THE DAWN OF THE NEW DAY
The new thought at work in the minds of the American people during the
second half of the eighteenth century, especially after the Seven Years'
War, aroused further interest in the uplift of the groups far down. By
this time the colonists had become more conscious of their unique
position in America, more appreciative of their worth in the development
of the new world, and more cognizant of the necessity to take care of
themselves by development from within rather than addition from without.
How to rehabilitate the weakened forces and how to minister to those who
had been neglected became a matter of concern to all forward-looking men
of that time.
[Illustration: THE FIRST COLORED BAPTIST CHURCH IN NORTH AMERICA.]
The clergy thereafter considered the Negro more seriously even in those
parts where slaves were found in large numbers. Among those directing
attention to the spiritual needs of the race were Rev. Thomas Bacon and
Rev. Jonathan Boucher of the Anglican Church. The former undertook to
arouse his people through a series of sermons addressed to masters and
slaves about the year 1750. He said: "We should make this reading and
studying the Holy Scriptures and the reading and explaining of them to
our children and servants or the catechising and instructing them in the
principles of the Christian religion a stated duty. If the grown up
slaves from confirmed habits of vice are hard to be reclaimed, the
children surely are in our power and may be trained up in the way they
should go, with rational hopes that when they are old, they will not
depart from it." In 1763 Jonathan Boucher boldly said: "It certainly is
not a necessary circumstance essential to the condition of the slave
that he be not indoctrinated; yet this is the general and almost
universal lot of the slaves." He said, moreover: "You may unfetter them
from the chains of ignorance, you may emancipate them from the bondage
of sin, the worse slavery to which they could be subjected; and by thus
setting at liberty those that are bruised though they still continue to
be your slaves, they shall be delivered from the bondage of corruption
into the glorious liberty of the children of God."
The accomplishment of the task of more thoroughly proselyting the
Negroes, however, belongs to the record of other sects than the Anglican
Church. Even if the Negroes had been given the invitation to take a part
in the propagation of the gospel as promoted by the first sects in
control, the organization of these bodies, the philosophical foundation
of their doctrines, and the controversial atmosphere in which their
protagonists lived in this conflict of creeds, made it impossible for
persons of such limited mental development as the slaves were permitted
to experience, to participate. The Latin ceremonies of the Catholic
church and the ritualistic conformity required by the Anglicans too
often baffled the Negro's understanding, leaving him, even when he had
made a profession of faith, in a position of being compelled to accept
the spiritual blessings largely on the recommendation of the missionary
proffering them. The simplicity of the Quakers set forth as an attack on
the forms and ceremonies of the more aristocratic churches equally taxed
the undeveloped intellect of certain Negroes who often wondered how
matters so mysterious could be reduced to such an ordinary formula.
During the latter part of the seventeenth century and throughout the
eighteenth, there were rising to power in the United States two sects,
which, because of their evangelical appeal to the untutored mind, made
such inroads upon the Negro population as to take over in a few years
thereafter the direction of the spiritual development of most of the
Negroes throughout the United States. These were the Methodists and
Baptists. They, together with the Scotch-Irish Presbyterians, imbibed
more freely than other denominations the social-compact philosophy of
John Locke and emphasized the doctrines of Coke, Milton, and Blackstone
as a means to justify the struggle for an enlargement of the domain of
political liberty, primarily for the purpose of securing religious
freedom denied them by the adherents of the Anglican Church.
Neither the Baptists nor the Methodists, however, were at first
especially interested in the Negro. Whitefield in Georgia advocated the
introduction of slaves and rum for the economic improvement of the
colony. He even owned slaves himself, although Wesley, Coke, and Asbury
opposed the institution and advocated emancipation as a means to
thorough evangelization. The work of the Methodists in behalf of the
Negroes, moreover, was still less directed toward their liberation in
the West Indies than on the continent, doubtless because of the fact
that in that section there did not develop the struggle for the rights
of man as an attack upon the British government as it happened in the
colonies along the Atlantic. But it is said that out of the 352,404
signatures to memorials sent by Dissenters to Parliament praying for the
abolition of slavery, 229,426 were the names of Methodists.
The missionaries, however, seemed to be trying to stir between Scylla
and Charybdis. They were forbidden to hold slaves but they were required
to promote the moral and religious improvement of the slaves without in
the least degree, in public or private, interfering with their civil
condition. One who served for twenty years in the West Indies said: "For
half a century from the commencement of Methodism the slaves never
expected freedom, and the missionaries never taught them to expect it;
and when the agitation of later years unavoidably affected them more or
less, as they learned chiefly through the violent speeches of their own
masters or overseers what was going on in their favor in England; it was
missionary influence that moderated their passions, kept them in the
steady course of duty, and prevented them from sinning against God by
offending against the laws of man. Whatever outbreaks or insurrections
at any time occurred, no Methodist slave was ever proved guilty of
incendiarism or rebellion for more than seventy years, namely, from 1760
to 1833. An extensive examination of their correspondence throughout
that lengthened period, and an acquaintance with their general character
and history, enables me confidently to affirm that a more humble,
laborious, zealous, and unoffending class of Christian missionaries were
never employed by any section of the church than those sent out by the
British conference to the West India Isles. They were eminently men of
one business, unconnected with any political party, though often
strongly suspected by the jealousies so rife in slaveholding
communities. A curious instance of this jealousy occurred in regard to
one who was firmly believed to be a correspondent of the Anti-Slavery
Society in England. "I did not know," said Fowell Buxton, in the House
of Commons, "that such a man was in existence, till I heard that he was
to be hung for corresponding with me."
In what is now the United States, on the contrary, there developed among
the Baptists and Methodists a number of traveling missionaries,
seemingly like the apostles of old, who in preaching to blacks and
whites alike won most Negroes by attacking all evils, among which was
slavery. Freeborn Garretson, one of the earliest Methodist missionaries,
said to his countrymen that it was revealed to him that "it is not right
for you to keep your fellow creatures in bondage; you must let the
oppressed go free." He said in 1776: "It was God, not man, that taught
me the impropriety of holding slaves: and I shall never be able to
praise him enough for it. My very heart has bled, since that, for
slaveholders, especially those who make a profession of religion; for I
believe it to be a crying sin."
Bishop Asbury recorded in his _Journal_ in 1776: "I met the class and
then the black people, some of whose unhappy masters forbid their coming
for religious instruction. How will the sons of oppression answer for
their conduct when the great proprietor of all shall call them to
account?" In 1780 he records that he spoke to some select friends about
slave keeping but they could not bear it. He said: "This I know. God
will plead the cause of the oppressed though it gives offense to say so
here.... I am grieved for slavery and the manner of keeping these poor
people."
With these missionaries attacking slavery, the church as an organization
had to take some position. In 1780 the church required traveling
preachers to set their slaves free, declaring at the same time that
slavery is contrary to the laws of God, man and nature, and hurtful to
society; contrary to the dictates of conscience and pure religion, and
doing that which we would not that others should do to us and ours. In
1784 the conference took steps for the abolition of slavery, viewing it
as "contrary to the golden laws of God, on which hang all the law and
the prophets; and the inalienable rights of mankind, as well as every
principle of the Revolution, to hold in the deepest abasement in a more
abject slavery, than is, perhaps, to be found in any part of the world,
except America, so many souls that are all capable of the image of God."
Every slaveholding member of their society was required to liberate his
bondmen within twelve months. A record was to be kept of all slaves
belonging to masters within the respective circuits and further records
of their manumissions. Any person who would not comply with these
regulations would have liberty quietly to withdraw from the society
within twelve months, and, if he did not, he would be excluded at that
time.[1] Persons thus withdrawing should not partake of the Lord's
Supper and those holding slaves would be excluded from this same
privilege.
The Methodists who had taken this advanced position on slavery in 1784,
however, soon found that they were ahead of the majority of the local
members. Much agitation had been caused by this discussion in the State
of Virginia and in 1785 there came several petitions asking for a
suspension of the resolution passed in 1784 and it was so ordered in
1785 in the words: "It is recommended to all our brethren to suspend the
execution of the minute on slavery _till the deliberations of a future
conference_; and that an equal space of time be allowed to all our
members for consideration when the minute shall be put in force." The
conference declared, however, that it held in deepest abhorrence the
practice of slavery and would not cease to seek its destruction by all
wise and prudent means. These rules of 1784 were thereafter never put in
effect but in 1796 the conference took the position of requiring the
Methodists to be exceedingly cautious what persons they admitted to
official stations in the church; "and in case of future admission to
official stations, to require such security of those who hold slaves for
the emancipation of them immediately, or gradually, as the laws of the
States respectively and the circumstances of the case will admit." A
traveling preacher becoming the owner of a slave forfeited his
ministerial position. No slaveholder should be received in the society
until the preacher who has oversight of the circuit had spoken to him
freely and faithfully upon the subject of slavery. Every member who sold
a slave should immediately after full proof be excluded from the
society, and if any member purchased a slave, the quarterly meeting
should determine the number of years in which the slave so purchased
would work out the price of his purchase. The preachers and other
members of the society were requested to consider the subject of Negro
slavery with deep attention and to impart to the General Conference
through the medium of yearly conferences, or otherwise, any important
thought upon the subject. The annual conferences were directed to draw
up addresses for the gradual emancipation of the slaves to the
legislatures of those States in which no general laws had been passed
for that purpose.
Locally the Baptists were winning more Negroes than the Methodists by
their attack on slavery during these years, but because of the lack of
organized effort the Baptists did not exert as much antislavery
influence as the early Methodists. Through their conferences they often
influenced the local churches to do more against slavery than they would
have done for fear that they might lose their status among their
brethren. As the Baptist church emphasized above all things local
self-government, each church being a law unto itself, it did not as a
national body persistently attack slavery. The Baptists reached their
most advanced position as an anti-slavery body in 1789 when they took
action to the effect "that slavery is a violent depredation of the
rights of nature and inconsistent with a republican government, and
therefore, recommend it to our brethren, to make use of their local
missions to extirpate this horrid evil from the land; and pray Almighty
God that our honorable legislature may have it in their power to
proclaim the great jubilee consistent with the principles of good
policy."
From this position most Baptists gradually receded. Yet, although not
working as an organized body, the Baptists in certain parts of the
country were unusually outspoken and effective in waging war on slavery.
As there were a number of disputes, owing to the fact that the
denomination as a body was far from unanimity on this subject, some
dissension in the ranks followed. Those who believed in the abolition of
slavery by immediate means styled themselves the _Emancipating Baptists_
or the _Emancipating Society_ in contradistinction to the remaining
Calvinistic Baptists who desired to be silent on the question.
[Illustration: REV. LEMUEL HAYNES, A.M.
Sincerely yours Lemuel Haynes [Signature]]
The most outspoken of the former was David Barrow.[2] He was a native of
Virginia, where he commenced his ministry in 1771, passing through the
period of much insolence and persecution of the rude countrymen then
denying the liberal sects religious freedom. He early became attached to
the antislavery school and consequently emancipated his own slaves in
Virginia without at first having so very much to say against the
institution. After distinguishing himself in the State of Virginia for
his unusual piety and great ability, he moved to Kentucky in 1798 and
settled in Montgomery County. When the antislavery dispute became very
ardent soon thereafter, he carried his opposition to the extent of
alienating the support of his coworkers, who, sitting as an advisory
council, expelled him from the ministry for preaching emancipation, and
preferred similar charges against him that his local church at Mount
Sterling might act accordingly. After having taken this drastic step,
however, the Association at its next session voted to rescind this
action; but Barrow had then joined with the emancipators and did not
desire to return. Among those whom he found sufficiently companionable
in the new work which he had undertaken were Rev. Donald Holmes, Carter
Tarrant, Jacob Grigg, George Smith, and numerous other ministers, some
of whom were native Americans and others native Europeans.
These emancipators began by inquiring: "Can any person whose practice is
friendly to perpetual slavery be admitted a member of this meeting?"
They thought not. They inquired, moreover: "Is there any case in which
persons holding slaves may be admitted to membership into the church of
Christ?" They said: "No, except in the case of holding young slaves with
a view to their future emancipation when they reach the age of
responsibility, in the case of persons who have purchased slaves in
their ignorance and desire to leave it to the church to say when they
may be free, in the case of women whose husbands are opposed to
emancipation, in the case of a widow who has it not in her power to
liberate them, and in the case when the slaves are idiots or too old to
maintain themselves." Another query was: "Shall members in union with us
be at liberty in any case to purchase slaves?" The answer was negative,
except it was with a view to ransom them in such a way as the church
might approve. These emancipators in Kentucky constituted themselves
some years later an organized body and finally became known as the
"_Baptized Licking-Locust Association_." In the course of time, however,
feeling that that mode of association or the consolidation of churches
was unscriptural and ought to be laid aside, they changed their
organization to that of an abolition society.
It is interesting to note the attitude of the Presbyterians toward the
amelioration of the condition of the Negroes. In 1774 when abolition was
agitated in connection with the struggle for the rights of man, the
Presbyterians were early requested to take action. A representation from
Dr. Ezra Stiles and Rev. Samuel Hopkins respecting the sending of two
natives of Africa on a mission to propagate Christianity in that land,
brought before that body a discussion of all aspects of Negro slavery.
In this debate a committee was requested to bring in a report on Negro
slavery. The Assembly concurred in the proposal to send the missionaries
to Africa, but deferred further consideration of slavery.
The first action taken on the subject came, after delay from year to
year, in 1787. The committee on overtures brought in a report to the
effect that the "Creator of the world having made of one flesh all the
children of men, it becomes them as members of the same family, to
consult and promote each other's happiness. It is more especially the
duty of those who maintain the rights of humanity, and who acknowledge
and teach the obligations of Christianity, to use such means as are in
their power to extend the blessings of equal freedom to every part of
the human race." Convinced of these truths, and sensible that the rights
of human nature are too well understood to admit of debate, the Synod
recommended in the warmest terms to every member of their body, and to
all the churches and families under their care, to do everything in
their power consistent with the rights of civil society, to promote the
abolition of slavery, and the instruction of Negroes, whether bond or
free.
After some consideration, however, the Synod reached the conclusion of
expressing very much interest in the principles in favor of universal
liberty that prevailed in America and also in that of the abolition of
slavery. Yet inasmuch as it would be difficult to change slaves from a
servile state to a participation in all the privileges of society
without proper education and previous habits of industry, it recommended
to all persons holding slaves to give them such education as might
prepare them for the better enjoyment of freedom, and recommended
further that in those cases in which the masters found the slaves
disposed to make just improvement of the privilege they should give them
"a peculium or sufficient time and sufficient means for procuring their
liberty at a moderate rate."
There was some agitation of the question in 1793, when a memorial was
addressed to the General Assembly by Warner Mifflin, a member of the
Society of Friends; but no action of importance was taken again until
1795, when there arose the question as to whether the church should
uphold communion with slaveholders. After due deliberation the General
Assembly passed a resolution referring the memorialists to the action
that the Assembly had already taken with reference to slavery in 1787
and 1793. As it seemed that the Presbytery of Transylvania was primarily
concerned in this affair, Mr. Rice and Dr. Muir, ministers, and Mr.
Robert Patterson, an elder, all of that section, were appointed a
committee to draft the following pacifist letter to that Assembly, which
determined for generations thereafter the policy of the Presbyterians
with reference to slavery:
"To our brethren, members of the Presbyterian Church, under the
care of Transylvania Presbytery.
"_Dear Friends and Brethren_--The General Assembly of the
Presbyterian Church hear with concern from your Commissioners,
that differences of opinion with respect to holding Christian
communion with those possessed of slaves, agitate the minds of
some among you, and threaten divisions which may have the most
ruinous tendency. The subject of slavery has repeatedly claimed
the attention of the General Assembly, and the Commissioners from
the Presbytery of Transylvania are furnished with attested copies
of these decisions, to be read by the Presbytery when it shall
appear to them proper, together with a copy of this letter, to
the several Churches under their care.
"The General Assembly have taken every step which they deemed
expedient or wise, to encourage emancipation, and to render the
state of those who are in slavery as mild and tolerable as
possible.
"Forbearance and peace are frequently inculcated and enjoined in
the New Testament. 'Blessed are the peace-makers.' 'Let no one do
anything through strife and vainglory.' 'Let such esteem others
better than himself.' The followers of Jesus ought conscientiously
to walk worthy of their vocations, 'with all lowliness, and
meekness, with long-suffering, forbearing one another, endeavoring
to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace.' If every
difference of opinion were to keep men at a distance, they could
subsist in no state of society, either civil or religious. The
General Assembly would impress this upon the minds of their
brethren, and urge them to follow peace, and the things which make
for peace.
"The General Assembly commend our dear friends and brethren to the
grace of God, praying that the peace of God, which passeth all
understanding may possess their hearts and minds."