The house in London where I was happiest was Antonio Gallenga's. A
letter from the Hauchs was my introduction there, and I was received
and taken up by them as if they had known me and liked me for years.
Antonio Gallenga, then a man of seventy, who nevertheless gave one an
impression of youthfulness, had a most eventful life behind him. He had
been born at Parma, was flung into prison at the age of twenty as a
conspirator under Mazzini, was banished from Piedmont, spent some time
at Malta, in the United States and in England, where he earned his
living as a journalist and teacher of languages, and in 1848 returned
to Italy, where he was active as a liberal politician. After the battle
of Novara, he was again obliged to take refuge in London; but he was
recalled to Piedmont by Cavour, who had him elected deputy for
Castellamonte. He wrote an Italian Grammar in English, and, likewise in
English, the _History of Piedmont_, quarrelled with Mazzini's
adherents, withdrew from parliamentary life, and in preference to
settling down permanently in Italy elected to be war correspondent to
the _Times_. In that capacity he took part from 1859 onwards in the
campaigns in Italy, in the North American States, in Denmark, and in
Spain. His little boy was still wearing the Spanish national costume.
Now he had settled down in London, on the staff of the _Times_, and had
just come into town from the country, as the paper wished him to be
near, on account of the approaching war. Napoleon III., to whom
Gallenga had vowed an inextinguishable hatred, had been studied so
closely by him that the Emperor might be regarded as his specialty. He
used the energetic, violent language of the old revolutionary, was with
all his heart and soul an Italian patriot, but had, through a twenty
years' connection with England, acquired the practical English view of
political affairs. Towards Denmark, where he had been during the most
critical period of the country's history, he felt kindly; but our war
methods had of course not been able to excite his admiration; neither
had our diplomatic negotiations during the war.
Gallenga was a well-to-do man; he owned a house in the best part of
London and a house in the country as well. He was a powerful man, with
passionate feelings, devoid of vanity. It suited him well that the
_Times_, as the English custom is, printed his articles unsigned; he
was pleased at the increased influence they won thereby, inasmuch as
they appeared as the expression of the universal paper's verdict. His
wife was an Englishwoman, pleasant and well-bred, of cosmopolitan
education and really erudite. Not only did she know the European
languages, but she wrote and spoke Hindustani. She was a splendid
specimen of the English housekeeper, and devoted herself
enthusiastically to her two exceedingly beautiful children, a boy of
eleven and a little girl of nine. The children spoke English, Italian,
French, and German with equal facility and correctness.
Mrs. Gallenga had a more composite and a deeper nature than her
husband, who doubted neither the truth of his ideas, nor their salutary
power. She shared his and my opinions without sharing our confidence in
them. When she heard me say that I intended to assert my ideas in
Denmark, and wage war against existing prejudices, she would say, in
our long conversations:
"I am very fond of Denmark; the people there seem to me to be happy,
despite everything, and the country not to be over-populated. In any
case, the population finds ample means of outlet in sea-life and
emigration. Denmark is an idyllic little country. Now you want to
declare war there. My thoughts seek down in dark places, and I ask
myself whether I really believe that truth does any good, whether in my
secret heart I am convinced that strife is better than stagnation? I
admire Oliver Cromwell, but I sympathise with Falkland, who died with
'Peace! Peace!' [Footnote: Sir Lucius Cary, second Viscount Falkland,
who fell at Newbury, Sept. 20, 1643.] on his lips. I am afraid that you
will have to bear a great deal. You will learn that the accoutrements
of truth are a grievously heavy coat of mail. You will call forth
reaction. Even that is the least. But reaction will come about in your
own mind; after a long time, I mean. Still, you are strong; it will be
a reaction of the kind that keeps aloof in order to spring farther and
better. Your unity will not go to pieces. You are a kind of cosmos."
When the conversation turned upon England and English conditions, she
protested against the opinion prevalent on the continent since Byron's
day, that English society was infested with hypocrisy.
"I do not think that hypocrisy is characteristic of English thought. We
have, of course, like every serious people, our share of hypocrites; in
a frivolous nation hypocrisy has no pretext for existence. But its
supremacy amongst us is over. Apathetic orthodoxy, and superficial
ideas of the correct thing, ruled England during the first half of the
century. The intellectual position of the country is different now. No
one who has not lived in England has any idea how serious and real the
belief here is in the tough doctrine of the Trinity, who, in human
form, walked about in Galilee. Good men, noble men, live and work for
this dogma, perform acts of love for it. We, you and I, have drunk from
other sources; but for these people it is the fountain of life. Only it
is depressing to see this doctrine in its Roman Catholic form winning
greater power everywhere every day. In Denmark, intellectual stagnation
has hindered it hitherto; you have political, but not yet religious,
freedom. Belgium has both, and Belgium is at the present time the most
fiery Catholic power there is. France is divided between extreme
materialism and Madonna worship. When European thought--between 1820
and 1860, let us say--rebelled against every kind of orthodoxy, and, as
always happens with rebellion, made mistakes and went too far, France
played a wretched rôle. It is a Celtic land, and Celtic it will remain;
it desires, not personal freedom, but a despotic levelling, not
equality before the law, but the base equality which is inimical to
excellence, not the brotherhood that is brotherly love, but that which
gives the bad the right to share with the good. That is why the Empire
could be victorious in France, and that is why the Roman Catholic
Church, even in its most modern, Byzantine form, is triumphant there."
So thoroughly English was Anna Gallenga's way of looking at things, in
spite of an education which had included the chief countries in Europe.
So blindly did she share the prejudice that the French are essentially
Celtic. And so harshly did she judge, in spite of a scepticism,
feminine though it was, that was surprising in a woman.