CHAPTER XXIII.

1645-1648.

A DOOMED NATION.

Indian Infatuation • Iroquois and Huron • Huron Triumphs • The Captive

Iroquois • His Ferocity and Fortitude • Partisan Exploits • Diplomacy •

The Andastes • The Huron Embassy • New Negotiations • The Iroquois

Ambassador • His Suicide • Iroquois Honor

It was a strange and miserable spectacle to behold the savages of this

continent at the time when the knell of their common ruin had already

sounded. Civilization had gained a foothold on their borders. The long

and gloomy reign of barbarism was drawing near its close, and their

united efforts could scarcely have availed to sustain it. Yet, in this

crisis of their destiny, these doomed tribes were tearing each other's

throats in a wolfish fury, joined to an intelligence that served little

purpose but mutual destruction.

How the quarrel began between the Iroquois and their Huron kindred no

man can tell, and it is not worth while to conjecture. At this time, the

ruling passion of the savage Confederates was the annihilation of this

rival people and of their Algonquin allies,--if the understanding

between the Hurons and these incoherent hordes can be called an

alliance. United, they far outnumbered the Iroquois. Indeed, the Hurons

alone were not much inferior in force; for, by the largest estimates,

the strength of the five Iroquois nations must now have been

considerably less than three thousand warriors. Their true superiority

was a moral one. They were in one of those transports of pride,

self-confidence, and rage for ascendency, which, in a savage people,

marks an era of conquest. With all the defects of their organization, it

was far better than that of their neighbors. There were bickerings,

jealousies, plottings and counter-plottings, separate wars and separate

treaties, among the five members of the league; yet nothing could sunder

them. The bonds that united them were like cords of India-rubber: they

would stretch, and the parts would be seemingly disjoined, only to

return to their old union with the recoil. Such was the elastic strength

of those relations of clanship which were the life of the league. [1]

[1] See ante, Introduction.

The first meeting of white men with the Hurons found them at blows with

the Iroquois; and from that time forward, the war raged with increasing

fury. Small scalping-parties infested the Huron forests, killing squaws

in the cornfields, or entering villages at midnight to tomahawk their

sleeping inhabitants. Often, too, invasions were made in force.

Sometimes towns were set upon and burned, and sometimes there were

deadly conflicts in the depths of the forests and the passes of the

hills. The invaders were not always successful. A bloody rebuff and a

sharp retaliation now and then requited them. Thus, in 1638, a war-party

of a hundred Iroquois met in the forest a band of three hundred Huron

and Algonquin warriors. They might have retreated, and the greater

number were for doing so; but Ononkwaya, an Oneida chief, refused.

"Look!" he said, "the sky is clear; the Sun beholds us. If there were

clouds to hide our shame from his sight, we might fly; but, as it is, we

must fight while we can." They stood their ground for a time, but were

soon overborne. Four or five escaped; but the rest were surrounded, and

killed or taken. This year, Fortune smiled on the Hurons; and they took,

in all, more than a hundred prisoners, who were distributed among their

various towns, to be burned. These scenes, with them, occurred always in

the night; and it was held to be of the last importance that the torture

should be protracted from sunset till dawn. The too valiant Ononkwaya

was among the victims. Even in death he took his revenge; for it was

thought an augury of disaster to the victors, if no cry of pain could be

extorted from the sufferer, and, on the present occasion, he displayed

an unflinching courage, rare even among Indian warriors. His execution

took place at the town of Teanaustayé, called St. Joseph by the Jesuits.

The Fathers could not save his life, but, what was more to the purpose,

they baptized him. On the scaffold where he was burned, he wrought

himself into a fury which seemed to render him insensible to pain.

Thinking him nearly spent, his tormentors scalped him, when, to their

amazement, he leaped up, snatched the brands that had been the

instruments of his torture, drove the screeching crowd from the

scaffold, and held them all at bay, while they pelted him from below

with sticks, stones, and showers of live coals. At length he made a

false step and fell to the ground, when they seized him and threw him

into the fire. He instantly leaped out, covered with blood, cinders, and

ashes, and rushed upon them, with a blazing brand in each hand. The

crowd gave way before him, and he ran towards the town, as if to set it

on fire. They threw a pole across his way, which tripped him and flung

him headlong to the earth, on which they all fell upon him, cut off his

hands and feet, and again threw him into the fire. He rolled himself

out, and crawled forward on his elbows and knees, glaring upon them with

such unutterable ferocity that they recoiled once more, till, seeing

that he was helpless, they threw themselves upon him, and cut off his

head. [2]

[2] Lalemant, Relation des Hurons, 1639, 68. It was this chief whose

severed hand was thrown to the Jesuits. See ante, (page 137).

When the Iroquois could not win by force, they were sometimes more

successful with treachery. In the summer of 1645, two war-parties of the

hostile nations met in the forest. The Hurons bore themselves so well

that they had nearly gained the day, when the Iroquois called for a

parley, displayed a great number of wampum-belts, and said that they

wished to treat for peace. The Hurons had the folly to consent. The

chiefs on both sides sat down to a council, during which the Iroquois,

seizing a favorable moment, fell upon their dupes and routed them

completely, killing and capturing a considerable number. [3]

[3] Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons, 1646, 55.

The large frontier town of St. Joseph was well fortified with palisades,

on which, at intervals, were wooden watch-towers. On an evening of this

same summer of 1645, the Iroquois approached the place in force; and the

young Huron warriors, mounting their palisades, sang their war-songs all

night, with the utmost power of their lungs, in order that the enemy,

knowing them to be on their guard, might be deterred from an attack. The

night was dark, and the hideous dissonance resounded far and wide; yet,

regardless of the din, two Iroquois crept close to the palisade, where

they lay motionless till near dawn. By this time the last song had died

away, and the tired singers had left their posts or fallen asleep. One

of the Iroquois, with the silence and agility of a wild-cat, climbed to

the top of a watch-tower, where he found two slumbering Hurons, brained

one of them with his hatchet, and threw the other down to his comrade,

who quickly despoiled him of his life and his scalp. Then, with the

reeking trophies of their exploit, the adventurers rejoined their

countrymen in the forest.

The Hurons planned a counter-stroke; and three of them, after a journey

of twenty days, reached the great town of the Senecas. They entered it

at midnight, and found, as usual, no guard; but the doors of the houses

were made fast. They cut a hole in the bark side of one of them, crept

in, stirred the fading embers to give them light, chose each his man,

tomahawked him, scalped him, and escaped in the confusion. [4]

[4] Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons, 1646, 55, 56.

Despite such petty triumphs, the Hurons felt themselves on the verge of

ruin. Pestilence and war had wasted them away, and left but a skeleton

of their former strength. In their distress, they cast about them for

succor, and, remembering an ancient friendship with a kindred nation,

the Andastes, they sent an embassy to ask of them aid in war or

intervention to obtain peace. This powerful people dwelt, as has been

shown, on the River Susquehanna. [5] The way was long, even in a direct

line; but the Iroquois lay between, and a wide circuit was necessary to

avoid them. A Christian chief, whom the Jesuits had named Charles,

together with four Christian and four heathen Hurons, bearing

wampum-belts and gifts from the council, departed on this embassy on the

thirteenth of April, 1647, and reached the great town of the Andastes

early in June. It contained, as the Jesuits were told, no less than

thirteen hundred warriors. The council assembled, and the chief

ambassador addressed them:--

"We come from the Land of Souls, where all is gloom, dismay, and

desolation. Our fields are covered with blood; our houses are filled

only with the dead; and we ourselves have but life enough to beg our

friends to take pity on a people who are drawing near their end." [6]

Then he presented the wampum-belts and other gifts, saying that they

were the voice of a dying country.

[5] See Introduction. The Susquehannocks of Smith, clearly the same

people, are placed, in his map, on the east side of the Susquehanna,

some twenty miles from its mouth. He speaks of them as great enemies of

the Massawomekes (Mohawks). No other savage people so boldly resisted

the Iroquois; but the story in Hazard's Annals of Pennsylvania, that a

hundred of them beat off sixteen hundred Senecas, is disproved by the

fact, that the Senecas, in their best estate, never had so many

warriors. The miserable remnant of the Andastes, called Conestogas, were

massacred by the Paxton Boys, in 1763. See "Conspiracy of Pontiac," 414.

Compare Historical Magazine, II. 294.

[6] "Il leur dit qu'il venoit du pays des Ames, où la guerre et la

terreur des ennemis auoit tout desolé, où les campagnes n'estoient

couuertes que de sang, où les cabanes n'estoient remplies que de

cadaures, et qu'il ne leur restoit à eux-mesmes de vie, sinon autant

qu'ils en auoient eu besoin pour venir dire à leurs amis, qu'ils eussent

pitié d'vn pays qui tiroit à sa fin."--Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons,

1648, 58.

The Andastes, who had a mortal quarrel with the Mohawks, and who had

before promised to aid the Hurons in case of need, returned a favorable

answer, but were disposed to try the virtue of diplomacy rather than the

tomahawk. After a series of councils, they determined to send

ambassadors, not to their old enemies, the Mohawks, but to the

Onondagas, Oneidas, and Cayugas, [7] who were geographically the central

nations of the Iroquois league, while the Mohawks and the Senecas were

respectively at its eastern and western extremities. By inducing the

three central nations, and, if possible, the Senecas also, to conclude a

treaty with the Hurons, these last would be enabled to concentrate their

force against the Mohawks, whom the Andastes would attack at the same

time, unless they humbled themselves and made peace. This scheme, it

will be seen, was based on the assumption, that the dreaded league of

the Iroquois was far from being a unit in action or counsel.

[7] Examination leaves no doubt that the Ouiouenronnons of Ragueneau

(Relation des Hurons, 1648, 46, 59) were the Oiogouins or Goyogouins,

that is to say, the Cayugas. They must not be confounded with the

Ouenrohronnons, a small tribe hostile to the Iroquois, who took refuge

among the Hurons in 1638.

Charles, with some of his colleagues, now set out for home, to report

the result of their mission; but the Senecas were lying in wait for

them, and they were forced to make a wide sweep through the Alleghanies,

Western Pennsylvania, and apparently Ohio, to avoid these vigilant foes.

It was October before they reached the Huron towns, and meanwhile hopes

of peace had arisen from another quarter. [8]

[8] On this mission of the Hurons to the Andastes, see Ragueneau,

Relation des Hurons, 1648, 58-60.

Early in the spring, a band of Onondagas had made an inroad, but were

roughly handled by the Hurons, who killed several of them, captured

others, and put the rest to flight. The prisoners were burned, with the

exception of one who committed suicide to escape the torture, and one

other, the chief man of the party, whose name was Annenrais. Some of the

Hurons were dissatisfied at the mercy shown him, and gave out that they

would kill him; on which the chiefs, who never placed themselves in open

opposition to the popular will, secretly fitted him out, made him

presents, and aided him to escape at night, with an understanding that

he should use his influence at Onondaga in favor of peace. After

crossing Lake Ontario, he met nearly all the Onondaga warriors on the

march to avenge his supposed death; for he was a man of high account.

They greeted him as one risen from the grave; and, on his part, he

persuaded them to renounce their warlike purpose and return home. On

their arrival, the chiefs and old men were called to council, and the

matter was debated with the usual deliberation.

About this time the ambassador of the Andastes appeared with his

wampum-belts. Both this nation and the Onondagas had secret motives

which were perfectly in accordance. The Andastes hated the Mohawks as

enemies, and the Onondagas were jealous of them as confederates; for,

since they had armed themselves with Dutch guns, their arrogance and

boastings had given umbrage to their brethren of the league; and a peace

with the Hurons would leave the latter free to turn their undivided

strength against the Mohawks, and curb their insolence. The Oneidas and

the Cayugas were of one mind with the Onondagas. Three nations of the

league, to satisfy their spite against a fourth, would strike hands with

the common enemy of all. It was resolved to send an embassy to the

Hurons. Yet it may be, that, after all, the Onondagas had but half a

mind for peace. At least, they were unfortunate in their choice of an

ambassador. He was by birth a Huron, who, having been captured when a

boy, adopted and naturalized, had become more an Iroquois than the

Iroquois themselves; and scarcely one of the fierce confederates had

shed so much Huron blood. When he reached the town of St. Ignace, which

he did about mid-summer, and delivered his messages and wampum-belts,

there was a great division of opinion among the Hurons. The Bear

Nation--the member of their confederacy which was farthest from the

Iroquois, and least exposed to danger--was for rejecting overtures made

by so offensive an agency; but those of the Hurons who had suffered most

were eager for peace at any price, and, after solemn deliberation, it

was resolved to send an embassy in return. At its head was placed a

Christian chief named Jean Baptiste Atironta; and on the first of August

he and four others departed for Onondaga, carrying a profusion of

presents, and accompanied by the apostate envoy of the Iroquois. As the

ambassadors had to hunt on the way for subsistence, besides making

canoes to cross Lake Ontario, it was twenty days before they reached

their destination. When they arrived, there was great jubilation, and,

for a full month, nothing but councils. Having thus sifted the matter to

the bottom, the Onondagas determined at last to send another embassy

with Jean Baptiste on his return, and with them fifteen Huron prisoners,

as an earnest of their good intentions, retaining, on their part, one of

Baptiste's colleagues as a hostage. This time they chose for their envoy

a chief of their own nation, named Scandawati, a man of renown, sixty

years of age, joining with him two colleagues. The old Onondaga entered

on his mission with a troubled mind. His anxiety was not so much for his

life as for his honor and dignity; for, while the Oneidas and the

Cayugas were acting in concurrence with the Onondagas, the Senecas had

refused any part in the embassy, and still breathed nothing but war.

Would they, or still more the Mohawks, so far forget the consideration

due to one whose name had been great in the councils of the League as to

assault the Hurons while he was among them in the character of an

ambassador of his nation, whereby his honor would be compromised and his

life endangered? His mind brooded on this idea, and he told one of his

colleagues, that, if such a slight were put upon him, he should die of

mortification. "I am not a dead dog," he said, "to be despised and

forgotten. I am worthy that all men should turn their eyes on me while I

am among enemies, and do nothing that may involve me in danger."

What with hunting, fishing, canoe-making, and bad weather, the progress

of the august travellers was so slow, that they did not reach the Huron

towns till the twenty-third of October. Scandawati presented seven large

belts of wampum, each composed of three or four thousand beads, which

the Jesuits call the pearls and diamonds of the country. He delivered,

too, the fifteen captives, and promised a hundred more on the final

conclusion of peace. The three Onondagas remained, as surety for the

good faith of those who sent them, until the beginning of January, when

the Hurons on their part sent six ambassadors to conclude the treaty,

one of the Onondagas accompanying them. Soon there came dire tidings.

The prophetic heart of the old chief had not deceived him. The Senecas

and Mohawks, disregarding negotiations in which they had no part, and

resolved to bring them to an end, were invading the country in force. It

might be thought that the Hurons would take their revenge on the

Onondaga envoys, now hostages among them; but they did not do so, for

the character of an ambassador was, for the most part, held in respect.

One morning, however, Scandawati had disappeared. They were full of

excitement; for they thought that he had escaped to the enemy. They

ranged the woods in search of him, and at length found him in a thicket

near the town. He lay dead, on a bed of spruce-boughs which he had made,

his throat deeply gashed with a knife. He had died by his own hand, a

victim of mortified pride. "See," writes Father Ragueneau, "how much our

Indians stand on the point of honor!" [9]

[9] This remarkable story is told by Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons,

1648, 56-58. He was present at the time, and knew all the circumstances.

We have seen that one of his two colleagues had set out for Onondaga

with a deputation of six Hurons. This party was met by a hundred

Mohawks, who captured them all and killed the six Hurons, but spared the

Onondaga, and compelled him to join them. Soon after, they made a sudden

onset on about three hundred Hurons journeying through the forest from

the town of St. Ignace; and, as many of them were women, they routed the

whole, and took forty prisoners. The Onondaga bore part in the fray, and

captured a Christian Huron girl; but the next day he insisted on

returning to the Huron town. "Kill me, if you will," he said to the

Mohawks, "but I cannot follow you; for then I should be ashamed to

appear among my countrymen, who sent me on a message of peace to the

Hurons; and I must die with them, sooner than seem to act as their

enemy." On this, the Mohawks not only permitted him to go, but gave him

the Huron girl whom he had taken; and the Onondaga led her back in

safety to her countrymen. [10] Here, then, is a ray of light out of

Egyptian darkness. The principle of honor was not extinct in these wild

hearts.

[10] "Celuy qui l'auoit prise estoit Onnontaeronnon, qui estant icy en

os tage à cause de la paix qui se traite auec les Onnontaeronnons, et

s'estant trouué auec nos Hurons à cette chasse, y fut pris tout des

premiers par les Sonnontoueronnons (Annieronnons?), qui l'ayans reconnu

ne luy firent aucun mal, et mesme l'obligerent de les suiure et prendre

part à leur victoire; et ainsi en ce rencontre cét Onnontaeronnon auoit

fait sa prise, tellement neantmoins qu'il desira s'en retourner le

lendemain, disant aux Sonnontoueronnons qu'ils le tuassent s'ils

vouloient, mais qu'il ne pouuoit se resoudre à les suiure, et qu'il

auroit honte de reparoistre en son pays, les affaires qui l'auoient

amené aux Hurons pour la paix ne permettant pas qu'il fist autre chose

que de mourir avec eux plus tost que de paroistre s'estre comporté en

ennemy. Ainsi les Sonnontoueronnons luy permirent de s'en retourner et

de ramener cette bonne Chrestienne, qui estoit sa captiue, laquelle nous

a consolé par le recit des entretiens de ces pauures gens dans leur

affliction."--Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons, 1648, 65.

Apparently the word Sonnontoueronnons (Senecas), in the above, should

read Annieronnons (Mohawks); for, on pp. 50, 57, the writer twice speaks

of the party as Mohawks.

We hear no more of the negotiations between the Onondagas and the

Hurons. They and their results were swept away in the storm of events

soon to be related.

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