He therefore thinks of nothing else save making
of good cheer, and filling his coffers with the feathers of those whom
he wishes to put down. All his late shifting and dissimulation have no
other origin, than the fear he has of your Majesty’s affairs becoming
prosperous again, and your coming over to England to chastise him.”[203]
But unpopular as Henry was, Cromwell was looked upon as the evil genius
of the throne. It was he who had inspired the divorce of Katharine,
the disinheriting of Mary, the suppression of the monasteries, the
execution of those who denied the royal supremacy, and the introduction
of such heretics as Cranmer and Latimer into the sees of Canterbury and
Worcester. In the south, the general discontent was paralysed by dread,
but the hardy, frugally living people of the eastern and northern
counties knew no fear. The dissolution of the smaller monasteries was
the signal for revolt. The Canons of Hexham fortified their house. One
of their number appeared in armour on the leads, and declared to the
King’s Commissioners, that the twenty inmates would all die before they
would yield, and the Commissioners thought it prudent to withdraw. But
the Lincolnshire men rose first. The rebels in the east numbered at
the outset from forty to fifty thousand men, and their ranks swelled
daily. They would undoubtedly have carried all before them, had not the
leaders of the King’s army been as prompt as they were efficient. The
Duke of Suffolk swept up from the south, the Earl of Shrewsbury from
the west, and the King himself would have headed a third contingent,
had it been necessary. But no sooner were Lincolnshire, Norfolk and
Suffolk subdued, than Yorkshire, Lancashire and all the northern
counties were up in arms. Soon, Skipton Castle, held by the Earl of
Cumberland for the King, was the only spot north of the Humber that
Henry could count upon. If the rebels had triumphed, there is no doubt
that Mary would have been placed on the throne.[204]
A statute had been passed on the 8th July 1536, declaring Elizabeth
base-born,[205] and on Sunday, 30th August, Mary was proclaimed
heiress-apparent in one of the London churches. When the Yorkshire men
rose, on the 9th October, they swore to be true “to the King’s lawful
issue and the noble blood”. Robert Aske, leader of the insurgents, was
declared Grand Captain of the Commons of Yorkshire. He could rely on
the staunch loyalty of 30,000 “tall men and well horsed,” as well as on
the enthusiastic adherence of the whole population, while the King’s
forces, under the Duke of Norfolk, only amounted to 6,000 men, hampered
in their every movement northwards by the disaffection of the midland
and eastern counties. Had all these advantages been husbanded by the
rebels, they might have dictated terms to Henry; but the strongest arm
is powerless against a subtle brain, and Cromwell soon perceived that
his one chance lay in negotiation. The word meant with him stratagem
and fraud. The promise of a free pardon, and a Parliament at York was
so worded, that it was understood by all the leaders of the rising
to mean consent to their demands. They disbanded their troops, and
by degrees order was restored. Then, all the northern towns were
strongly garrisoned by the King, and the last palpitating throes of the
rebellion were eagerly seized upon as a pretext for withdrawing every
concession that had been made. The Lords Dacre and Hussey were arrested
and sent to the block. The Earl of Northumberland and Sir Robert
Constable, with the Abbots of Barlings, of Fountains and of Jervaulx,
were hanged in chains. Lady Bulmer, for encouraging the rebels, was
burned at the stake. A letter from Henry to his lieutenant in the north
gave him _carte blanche_ for every atrocity. The King wrote:—
“We approve of your proceeding in the displaying of your banner, which,
being now spread, till it is closed again, the course of our laws must
give place to martial law; and before you close it up again, you must
cause such dreadful execution upon a good number of the inhabitants,
hanging them on trees, quartering them and setting their heads and
quarters in every town, as shall be a fearful warning, whereby shall
ensue the preservation of a great multitude.”[206]
It is noticeable that the King does not here speak of the execution of
the leaders, but of “a good number of the inhabitants,” an order which
resulted in the most fearful carnage. The Duke of Norfolk, anxious to
prove his loyalty, declared that his only regret was that there were
not enough iron chains in the country in which to hang the prisoners;
ropes must serve for some. But he flattered himself that so great a
number put to death at one time had never yet been heard of.[207] “It
was,” says one writer, “as if the earth had broken out into gibbets,
but in spite of them the people, though coerced, were not cowed.”
Lord Dacre, speaking before the Council, had a tongue as free as when
he led his Yorkshire yokels to battle. “It is thou,” he said boldly,
confronting Cromwell, “that art the very special and chief cause of
all this rebellion and wickedness, and dost daily travail to bring us
to our ends and strike off our heads. I trust that ere thou diest,
though thou wouldst procure all the noblest heads within the realm to
be stricken off, yet there shall one head remain that shall strike off
thy head.” After the pardon at Doncaster, three hundred persons wished
to pull the curate out of the pulpit at Kendal Church, crying out: “He
shall proclaim the Pope to be supreme head of the Church, or be cast
into the water!”[208]
But in spite of the anxieties caused by the rebellion, the perennial
subject of the disposal of Mary’s hand in marriage was occupying
public attention both at home and abroad. It kept the possibility of
an alliance with Henry perpetually before the arbiters of European
affairs, and did more to avert war than all his other tactics. But it
is clear, with the whole history of his negotiations before us, that he
never intended Mary to leave the country, and risk her repudiation of
all that he had been at so great pains to wring from her.
Already, in February 1536, the Emperor had devised a marriage between
his cousin Mary, and Don Loys, brother of King Emanuel of Portugal,
his brother-in-law. Henry appeared to look favourably on the proposed
match, and in June, a formal demand was made for her hand. The matter
was allowed to drag on indefinitely; raised from time to time with
much affectation of seriousness, to suit Henry’s policy, it was again
repeatedly dropped, for the nice adjustment of the scale, when Francis
became restive, at the apparent understanding between his ally and
his enemy. Then the proposed union of the Princess Mary with the Duke
of Orleans was once more brought forward, and so the changes rang for
some time. But all this was merely on the surface; and the question of
Mary’s legitimacy was the only real point at issue, for it involved the
whole series of events which had landed Henry in his actual position
with regard to his own subjects, to his fellow-sovereigns, and to the
Pope, still a power to be reckoned with. To yield that point was to
give up all he had been fighting for during the last ten years, and to
cut away the ground from under his feet. If he temporised long enough,
the possible birth of a son might allow him to restore his daughter
without loss of his own dignity.
Charles V., in putting forward Don Loys as a suitor, made the
condition, that the slur cast by Henry on Mary’s birth should be
removed; and Henry’s instructions to his special envoy, Sir Thomas
Wyatt, on the renewal of his amity with the Emperor, show the use her
father intended to make of her renunciation of her birthright.
“If,” the instructions ran, “the Emperor is grieved that the lady
Mary is declared illegitimate, although born _in bona fide parentum_,
Wyatt must declare that when the prohibition is of the law of God,
_bona fides_ cannot be alleged; moreover, that the assertion of her
illegitimacy will irritate the King, and Wyatt shall deliver a letter
to the Emperor from the lady Mary _showing how she reputes herself_.
If the Emperor speaks of an overture of marriage that was lately made
for her with the Infant of Portugal, he shall say he has no commission
therein, but thinks the matter might be arranged, if the Infant will
take her, as only to succeed to the Crown in default of issue male or
female from his present queen.”[209]
Chapuys’ letter to the Emperor on the 7th October proves that her
difficulties were not yet at an end:—
“I have just this moment received a letter from the Princess, saying
that yesterday, the King her father sent her the draft of a letter
which he wished her to write to your Majesty, the substance of which
is, that being now better informed than she was before, through reading
books and continually consulting learned and holy persons, perhaps
also inspired by the grace of the Holy Ghost, she has of her own free
will, without compulsion of any sort, suggestion, impression, respect
or regard for any person whomsoever, acknowledged, confirmed, and
approved the statutes of this kingdom, declaring her mother’s marriage
to have been unlawful, and the King her father to be the chief of
the Church, at the same time, begging and entreating your Majesty to
allow truth to prevail, and not disturb nor impede it at the General
Council or anywhere else—all this, in order that the King, who has
behaved so kindly towards the Princess, may not have occasion to treat
her differently. The Princess desires me to inform your Majesty of
this, and wishes to know what answer she is to give to her father’s
request. She would also be glad for your Majesty to show discontent
at her and her acts. Though it seems to me, that this is not the time
nor the opportunity for doing so, I could not do otherwise than obey
the Princess, and express her wishes in that particular. It might be
that your Majesty could find hereafter some excuse for dissembling, not
meddling in the affair, but giving some evasive answer or other; for
although this King may insist upon the letter being written, perhaps
he may not send it on, and will keep it by him, to use at the proper
time and place. This has been the cause of my reporting, as fully as I
have done, on the contents of the draft which the Princess has in her
possession, I have taken care to inform Count Cifuentes of everything,
even of the protest which she has already signed, as well as of
that which she ought to make, before the letter demanded of her is
written, that the Count may speak (to the Pope) and answer as the case
requires.”[210]
The next day, he wrote again to Cifuentes, saying that it would be
necessary to warn his Holiness of all that was going on, that he might
not, in the event of the said letter being written, or of a similar
one being shown to him, reply to the Princess as if he were angry for
what had been done. “As these people have their doubts, as to the
precise wording of the Princess’s renunciation, and have their fears
and suspicions concerning the future, they are now taking their
measures, and trying to make sure of her before they bring her back
to court. Should she come, I will do my best to find out a remedy
in all this business; for the present nothing more can be done. Her
Highness must be advised and encouraged to listen to the words of these
people, and not let them imagine that under what her Highness is now
doing there lies a danger for them. If your Lordship does not know it
already, I can tell you that for a long time back, her Highness has,
by my advice, applied such a remedy, and drawn such protests for the
safeguarding of her right, that I do not think any more are required.
To the protest formerly made, the Princess herself has since added,
after consulting over the matter with me, certain clauses and words
which render all other precautions perfectly useless. Your Lordship
however must keep profoundly secret in these matters, for should these
people hear of our precautionary measures for the future, the Princess
would not be allowed to live long. It is therefore necessary that no
living person should know of this save your Lordship, to whom I cannot
at present sufficiently declare the precise text of the letters which
her Highness, as aforesaid, will be compelled to write. You may however
be sure of one thing, namely, that those who have the charge of making
the draft thereof will forget no circumstance nor expression likely to
serve their purpose, and will make the Princess sign it. The Princess
herself being apprehensive of what may come out of all this, has sent
me orders to communicate with his Imperial Majesty, and with your
most illustrious Lordship on the subject, that you may be warned, and
prepared to answer whenever the thing be made public; but above all,
let it be settled, that whatever papers and letters her Highness is
made to sign on this occasion, there is no truth whatever in them, and
that she signs them by sheer force.”[211]
The drafts above alluded to consisted of two letters, one addressed
to the Pope, the other to the Queen of Hungary. The contents were
practically a repetition of the declarations which Cromwell drew up
for Mary to transcribe six months before. The expressions used were of
course less abject than those which purported to be addressed by her to
her father, but the renunciation was the same. The conclusion of the
letter addressed to the Pope was to the effect that he should no longer
trouble himself with the affairs of England, since the King had really
and truly the right on his side, and reasons of his own to act as he
did. Of her own free consent, she had renounced the succession, and
begged that neither in the future Council nor out of it, the subject
might be mentioned, or anything done contrary to the wishes of the King
of England, or for the sake of the King of Portugal, because such was
her resolution, and she was much pleased with it.
Chapuys, we have seen, was quite convinced that nothing remained for
Mary but to sign the drafts. Her justification would, as before, be the
compulsion exercised, and her written protests would, he considered,
be sufficient proof that she had not been a free agent. Nevertheless,
he was anxious that the Pope should be told of the thraldom in which
she had signed, and should declare her guiltless of all participation
in the sin. His anxiety was probably the reflex of her own, and his
personal regard for her made him wish to soothe, as far as he was able,
her much-tried conscience. Since she had acted by his advice in the
tangled skein of diplomacy in which she was caught, his chivalry and
affection prompted him to obtain for her all the relief he could. He
wrote to the Emperor on the subject, and Charles referred the matter
to his ambassador in Rome. Cifuentes had no personal acquaintance
with Mary, and viewed the subject in the mere light of politics. He
told the Emperor in a ciphered despatch, that it would be useless,
and even dangerous to apply for a papal brief, absolving the Princess
from her oath, as, in his opinion, the imperial ambassador in England
had not shown sufficient cause why the publication of the Princess’s
justification to the world should be delayed; for should his Holiness
come to know what the Princess had done, the French would sooner or
later hear of it; and, if so, the King of England be immediately
informed of the fact, and therefore the danger to her life would be
increased twofold. The above were the reasons which he (Cifuentes) had
for not applying for a delay; but since Chapuys still insisted upon it,
after mature deliberation the following expedient had been thought of:
The Pope should be petitioned for a _vivæ voces oraculo in genere_,
tacitly including Mary, and empowering all confessors to absolve
those who might have fallen into these “new English errors”. “In that
class the Princess would necessarily be comprised, and therefore any
public justification on her own part might be delayed for some time.”
Cifuentes goes on to say that Chapuys should remit the whole matter to
him, surrounded as he is by those whom he can trust, and who cannot
fail to help him by their wisdom and learning. If he should then find
just and honest causes why the Princess should be absolved by her
confessor, well and good. In this way, his Holiness would be entirely
ignorant of the precise and particular object for which his verbal
declaration was needed.[212]
Mary signed the letters, and the Pope apparently gave the dispensation
asked for, without knowing who was especially to be benefited by it,
and we hear no more of the matter.
In the midst of these wretched diplomatic transactions occurs the
first note of joy that has greeted Mary for years, more completely
reconciling her to her father than all the horrible concessions wrung
from her by threats and entreaties. The Queen gave promise of an heir,
and Mary was sent for to the court. The following curious extract from
a contemporary document describes the meeting between her and the King
and Queen. It is, unfortunately, undated, but bears intrinsic evidence
that it refers to the spring of 1537:—
“Thus the good Lady Mary’s grace lived a long time in disgrace of the
King her father, in hard imprisonment, and danger of her life, till
at the lenght, Ann Bullen being dead, and the King maried againe unto
Queen Jane, Edward’s mother by whose meanes she came againe in favour
with the King—as thus: Upon a time as the King and the Queene were
together, she being great with child with King Edward, the King said
unto her—Why, darling, how happeneth it you are no merier. She wisely
answered, Now it hath pleased your grace to make me your wife, there
are none but my inferiors to make mery withall, your grace excepted,
unlesse it would please you that wee might enjoye the company of the
Lady Marie’s grace at the Court; I could be mery with her. We will have
her here, darling, if she will make the merry. So presently the King
commanded all her women to be put to her againe, and all in rich array
with his daughter, the Lady Mary, in most gorgeous apparel, to come
the next day unto the Court, all apparelled at the King’s charge. The
King and the Queene standing in the chamber of presence by the fier.
This worthy lady entered with all her train. So soon as she came within
the chamber doore, she made lowe curtsey unto him; in the midst of the
chamber she did so againe, and when she came to him, she made them both
lowe cursey, and falling on her knees asked his blessing, who after
he had given her his blessing, took her up by the hand, and kist her,
and the Queen also, both bidding her welcome. Then the King turning
him to the Lords there in presence, said—Some of you weare desirous
that I should put this jewell to death. That had been great pittie,
quoth the Queene, to have lost your chefest jewell of England.... But
Mary, knowing that when her father flattered, most mischief was like
to ensue, her coler going and coming, at last in a swoone fell down
amongst them. With that the King being greatly perplexed, what for the
fear of his daughter, and the frighting of his wife that was then great
with child, sought all meanes possible to recover her, and being come
to herself, bid her be a good comfort, for nothing should goe against
her, and after perfect recovery, took her by the hand, and walked up
and down with her. Then commandment was made that she should be called
Lady Princess, and the other Lady Elizabeth. Why, governor, quoth
the Lady Elizabeth, being but a child, how happs it yesterday, Lady
Princess and to-day but Lady Elizabeth? Here was a haughtie stomach
betimes.”[213]
The account is inaccurate in two points. Henry never gave in on the
question of Mary’s title. Princess in those days meant heiress to the
Crown, and he would have been less likely than ever to give it back
to his daughter, when the passionately longed-for son might shortly
be granted to him. Moreover, Elizabeth had been deprived of the title
by act of Parliament months before, and would not have remained in
ignorance of the fact till Mary’s return to court, as it had nothing
whatever to do with her sister, in the actual state of affairs, but
with the declared nullity of Anne Boleyn’s marriage.
On the 23rd May, arrived Hurtado de Mendoza, special envoy from
Charles V., to confer with Chapuys, and learn from him his latest
news of the King’s will, regarding the Portuguese match. He remained
in England for more than a year, and during that time, the wearisome
negotiations went on, with the utmost insistence as to detail, while
Henry was probably determined from the outset that they should come
to nothing. He declared bluntly his refusal to legitimatise Mary, but
held out hopes that she would be heiress to the throne, should he die
without legitimate issue. When the Emperor had first suggested the
marriage, the King of Portugal was disinclined to it, saying that no
confidence could be placed in Henry, but Charles had set his mind upon
it, and wrote to his ambassador in England, that if it appeared that
the Princess would be forced into some other union (he feared with
Cromwell) they were to see whether it would be possible to carry her
out of the country. Henry told Gardiner to answer any inquiries about
the Lady Mary’s marriage with Don Loys, that it was “neither agreed
upon nor in any towardness”. Further, in his instructions to Sir Thomas
Wyatt, whom he was sending as envoy to Charles, he told him that if
the Emperor marvelled, that there was no furtherance in the matter, he
should reply that Mendoza brought no commission for it, and came so
slenderly despatched that the default is not since supplied, and thinks
the matter scarcely in earnest.[214]
All these excuses were made to gain time. If a prince were born and
lived, there would be less danger in sending Mary abroad, but among
so many aspirants to her hand, Henry was resolved only to part with
her to the highest bidder, if, indeed, he parted with her at all. The
match with the Duke of Orleans was perhaps the most to his liking, but
Francis demanded that she should be declared legitimate, and that was
the only thing Henry was quite resolved not to do. If he had no son,
all foreign princes would agree, in spite of him, in looking upon her
as his rightful heir, and in view of such a contingency he could not
afford to let her go out of the kingdom. His difficulties were so far
understood on the continent, as to create a general apprehension that
he would marry her to Cromwell.
In the midst of the universal tension, the Queen was brought to bed on
the 12th October, vigil of Edward the Confessor. But so slowly did even
great news travel in those days, that on the 17th, in many parts of the
country, the people were still praying for a prince, while in others,
vague rumours were beginning to circulate to the effect that they had
one. The circumstance was not known in Brussels till the 20th, when the
Emperor expressed his satisfaction, and said he thought that his cousin
Mary was delivered of a great burden.[215]
At the christening of Prince Edward, “the most dearest son of King
Henry,” Mary was the most prominent figure as godmother. She walked
next to the canopy, under which the royal infant was carried, her
train being borne by Lady Kingston. Then the chrism (for the Prince’s
confirmation) “richly garnished was borne by the Lady Elizabeth, the
King’s daughter, the same lady for her tender age being borne by the
Viscount Beauchamp, with the assistance of the Lord Morley”. On the
return of the procession from the church, Elizabeth walked by the side
of Mary, who held her hand, and the Prince “was taken to the King and
Queen, and had the blessing of God, our Lady and St. George, and of
his father and mother”. A _Te Deum_ was sung in St. Paul’s and in
other churches of the city, and great fires were made in every street.
There was much “goodly banqueting, shooting of guns all day and night,
and great gifts were distributed”.
The nation’s joy, which was undoubtedly deep and sincere, can hardly
be said to have turned into mourning, when the news was spread that
the good Queen had received the Sacraments of Penance and Extreme
Unction, and was dying. It was not merely that the people had not
had time to become attached to her, but the sixteenth century set no
great value on human life in general, and that of a queen consort
was held exceptionally cheap in England. It was a time when there
might indeed be indignation for wrongs, and tears for a friend’s
misfortune; but little grief was felt for bodily sufferings or death.
Deeply as Katharine of Arragon was beloved by English men and women,
and loudly as they expressed their sense of the injuries inflicted
on her, her death would perhaps have caused little emotion, had it
not been accompanied by suspicious circumstances. When Anne Boleyn
went to her doom, even her friends were indifferent, although the
obvious unfairness of her trial aroused pity and abhorrence. The Duke
of Richmond’s funeral passed almost unnoticed; and if the executions
after the Northern Rising sent a thrill of horror through the country,
this was produced by butcheries such as had never before been known.
That which was natural and inevitable excited little notice, and
Gardiner was not more wanting in sensibility than the rest of his
contemporaries, when he crudely charged the envoys to announce to the
King of France, that “though the Prince is well, and sucketh like a
child of his puissance, the Queen, by the neglect of those about her,
who suffered her to take cold, and eat such things as her fantasy in
sickness called for, is dead”.[216] He went on to say that “the King
though he takes this chance reasonably, is little disposed to marry
again, but some of his Council have thought it meet to urge him to
it, for the sake of his realm, and he has framed his mind both to be
indifferent to the thing, and to the election of any person from any
part that with deliberation shall be thought meet”.
Queen Jane died on the 24th October, and in a letter to Lord Lisle on
the 3rd November Sir John Wallop says: “The King is in good health, and
merry as a widower may be, the Prince also”.[217]
By command of the Duke of Norfolk, twelve hundred Masses were ordered
to be said for the repose of the Queen’s soul, and a solemn Dirge and
Requiem were sung at St. Paul’s. Jane had died at Hampton Court, but
was buried at Windsor, on the 12th November, Mary being chief mourner
at her funeral, following the hearse on horseback at a foot’s pace.
Her palfrey was in black velvet trappings and her train was held up by
eight ladies of the highest rank.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 192: Sm., vol. xlvii., f. 26, 2. Hearne, p. 144.]
[Footnote 193: Chapuys to Charles V., 8th July 1536, Vienna Archives.
Gairdner, _Cal._, xi., 40.]
[Footnote 194: Gayangos, _Cal._, vol. v., pt. ii., p. 199.]
[Footnote 195: Gairdner, _Cal._, xi., 219.]
[Footnote 196: Gairdner, _Cal._, xi., 221.]
[Footnote 197: Add. MS. 28,589, f. 44, Brit. Mus., Chapuys to the
Empress, 29th Aug. 1536.]
[Footnote 198: Gayangos, _Cal._, vol. v., pt. ii., p. 157.]
[Footnote 199: See an interesting letter from Lady Bryan to Cromwell,
appendix B.]
[Footnote 200: Cotton MS. Otho C. x., f. 291. Hearne, p. 131.]
[Footnote 201: Cotton MS. Otho C. x., f. 274. Hearne, p. 129.]
[Footnote 202: Cotton MS. Otho C. x., f. 292. Hearne, 132.]
[Footnote 203: Gayangos, _Cal._, vol. v., pt. ii., p. 258.]
[Footnote 204: The depositions of the malcontents often contained
expressions to the effect that the country was “ruled by knaves,”
and that the people thought “the Lady Mary would have a title to the
Crown one day”. In the course of the examination of the ringleaders,
in the Tower, after the rebellion, one of them said, “The Lady Mary
ought to be favoured for her great virtues, and the statute annulled
... that she should not be made illegitimate except by the law of the
whole Church, for she is marvellously beloved by the whole people”
(Examination of Aske, Record Office).]
[Footnote 205: The reason given was the affinity between her mother and
the King’s former mistress, Anne Boleyn’s sister. “Le statut declairant
princesse légitime héritiere la fille de la concubine a este revoque,
et elle [mesme] declairee bastarde, non point comme fille de maistre
Norris, comme se pouvait plus honnestement dire, mais pour avoir avant
este le mariage entre la dite concubine et le dit roy illégitime a
cause qu’il avait cognu charnellement la sœur de la dite concubine”
(Chapuys to M. de Granville, 8th July, 1536, Vienna Archives).]
[Footnote 206: State Papers, i., 537, Record Office.]
[Footnote 207: Gairdner, _Cal._, xii., 498.]
[Footnote 208: Gairdner, _Cal._, xii., 384.]
[Footnote 209: Harl. MS. 282, f. 79, Brit. Mus.]
[Footnote 210: Gayangos, _Cal._, vol. v., pt. ii., p. 267. Vienna
Archives.]
[Footnote 211: Gayangos, _Cal._, vol. v., pt. ii., p. 270.]
[Footnote 212: Gayangos, _Cal._, vol. v., pt. ii., p. 272.]
[Footnote 213: Belvoir MS., Hist. MSS. Comm., vol. i., p. 309 _et
seq._, Report xii., appendix iv.]
[Footnote 214: Harl. MS. 282, f. 34.]
[Footnote 215: Harl. MS. 282, f. 257.]
[Footnote 216: Record Office, State Papers, viii., 1.]
[Footnote 217: Gairdner, _Cal._, xii., pt. ii., 1023.]