CHAPTER II

DISCRIMINATION

The observing of resemblances and differences, and the memory of

physical appearances required for this, are absolute requisites for

carrying on the duties of excavating. Here we deal with the appearances

in a land of sun-dried brickwork, where the accumulations are great,

as in Egypt, Syria, and Mesopotamia. In a rocky land, such as Greece,

there is not the same sheltering mud, and the appearances are therefore

very different.

[Sidenote: Temples.]

The nature of a site can be guessed pretty closely from its aspect.

A wide open space with mounds around it is almost certainly a temple

site; and if there are stone chips strewn over it, no doubt remains

as to its nature (Figs. 6, 7). The temples being of stone from the

XIIth Dynasty onwards, they were ruined by the removal of the material

in each age of disruption; but the houses of the towns, being always

of mud brick, continually crumbled and decayed, and so filled up the

ground with rubbish. In Egypt mud-brick towns accumulate at about 20

inches in a century; or in the rainy Syrian climate at about 50 inches.

Herodotus describes walking on the roofs of the houses and seeing

down into the temple precincts; and in every great site in Egypt, such

as Tanis, Buto, Bubastis, Memphis, or Koptos, the plain of temple

ruins had the house mounds far above it on all sides. The temples

were ruined both for building-stone and for lime-burning. It is rare

to get any portions of a limestone building left; sandstone is often

found, and all the great temples which remain are of sandstone; granite

generally has lasted, except where it has been split up in Roman times

for millstones. The search for limestone has led to whole buildings

being upset in order to extract the limestone foundations. The basalt

pavement of Khufu, the granite pylon of Crocodilopolis, and probably

the granite temple of Iseum, have been overthrown thus. Especially in

the Delta, where no limestone hills are accessible, this destructive

search for lime has been unrelenting in all ages; and it is seldom that

ancient limestone is now met with. Hence all that can generally be

seen of a temple site is a plain of dust with a few tumbled blocks of

granite, the exposed tops of which are entirely weathered as rounded

masses. Five or ten feet down there may be a rich harvest of carvings

and inscriptions.

[Illustration: Fig. 8. Mounds of fort, Defeneh.]

[Illustration: Fig. 9. Sarcophagi at Zuweleyn.]

[Sidenote: Towns.]

A town site is always recognised (Fig. 8) by its mounds of crumbling

mud brick, strewn with potsherds if in Upper Egypt, or with burnt red

bricks on the later mounds of the Delta. Whenever a native begins to

describe a site in Lower Egypt, one inquires if there is red brick, and

if so there is no need to listen further. Generally it is possible to

date the latest age of a town by the potsherds lying on the surface;

and to allow a rate of growth of 20 inches a century down to the

visible level; if that gives a long period we may further carry down

the certainly artificial level by 4 inches in a century for the Nile

deposits when in the cultivated ground. For instance, there are mounds

in the Delta about 40 feet high, ending about 500 A.D.; this gives

about 40 feet of rise, equal to about 2400 years, or say 2000 B.C., for

the age at the present ground level. But the visible base was about

5 feet lower at 500 A.D.; and the human deposit rising at 20 inches

a century has been overlaid at the rate of 4 inches a century by the

Nile deposit. Hence the age may be reckoned by a depth of 45 feet

accumulated at 16 inches a century before 500 A.D. or about 2900 B.C.

No exact conclusion could be based on this; but it is a valuable clue

to the age to which the yet unseen foundation of a town may most likely

belong. Town mounds and ruins of buildings have generally symmetrical

forms, weathered away uniformly on all sides. But around towns are

often heaps of rubbish thrown out, the best-known example of this being

the immense heaps behind Cairo; and such accumulations usually show

their nature by the two slopes, the gradual walk-up slope, and the

steep thrown-down slope.

[Sidenote: Cemeteries.]

The cemetery sites on the desert have always been more or less

plundered anciently. A prehistoric site may have no external trace, as

the blown sand may cover it so evenly that there is no suspicion of

anything lying beneath. But on a gravel surface there are generally

some indications left of the hollows of the graves, and scraps of

broken pottery left about by the plunderers (Fig. 9). The historic

cemeteries are generally easier to see, as they are in rising ground,

and the holes of the tomb pits show on the surface. The difficulty is

not to find the site of a cemetery, but to find a grave in it which

still contains anything. As a rule, any tomb pit which appears still

undisturbed has been left either because it belongs to an unfinished

tomb with nothing in it, or because the tomb has already been reached

from elsewhere. At Medum an untouched walling up of a chamber had been

left, because the plunderers had tunnelled under the mass of the tomb

and broken through the floor of the chamber. At Dendereh the floor of

the chamber was entire, with the lid of the sarcophagus sunk in it, yet

untouched; it had been left so because the plunderers had mined through

from the outside under the floor to the sarcophagus, and broken through

the side of it without touching the chamber. Some untouched tombs were

left because the burials in them were known to be so poor that they

were not worth opening. All this points to the plundering being mostly

done during the lifetime of those who saw the burial. Usually only

one tomb in ten contains anything noticeable; and it is only one in a

hundred that repays the digging of the other ninety-nine.

[Sidenote: Indications.]

In general, on looking over a site every indication must be observed.

Sometimes there may be a slight difference in vegetation, showing the

positions of walls or of pits. In colder climates differences are shown

by the melting of hoar frost or snow; as in the square of S. Domenico

at Bologna, where some large patches--probably of ashes--show through

the cobble paving during a thaw. A shower of rain will show much in

drying; and, after a rare storm in Egypt, there are two or three

precious hours when the buried walls show clearly on the ground, and

should be hurriedly scored down before the hot sun removes the traces.

A driving wind will bare the ground so that the harder walls show

through the sand; or even a crowd of people passing will tramp into

the softer filling and show the constructions. At sunrise or sunset

ground should be carefully looked over to pick out the variations of

level and slope, which will often show then, though quite invisible in

full light. Prehistoric camp sites are noticed by the difference of

tone of the ground in walking over them; the ashes holding so much air

that the reverberation to the foot-step is quite different from that

on ordinary desert. The appearance of the surface of disturbed desert

differs much from the undisturbed: there may be slight hollows filled

with sand, which are the traces of deep pits; there may be pebbles from

deep beds thrown up, or fragments of limestone; or--best of all--chips

of worked stone or of hard rocks may tell the tale of a building whose

ruins lie beneath. The mastabas of the XIIth Dynasty at Dahshur left

scarcely any surface trace, as the stone walls had been removed, and

the gravel filling had spread out and denuded down to a level surface.

The great wall of the camp at Daphnae 40 feet thick, had been ploughed

by denudation until it was even lower than the desert on either side of

it, and the lines of it were only visible by the absence of potsherds

upon the site of the wall.

[Illustration:

Mid, Late, Ist, IIIrd, VIth, XIIth, XVIIIth Dyn.

Prehistoric.

FIG. 10.--Development of copper and bronze adzes. 1:6.]

[Sidenote: Productions.]

Besides the discrimination of sites there is a vast subject in

the discrimination of objects and of styles. The first requisite

acquirement of a digger--his archaeological experience--consists in

discriminating and distinguishing the differences between products of

various dates. An Egyptian copper adze (Fig. 10) of the ages of middle

prehistoric, late prehistoric, early dynastic, IIIrd, VIth, XIIth, or

XVIIIth Dynasties can be told at a glance, and we only need more dated

examples to be able to separate them still more finely. A cutting-out

knife (Fig. 11), a pair of tweezers, a comb, can be dated almost as

certainly. But it is when we can look not only to differences of form,

but also to variations of colour and texture, that we have the widest

scope for discrimination. The great variety of beads in each country,

the hundreds of details of form, materials, and colour in Egypt alone,

give them an importance archaeologically above most other things. In

the prehistoric age there are a dozen materials, and many different

forms, not one of which can be confounded with later products. In the

Old Kingdom new and distinctive styles are met with, and a profusion of

small amulets on necklaces. In the XIth and XIIth Dynasties magnificent

beads of amethyst, green felspar, and carnelian outshine those of

every other age. In the XVIIIth Dynasty the immense variety of glass

and glazed beads defy enumeration, and yet are sharply characteristic

of different reigns of that age. The later times of degradation also

produce new and distinctive forms and colours; and when we reach the

Roman period a flood of glass work imitates the fashionable beryl,

amethyst, rock crystal, and other stones, with the mimicry of a forger.

[Illustration: FIG. 11.--Development of cutting-out knives. XIIth–XIXth

Dynasties. A-A and B-B cutting edges.]

[Illustration: FIG. 12.--One typical form of pottery of each period.]

[Sidenote: Pottery.]

Pottery is, however, the greatest resource of the archaeologist. For

variety of form and texture, for decoration, for rapid change, for its

quick fall into oblivion, and for its incomparable abundance, it is

in every respect the most important material for study (Fig. 12), and

it constitutes the essential alphabet of archaeology in every land.

Think for a moment how few people know the appearance of a common jug

a century old, how the crocks of Georgian times have all vanished, and

new forms are made. Even of decorated china not one piece in a thousand

in England is before the last century, and not one in a million is

three centuries old; so rapidly does breakable ware perish, and become

unknown. This not only prevents its being handed on from earlier times,

as ornaments or weapons may descend, but it prevents the copying of

older forms, and gives a free scope to rapid variation. No doubt some

standard forms may continue to be made, because they are so simple, and

so adapted to common wants, that the same causes continue to produce

them. But it is only the simplest and least characteristic types which

thus continue; the more detailed and specialised the form, the more

rapidly it changes, and gives way to new styles. In the prehistoric age

of Egypt alone there are about a thousand different forms of pottery;

and when the historic times shall be as fully recorded, probably two

or three times as many will demand notice. In Italy and Greece there

is apparently as great a variety, though--apart from painted vases--it

is very far from being fully placed on paper. And when we come to know

the archaeology of other lands, their pottery will doubtless prove

as varied and distinctive in its styles. It is then in a thorough

knowledge of pottery that any sound archaeology must be based; and

there is no wider or more important field for discrimination. With the

brief view of Palestinian pottery gained in a few weeks, on one site at

Tell Hesy (Lachish), I found it possible to ride over mounds of ruins

and see the age of them without even dismounting.

[Sidenote: Style.]

Beside the discrimination of broad physical differences there is the

more subtle observation of style. This cannot be discussed, or even

shown to exist, without a very wide collection of examples; yet in

a trained observer a long series of experience should result in an

unexpressed--almost intangible and incommunicable--sense of the style

of each country and each age, such that a piece of work can at once be

referred to its proper place, though not a single exact comparison can

be quoted for it. Special motives, outlines, curves, tastes, belong

to various sources so certainly and characteristically that they

show their origin at a glance. A good example of this is seen in the

bronzes of Minusinsk in Central Asia; this site is almost equidistant

from the North Sea, the Persian Gulf, and the China Sea, and the style

seems to recall by its details almost equally the taste of Northmen,

Persians, and Chinese. A good practice for such discrimination is the

analysis of common ornament around us: a rug or a wall pattern may be

analysed into its sources--here a bit from Assyria, there from Egypt,

here from Japan, there from Norway, all hashed together by the modern

designer. And until the common and obviously distinctive patterns of

each country can be named at sight, and separated into their various

sources, the observer cannot hope to gain that far more essential sense

of the national taste of each people, and the sympathetic feeling of

the relationship of any form or curve that may chance to be seen,--that

conviction of the family and source of each object, which is the

illumination of an archaeologist, the guide to fresh suggestions and

researches, the mental framework which holds all memories in place.

[Sidenote: Visual Memory.]

But beside this sublimated use of the permanent memory and

discrimination, there is another very crude and transient

discrimination which is also needed in actual work. A visual memory

of the site and excavations should be constantly in mind; the master

should be able to go over the whole site, and every man at work on it,

entirely from memory; he should be able to realise at once, on seeing

the place next day, exactly how every one of fifty different holes

looked the day before; and know at once where the work stood, and what

has been done since, so as to measure it up without depending on any

statements by the workmen. If a boy comes with a message that Ibrahim

or Mutwali needs direction, the master should be able to visualise the

place, inquire what has been done, and how each part now stands, and

then give sufficient temporary direction entirely from memory of the

site, and memory of what he expected to do, or to prove, or to find,

from that particular hole. The extent of this visual memory is never

realised until one meets with some who are so unlucky as not to possess

such an apparatus, and who are therefore unable to know what has been

done, and have to begin each day’s work as if they were strangers to

the place. Of all inherent mental qualifications there is perhaps

none more essential to a digger than this permanent picture of a site

in the mind. And the transient memory from day to day should include

the appearance of every hole on all sides, the meaning of it and the

purpose for which it is being dug.

Methods & Aims in Archaeology · 第 2 / 14 章