CHAPTER XI.

1638-1640.

PRIEST AND PAGAN.

Du Peron's Journey • Daily Life of the Jesuits • Their Missionary

Excursions • Converts at Ossossané • Machinery of Conversion •

Conditions of Baptism • Backsliders • The Converts and their Countrymen

• The Cannibals at St. Joseph

We have already touched on the domestic life of the Jesuits. That we may

the better know them, we will follow one of their number on his journey

towards the scene of his labors, and observe what awaited him on his

arrival.

Father François Du Peron came up the Ottawa in a Huron canoe in

September, 1638, and was well treated by the Indian owner of the vessel.

Lalemant and Le Moyne, who had set out from Three Rivers before him, did

not fare so well. The former was assailed by an Algonquin of Allumette

Island, who tried to strangle him in revenge for the death of a child,

which a Frenchman in the employ of the Jesuits had lately bled, but had

failed to restore to health by the operation. Le Moyne was abandoned by

his Huron conductors, and remained for a fortnight by the bank of the

river, with a French attendant who supported him by hunting. Another

Huron, belonging to the flotilla that carried Du Peron, then took him

into his canoe; but, becoming tired of him, was about to leave him on a

rock in the river, when his brother priest bribed the savage with a

blanket to carry him to his journey's end.

It was midnight, on the twenty-ninth of September, when Du Peron landed

on the shore of Thunder Bay, after paddling without rest since one

o'clock of the preceding morning. The night was rainy, and Ossossané was

about fifteen miles distant. His Indian companions were impatient to

reach their towns; the rain prevented the kindling of a fire; while the

priest, who for a long time had not heard mass, was eager to renew his

communion as soon as possible. Hence, tired and hungry as he was, he

shouldered his sack, and took the path for Ossossané without breaking

his fast. He toiled on, half-spent, amid the ceaseless pattering,

trickling, and whispering of innumerable drops among innumerable leaves,

till, as day dawned, he reached a clearing, and descried through the

mists a cluster of Huron houses. Faint and bedrenched, he entered the

principal one, and was greeted with the monosyllable "Shay!"--"Welcome!"

A squaw spread a mat for him by the fire, roasted four ears of Indian

corn before the coals, baked two squashes in the embers, ladled from her

kettle a dish of sagamite, and offered them to her famished guest.

Missionaries seem to have been a novelty at this place; for, while the

Father breakfasted, a crowd, chiefly of children, gathered about him,

and stared at him in silence. One examined the texture of his cassock;

another put on his hat; a third took the shoes from his feet, and tried

them on her own. Du Peron requited his entertainers with a few trinkets,

and begged, by signs, a guide to Ossossané. An Indian accordingly set

out with him, and conducted him to the mission-house, which he reached

at six o'clock in the evening.

Here he found a warm welcome, and little other refreshment. In respect

to the commodities of life, the Jesuits were but a step in advance of

the Indians. Their house, though well ventilated by numberless crevices

in its bark walls, always smelt of smoke, and, when the wind was in

certain quarters, was filled with it to suffocation. At their meals, the

Fathers sat on logs around the fire, over which their kettle was slung

in the Indian fashion. Each had his wooden platter, which, from the

difficulty of transportation, was valued, in the Huron country, at the

price of a robe of beaver-skin, or a hundred francs. [1] Their food

consisted of sagamite, or "mush," made of pounded Indian-corn, boiled

with scraps of smoked fish. Chaumonot compares it to the paste used for

papering the walls of houses. The repast was occasionally varied by a

pumpkin or squash baked in the ashes, or, in the season, by Indian corn

roasted in the ear. They used no salt whatever. They could bring their

cumbrous pictures, ornaments, and vestments through the savage journey

of the Ottawa; but they could not bring the common necessaries of life.

By day, they read and studied by the light that streamed in through the

large smoke-holes in the roof,--at night, by the blaze of the fire.

Their only candles were a few of wax, for the altar. They cultivated a

patch of ground, but raised nothing on it except wheat for making the

sacramental bread. Their food was supplied by the Indians, to whom they

gave, in return, cloth, knives, awls, needles, and various trinkets.

Their supply of wine for the Eucharist was so scanty, that they limited

themselves to four or five drops for each mass. [2]

[1] "Nos plats, quoyque de bois, nous coûtent plus cher que les vôtres;

ils sont de la valeur d'une robe de castor, c'est à dire cent

francs."--Lettre du P. Du Peron à son Frère, 27 Avril, 1639.--The

Father's appraisement seems a little questionable.

[2] The above particulars are drawn from a long letter of François Du

Peron to his brother, Joseph-Imbert Du Peron, dated at La Conception

(Ossossané), April 27, 1639, and from a letter, equally long, of

Chaumonot to Father Philippe Nappi, dated Du Pays des Hurons, May 26,

1640. Both are in Carayon. These private letters of the Jesuits, of

which many are extant, in some cases written on birch-bark, are

invaluable as illustrations of the subject.

The Jesuits soon learned to make wine from wild grapes. Those in Maine

and Acadia, at a later period, made good candles from the waxy fruit of

the shrub known locally as the "bayberry."

Their life was regulated with a conventual strictness. At four in the

morning, a bell roused them from the sheets of bark on which they slept.

Masses, private devotions, reading religious books, and breakfasting,

filled the time until eight, when they opened their door and admitted

the Indians. As many of these proved intolerable nuisances, they took

what Lalemant calls the honnête liberty of turning out the most

intrusive and impracticable,--an act performed with all tact and

courtesy, and rarely taken in dudgeon. Having thus winnowed their

company, they catechized those that remained, as opportunity offered. In

the intervals, the guests squatted by the fire and smoked their pipes.

As among the Spartan virtues of the Hurons that of thieving was

especially conspicuous, it was necessary that one or more of the Fathers

should remain on guard at the house all day. The rest went forth on

their missionary labors, baptizing and instructing, as we have seen. To

each priest who could speak Huron [3] was assigned a certain number of

houses,--in some instances, as many as forty; and as these often had

five or six fires, with two families to each, his spiritual flock was as

numerous as it was intractable. It was his care to see that none of the

number died without baptism, and by every means in his power to commend

the doctrines of his faith to the acceptance of those in health.

[3] At the end of the year 1638, there were seven priests who spoke

Huron, and three who had begun to learn it.

At dinner, which was at two o'clock, grace was said in Huron,--for the

benefit of the Indians present,--and a chapter of the Bible was read

aloud during the meal. At four or five, according to the season, the

Indians were dismissed, the door closed, and the evening spent in

writing, reading, studying the language, devotion, and conversation on

the affairs of the mission.

The local missions here referred to embraced Ossossané and the villages

of the neighborhood; but the priests by no means confined themselves

within these limits. They made distant excursions, two in company, until

every house in every Huron town had heard the annunciation of the new

doctrine. On these journeys, they carried blankets or large mantles at

their backs, for sleeping in at night, besides a supply of needles,

awls, beads, and other small articles, to pay for their lodging and

entertainment: for the Hurons, hospitable without stint to each other,

expected full compensation from the Jesuits.

At Ossossané, the house of the Jesuits no longer served the double

purpose of dwelling and chapel. In 1638, they had in their pay twelve

artisans and laborers, sent up from Quebec, [4] who had built, before

the close of the year, a chapel of wood. [5] Hither they removed their

pictures and ornaments; and here, in winter, several fires were kept

burning, for the comfort of the half-naked converts. [6] Of these they

now had at Ossossané about sixty,--a large, though evidently not a very

solid nucleus for the Huron church,--and they labored hard and anxiously

to confirm and multiply them. Of a Sunday morning in winter, one could

have seen them coming to mass, often from a considerable distance, "as

naked," says Lalemant, "as your hand, except a skin over their backs

like a mantle, and, in the coldest weather, a few skins around their

feet and legs." They knelt, mingled with the French mechanics, before

the altar,--very awkwardly at first, for the posture was new to

them,--and all received the sacrament together: a spectacle which, as

the missionary chronicler declares, repaid a hundred times all the labor

of their conversion. [7]

[4] Du Peron in Carayon, 173.

[5] "La chapelle est faite d'une charpente bien jolie, semblable

presque, en façon et grandeur, à notre chapelle de St. Julien."--Ibid.,

183.

[6] Lalemant, Relation des Hurons, 1639, 62.

[7] Lalemant, Relation des Hurons, 1639, 62.

Some of the principal methods of conversion are curiously illustrated in

a letter written by Garnier to a friend in France. "Send me," he says,

"a picture of Christ without a beard." Several Virgins are also

requested, together with a variety of souls in perdition--âmes

damnées--most of them to be mounted in a portable form. Particular

directions are given with respect to the demons, dragons, flames, and

other essentials of these works of art. Of souls in bliss--âmes

bienheureuses--he thinks that one will be enough. All the pictures must

be in full face, not in profile; and they must look directly at the

beholder, with open eyes. The colors should be bright; and there must be

no flowers or animals, as these distract the attention of the Indians.

[8]

[8] Garnier, Lettre 17me, MS. These directions show an excellent

knowledge of Indian peculiarities. The Indian dislike of a beard is well

known. Catlin, the painter, once caused a fatal quarrel among a party of

Sioux, by representing one of them in profile, whereupon he was jibed by

a rival as being but half a man.

The first point with the priests was of course to bring the objects of

their zeal to an acceptance of the fundamental doctrines of the Roman

Church; but, as the mind of the savage was by no means that beautiful

blank which some have represented it, there was much to be erased as

well as to be written. They must renounce a host of superstitions, to

which they were attached with a strange tenacity, or which may rather be

said to have been ingrained in their very natures. Certain points of

Christian morality were also strongly urged by the missionaries, who

insisted that the convert should take but one wife, and not cast her off

without grave cause, and that he should renounce the gross license

almost universal among the Hurons. Murder, cannibalism, and several

other offences, were also forbidden. Yet, while laboring at the work of

conversion with an energy never surpassed, and battling against the

powers of darkness with the mettle of paladins, the Jesuits never had

the folly to assume towards the Indians a dictatorial or overbearing

tone. Gentleness, kindness, and patience were the rule of their

intercourse. [9] They studied the nature of the savage, and conformed

themselves to it with an admirable tact. Far from treating the Indian as

an alien and barbarian, they would fain have adopted him as a

countryman; and they proposed to the Hurons that a number of young

Frenchmen should settle among them, and marry their daughters in solemn

form. The listeners were gratified at an overture so flattering. "But

what is the use," they demanded, "of so much ceremony? If the Frenchmen

want our women, they are welcome to come and take them whenever they

please, as they always used to do." [10]

[9] The following passage from the "Divers Sentimens," before cited,

will illustrate this point. "Pour conuertir les Sauuages, il n'y faut

pas tant de science que de bonté et vertu bien solide. Les quatre

Elemens d'vn homme Apostolique en la Nouuelle France sont l'Affabilité,

l'Humilité, la Patience et vne Charité genereuse. Le zele trop ardent

brusle plus qu'il n'eschauffe, et gaste tout; il faut vne grande

magnanimité et condescendance, pour attirer peu à peu ces Sauuages. Ils

n'entendent pas bien nostre Theologie, mais ils entendent parfaictement

bien nostre humilité et nostre affabilité, et se laissent gaigner."

So too Brébeuf, in a letter to Vitelleschi, General of the Jesuits (see

Carayon, 163): "Ce qu'il faut demander, avant tout, des ouvriers

destinés à cette mission, c'est une douceur inaltérable et une patience

à toute épreuve."

[10] Le Mercier, Relation des Hurons, 1637, 160.

The Fathers are well agreed that their difficulties did not arise from

any natural defect of understanding on the part of the Indians, who,

according to Chaumonot, were more intelligent than the French peasantry,

and who, in some instances, showed in their way a marked capacity. It

was the inert mass of pride, sensuality, indolence, and superstition

that opposed the march of the Faith, and in which the Devil lay

intrenched as behind impregnable breastworks. [11]

[11] In this connection, the following specimen of Indian reasoning is

worth noting. At the height of the pestilence, a Huron said to one of

the priests, "I see plainly that your God is angry with us because we

will not believe and obey him. Ihonatiria, where you first taught his

word, is entirely ruined. Then you came here to Ossossané, and we would

not listen; so Ossossané is ruined too. This year you have been all

through our country, and found scarcely any who would do what God

commands; therefore the pestilence is everywhere." After premises so

hopeful, the Fathers looked for a satisfactory conclusion; but the

Indian proceeded--"My opinion is, that we ought to shut you out from all

the houses, and stop our ears when you speak of God, so that we cannot

hear. Then we shall not be so guilty of rejecting the truth, and he will

not punish us so cruelly."--Lalemant, Relation des Hurons, 1640, 80.

It soon became evident that it was easier to make a convert than to keep

him. Many of the Indians clung to the idea that baptism was a safeguard

against pestilence and misfortune; and when the fallacy of this notion

was made apparent, their zeal cooled. Their only amusements consisted of

feasts, dances, and games, many of which were, to a greater or less

degree, of a superstitious character; and as the Fathers could rarely

prove to their own satisfaction the absence of the diabolic element in

any one of them, they proscribed the whole indiscriminately, to the

extreme disgust of the neophyte. His countrymen, too, beset him with

dismal prognostics: as, "You will kill no more game,"--"All your hair

will come out before spring," and so forth. Various doubts also assailed

him with regard to the substantial advantages of his new profession; and

several converts were filled with anxiety in view of the probable want

of tobacco in Heaven, saying that they could not do without it. [12] Nor

was it pleasant to these incipient Christians, as they sat in class

listening to the instructions of their teacher, to find themselves and

him suddenly made the targets of a shower of sticks, snowballs,

corn-cobs, and other rubbish, flung at them by a screeching rabble of

vagabond boys. [13]

[12] Lalemant, Relation des Hurons, 1639, 80.

[13] Ibid., 78.

Yet, while most of the neophytes demanded an anxious and diligent

cultivation, there were a few of excellent promise; and of one or two

especially, the Fathers, in the fulness of their satisfaction, assure us

again and again "that they were savage only in name." [14]

[14] From June, 1639, to June, 1640, about a thousand persons were

baptized. Of these, two hundred and sixty were infants, and many more

were children. Very many died soon after baptism. Of the whole number,

less than twenty were baptized in health,--a number much below that of

the preceding year.

The following is a curious case of precocious piety. It is that of a

child at St. Joseph. "Elle n'a que deux ans, et fait joliment le signe

de la croix, et prend elle-même de l'eau bénite; et une fois se mit à

crier, sortant de la Chapelle, à cause que sa mère qui la portoit ne lui

avoit donné le loisir d'en prendre. Il l'a fallu reporter en

prendre."--Lettres de Garnier, MSS.

As the town of Ihonatiria, where the Jesuits had made their first abode,

was ruined by the pestilence, the mission established there, and known

by the name of St. Joseph, was removed, in the summer of 1638, to

Teanaustayé, a large town at the foot of a range of hills near the

southern borders of the Huron territory. The Hurons, this year, had had

unwonted successes in their war with the Iroquois, and had taken, at

various times, nearly a hundred prisoners. Many of these were brought to

the seat of the new mission of St. Joseph, and put to death with

frightful tortures, though not before several had been converted and

baptized. The torture was followed, in spite of the remonstrances of the

priests, by those cannibal feasts customary with the Hurons on such

occasions. Once, when the Fathers had been strenuous in their

denunciations, a hand of the victim, duly prepared, was flung in at

their door, as an invitation to join in the festivity. As the owner of

the severed member had been baptized, they dug a hole in their chapel,

and buried it with solemn rites of sepulture. [15]

[15] Lalemant, Relation des Hurons, 1639, 70.

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