have promised, and we doubt not you will do upon mere devotion and
princely magnanimity), to send to the said firm lands and islands
honest, virtuous, and learned men, such as fear God, and are able to
instruct the inhabitants in the Catholic faith and good manners,
applying all their possible diligence in the premises.
We furthermore straightly inhibit all manner of persons, of what
state, degree, order, or condition, soever they be, altho of Imperial
and regal dignity, under the pain of the sentence of excommunication
which they shall incur if they do to the contrary, that they in no
case presume special license of you, your heirs, and successors, to
travel for merchandise or for any other cause, to the said lands or
islands, found or to be found, discovered or to be discovered, toward
the west and south, drawing a line from the pole Arctic to the pole
Antarctic, whether the firm lands and islands found and to be found,
be situated toward India or toward any other part being distant from
the line drawn a hundred leagues toward the west from any of the
islands commonly called De Los Azores and Cabo Verde: Notwithstanding
constitutions, decrees, and apostolic ordinances, whatsoever they are
to the contrary:
In him from whom empires, dominions, and all good things do procede:
Trusting that almighty God directing your enterprises, if you follow
your godly and laudable attempts, your labors and travels herein,
shall in short time obtain a happy end, with felicity and glory of all
Christian people. But forasmuch as it should be a thing of great
difficulty, these letters to be carried to all such places as should
be expedient, we will, and of like motion and knowledge do decree that
whithersoever the same shall be sent, or where soever they shall be
received with the subscription of a common notary thereunto required,
with the seal of any person constituted in ecelesiastical court, or
such as are authorized by the ecclesiastical court, the same faith and
credit to be given thereunto in judgment or elsewhere, as should be
exhibited to these presents.
It shall therefore be lawful for no man to infringe or rashly to
contradict this letter of our commendation, exhortation, request,
donation, grant, assignation, constitution, deputation, decree,
commandment, inhibition, and determination. And if any shall presume
to attempt the same, he ought to know that he shall thereby incur the
indignation of Almighty God and his holy Apostles, Peter and Paul.
Given at Rome, at Saint Peter's: In the year of the incarnation of our
Lord M.CCCC lxx.xxiii. The fourth day of the month of May; the first
year of our seat.
[1] Dated at Rome, May 4th, 1498. It was translated into English
by Richard Eden in 1555, and is printed in Old English and from
black-letter type, by Hart in his "American History Told by
Contemporaries." For the present work the English has been
modernized.
This famous bull was the result of rival claims, made by Spain
and Portugal, to lands discovered beyond the Atlantic. More than
half a century before Columbus found America, the Portuguese had
secured from Pope Eugenius IV a grant in perpetuity of all
heathen lands that might be discovered by them in further
voyages. The grant went so far as to include "the Indies," and
was confirmed by succeeding popes.
When Alexander VI issued his bull the America which Columbus had
found was believed to be not a new continent, but the Indies, and
the Portuguese, who had reached India by way of the Cape of Good
Hope, were threatening to send an expedition across the Atlantic
to take possession and dispute the Spanish claims. It was in
these circumstances, and for the purpose of reconciling the rival
states that Alexander issued the bull, John Fiske has said that,
"As between the two rival powers the Pontiff's arrangement was
made in a spirit of even-handed justice." The bull conferred on
the Spanish sovereigns all the lands already discovered, or
thereafter to be discovered in the western ocean, with
jurisdiction and privileges In all respects similar to those
formerly bestowed upon the crown of Portugal.
Alexander VI, the famous Borgia Pope, who was the father of
Caesar Borgia and Lucretia Borgia, has been accused, somewhat
loosely, of committing an act of foolish audacity in making this
grant. He has been represented as having partitioned the whole
American continent between Spain and Portugal. The accusation is
quite unjust. The bull merely granted such lands as had been
discovered, or might yet be discovered, and these lands were not
understood to be those of a new continent, but parts of India not
heretofore explored. As for any rights possest by other European
countries, including England and France, those countries at that
time had little, if any, interest in the discovery made by
Columbus or, in fact, any actual knowledge of it.
THE DISCOVERY OF THE MAINLAND BY THE CABOTS
(1497)
I
THE ACCOUNT GIVEN BY JOHN A. DOYLE[1]
As early as the reign of Edward III, sailors from Genoa and other
foreign ports had served in the English navy. The increasing
confusions of Italy after the French invasion naturally tempted her
seamen to transfer their skill to the rising powers of western Europe.
Among such emigrants was John Cabot, a Venetian, who settled in
Bristol, and then, after a return to his own country, again revisited
his adopted city. Of his earlier history and personal character we
know nothing. Our own records furnish nothing but the scanty outlines
of his career, and the one glimpse of light which is thrown upon the
living man is due to a lately discovered letter from his countryman,
the Venetian ambassador. Of his son, Sebastian, we know more. He was
born in Bristol, returned with his parents to Venice when three years
old, and revisited England as a boy or very young man. His features,
marked with the lines of thought and hardship, still live on the
canvas of Holbein; and one at least of the naval chroniclers of the
day writes of him in the language of warm personal affection.
In 1496 a patent was granted to John Cabot and his sons, Lewis,
Sebastian, and Sancius. This patent is interesting as the earliest
surviving document which connects England with the New World. It gave
the patentees full authority to sail with five ships under the royal
ensign, and to set up the royal banner on any newly found land, as the
vassals and lieutenants of the king. They were bound on their return
to sail to Bristol and to pay a royalty of one-fifth upon all clear
gain. The direction of the voyage, the cargo and size of the ships,
and the mode of dealing with the natives, are all left to the
discretion of the commander.
Of the details of the voyage itself, so full of interest for every
Englishman, we have but the scantiest knowledge. In this respect the
fame of Sebastian Cabot has fared far worse than that of the great
discoverer with whom alone he may be compared. We can trace Columbus
through every stage of his enterprise. We seem to stand by the side of
the great admiral in his difficulties, his fears, his hopes, his
victory. We can almost fancy that we are sharing in his triumph when
at last he sails on that mission whose end he saw but in a glass
darkly, victorious over the intrigues of courtiers, the avarice of
princes, and the blindness of mere worldly wisdom. Our hearts once
more sink as the cowardice of his followers threatens to undo all, and
the prize that had seemed won is again in danger. We feel all the
intensity of suspense as night after night land is promised and the
morning brings it not. When at length the goal is reached, we can
almost trick ourselves with the belief that we have a part in that
glory, and are of that generation by whom and for whom that mighty
work was wrought.
No such halo of romantic splendor surrounds the first voyage of
Sebastian Cabot. A meager extract from an old Bristol record: "In the
year 1497, June 24, on St. John's Day, was Newfoundland found by
Bristol men in a ship called the _Matthew_"--a few dry statements
such as might be found in the note-book of any intelligent sea
captain--these are all the traces of the first English voyage which
reached the New World. We read in an account, probably published under
the eye of Cabot himself, that on June 24, at five o'clock in the
morning, he discovered that land which no man before that time had
attempted, and named it Prima Vista. An adjacent island was called St.
John, in commemoration of the day. A few statements about the habits
of the natives and the character of the soil and the fisheries make up
the whole story. We may, perhaps, infer that Cabot meant this as a
report on the fitness of the place for trade and fishing, knowing that
these were the points which would excite most interest in England. One
entry from the privy purse expenses of Henry VII, "10£ to hym that
found the new isle," is the only other record that remains to us.
Columbus was received in solemn state by the sovereigns of Aragon and
Castile, and was welcomed by a crowd greater than the streets of
Barcelona could hold. Cabot was paid £10. The dramatic splendor of the
one reception, the prosaic mercantile character of the other,
represent the different tempers in which Spain and England approached
the task of American discovery.
But tho our own annals give us so scanty an account of the reception
of the two Cabots, the want is to some extent supplied from a foreign
source. Letters are extant from the Venetian ambassador, in which he
describes with just pride the enthusiasm with which his countryman was
received by the people when he walked along the streets.
The next year saw Cabot again sailing with a fresh patent. Several
points in it are worthy of notice. John Cabot is alone mentioned by
name. From this it might be, and, indeed, has been inferred that the
part played by Sebastian Cabot in the first voyage was merely
secondary, and that John was the principal conductor of the first
voyage, as he was by the patent designed to be of the second. He is
authorized in person or by deputy to take six English ships of not
more than 200 tons burden each, and to lead them to the land which he
had lately discovered. There is no limitation, either of departure or
return, to Bristol, and no mention is made of royalties. Probably the
original provisions were still regarded as binding, except so far as
rescinded or modified by the second patent.
In 1498 Sebastian Cabot sailed from Bristol with one vessel manned and
victualed at the king's expense, accompanied by three ships of London,
and probably some of Bristol itself. His cargo consisted of "grosse
and sleighte wares," for trafficking with the natives. So scanty are
the records of Cabot's two expeditions, that altho we know the
geographical extent of his discoveries, yet it is impossible to assign
to each voyage its proper share. We know that in one or other of them
he reached 67-1/2 degrees of north latitude, and persuaded himself
that he had found the passage to Cathay. The fears, however, of his
sailors, justified, perhaps, by the dangers of the north seas,
withheld him from following up the enterprise. He then turned
southward and coasted till he came into the latitude of 38. Of the
result of the second voyage and of Sebastian Cabot's reception in
England we hear nothing. He disappears for a while from English
history, carrying with him the unfulfilled hope of a northwest
passage, destined to revive at a later day, and then to give birth to
some of the most daring exploits that have ever ennobled the names of
Englishmen.
[1] From Doyle's "English Colonies in America." Published by
Henry Holt & Co. The Cabots in 1497 discovered what came to be
known afterward as the continent of North America, Columbus in
1492 having discovered only islands in the West Indies. The work
of the Cabots in after years was a basis of English claims to the
continent because of priority of discovery. It was not until his
third expedition, fourteen months after the discovery made by the
Cabots, that Columbus first saw the North American mainland.
II
PETER MARTYR'S ACCOUNT[1]
These northe seas haue byn [have been] searched by one Sebastian
Cabot, a Venetian borne [born], whom beinge yet but in maner an
infante, his parentes caryed [carried] with them into Englande hauying
[having] occasion to resorte thether [thither] for trade of
marchandies [merchandise], as is the maner of the Venetians to leaue
[leave] no parte of the worlde vnsearched to obteyne [obtain] richesse
[riches]. He therfore furnisshed two shippes in England at his owne
charges: And fyrst [first] with three hundreth men, directed his
course so farre toward the northe pole, that euen [even] in the
mooneth [month] of Iuly he founde monstrous heapes of Ise [ice]
swimming on the sea, and in maner continuall day lyght. Yet sawe he
the lande in that tracte, free from Ise, whiche had byn [been] molten
by heate of the sunne.
Thus seyng [seeing] suche heapes of Ise before hym he was enforced to
tourne [turn] his sayles and folowe the weste, so coastynge styll by
the shore, that he was thereby broughte so farre into the southe by
reason of the lande bendynge so much southward that it was there
almoste equall in latitude with the sea cauled [called] Fretum
Herculeum, hauynge the north pole eleuate in maner in the same degree.
He sayled lykewise in this tracte so farre towarde the weste, that he
had the Ilande of Cuba [on] his lefte hande in maner in the same
degree of langitude. As he traueyled [traveled] by the coastes of this
greate lande (whiche he named Baccallaos) he sayth that he found the
like course of the waters toward the west, but the same to runne more
softely and gentelly [gently] then [than] the swifte waters whiche the
Spanyardes found in their nauigations southeward.
Wherefore, it is not onely [only] more lyke to bee trewe [true], but
ought also of necessitie to be concluded that betwene both the landes
hetherto vnknowen, there shulde bee certeyne great open places wherby
the waters shulde thus continually passe from the East into the weste:
which waters I suppose to bee dryuen [driven] about the globe of the
earth by the vncessaunt mouynge [moving] and impulsion of the heauens:
and not to be swalowed vp [up] and cast owt [out] ageyne [again] by
the breathynge of Demogorgon as sume [some] haue imagined bycause they
see the seas by increase and decrease, to flowe and reflowe. Sebastian
Cabot him selfe, named those landes Baccallaos, bycause that in the
seas therabout he founde so great multitudes of certeyne [certain]
bigge fysshes [fishes] much lyke vnto tunies [tunnies] (which th[e]
inhabitantes caule [call] Baccallaos) that they sumtymes stayed his
shippes. He founde also the people of those regions couered with
beastes skynnes: yet not without th[e] use of reason.
He saythe [saith] also that there is greate plentie of beares in those
regions, whiche vse to eate fysshe. For plungeinge thym selues
[themselves] into the water where they perceue [perceive] a multitude
of these fysshes to lye, they fasten theyr [their] clawes in theyr
scales, and so drawe them to lande and eate them. So that (as he
saith) the beares beinge thus satisfied with fysshe, are not noysom to
men. He declareth further, that in many places of these regions, he
sawe great plentie of laton amonge th[e] inhabitantes. Cabot is my
very frende, whom I vse famylierly, and delyte [delight] to haue hym
sumtymes keepe mee company in myne owne house. For beinge cauled owte
[out] of England by the commaundement of the catholyke kynge of
Castile after the deathe of Henry kynge of Englande the seuenth of
that name, he was made one of owre [our] counsayle and assystance as
touchynge the affayres [affairs] of the newe Indies, lookynge dayely
for shippes to bee furnysshed for hym to discouer this hyd secreate of
nature. This vyage is appoynted to bee begunne in March in the yeare
next folowynge, beinge the yeare of Chryst M.D.XVI. What shall
succeade, yowre [your] holynes shalbe aduertised by my letters if god
graunte me lyfe [life]. Sume of the Spanyardes denye that Cabot was
the fyrst fynder of the lande of Baccallaos: And afflrme that he went
not so farre westewarde. But it shall suffice to haue sayde thus much
of the goulfes [gulfs] & strayghtes [straits], and of Cebastian
Cabot..
[1] Peter Martyr, a native of Milan, resided for some years at the
Spanish court. The account he gives in this article of the voyage
of the Cabots is based on information received by him directly
from Sabastian Cabot, when Cabot was employed as pilot in the
service of Spain. Martyr's account is the earliest complete
narrative of this voyage now extant. It therefore takes high
rank--in fact, is the corner-stone--among documents pertaining to
steps by which English civilization became supreme in North
America. The translation here given, made by Richard Eden, was
published in London in 1555.
THE VOYAGES OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS
(1497)
VESPUCIUS' OWN ACCOUNT[1]
We left the port of Cadiz four consort ships: and began our voyage in
direct course to the Fortunate Isles, which are called to-day la gran
Canaria, which are situated in the Ocean-sea at the extremity of the
inhabited west, (and) set in the third climate: over which the North
Pole has an elevation of 27 and a half degrees beyond their horizon:
and they are 280 leagues distant from this city of Lisbon, by the wind
between mezzo di and libeccio: where we remained eight days, taking in
provision of water, and wood and other necessary things: and from
here, having said our Pier prayers, we weighed anchor, and gave the
sails to the wind, beginning our course to westward, taking
one-quarter by southwest: and so we sailed on till at the end of 37
days we reached a land which we deemed to be a continent: which is
distant westwardly from the isles of Canary about a thousand leagues
beyond the inhabited region within the torrid zone: for we found the
North Pole at an elevation of 16 degrees above its horizon, and (it
was) westward, according to the shewing of our instruments, 75 degrees
from the isles of Canary: whereat we anchored with our ships a league
and a half from land: and we put out our boats freighted with men and
arms.
We made toward the land, and before we reached it, had sight of a
great number of people who were going along the shore: by which we
were much rejoiced: and we observed that they were a naked race: they
shewed themselves to stand in fear of us: I believe (it was) because
they saw us clothed and of other appearance (than their own): they all
withdrew to a hill, and for whatsoever signals we made to them of
peace and of friendliness, they would not come to parley with us: so
that, as the night was now coming on, and as the ships were anchored
in a dangerous place, being on a rough and shelterless coast, we
decided to remove from there the next day, and to go in search of some
harbour or bay, where we might place our ships in safety: and we
sailed with the maestrale wind, thus running along the coast with the
land ever in sight, continually in our course observing people along
the shore: till after having navigated for two days, we found a place
sufficiently secure for the ships, and anchored half a league from
land, on which we saw a very great number of people.
This same day we put to land with the boats, and sprang on shore full
40 men in good trim: and still the land's people appeared shy of
converse with us, and we were unable to encourage them so much as to
make them come to speak with us: and this day we laboured so greatly
in giving them of our wares, such as rattles and mirrors, beads,
spalline, and other trifles, that some of them took confidence and
came to discourse with us: and after having made good friends with
them, the night coming on, we took our leave of them and returned to
the ships: and the next day when the dawn appeared we saw that there
were infinite numbers of people upon the beach, and they had their
women and children with them: we went ashore, and found that they were
all laden with their worldly goods which are suchlike as, in its
(proper) place, shall be related: and before we reached the land, many
of them jumped into the sea and came swimming to receive us at a
bowshot's length (from the shore), for they are very great swimmers,
with as much confidence as if they had for a long time been acquainted
with us: and we were pleased with this, their confidence.
For so much as we learned of their manner of life and customs, it was
that they go entirely naked, as well the men as the women. They are of
medium stature, very well proportioned: their flesh is of a colour
that verges into red like a lion's mane: and I believe that if they
went clothed, they would be as white as we: they have not any hair
upon the body, except the hair of the head, which is long and black,
and especially in the women, whom it renders handsome. In aspect they
are not very good-looking, because they have broad faces, so that they
would seem Tartar-like: they let no hair grow on their eyebrows, nor
on their eyelids, nor elsewhere, except the hair of the head: for they
hold hairiness to be a filthy thing: they are very light footed in
walking and in running, as well the men as the women: so that a woman
reeks nothing of running a league or two, as many times we saw them
do: and herein they have a very great advantage over us Christians:
they swim (with an expertness) beyond all belief, and the women better
than the men: for we have many times found and seen them swimming two
leagues out at sea without anything to rest upon. Their arms are bows
and arrows very well made, save that (the arrows) are not (tipped)
with iron nor any other kind of hard metal: and instead of iron they
put animals' or fishes' teeth, or a spike of tough wood, with the
point hardened by fire: they are sure marksmen, for they hit whatever
they aim at: and in some places the women use these bows: they have
other weapons, such as fire-hardened spears, and also clubs with
knobs, beautifully carved.... Warfare is used amongst them, which they
carry on against people not of their own language, very cruelly,
without granting life to any one, except (to reserve him) for greater
suffering.
Their dwellings are in common: and their houses (are) made in the
style of huts, but strongly made, and constructed with very large
trees, and covered over with palm-leaves, secure against storms and
winds: and in some places (they are) of so great breadth and length,
that in one single house we found there were 600 souls: and we saw a
village of only thirteen houses where there were four thousand souls:
every eight or ten years they change their habitations: and when asked
why they did so: (they said it was) because of the soil, which, from
its filthiness, was already unhealthy and corrupted, and that it bred
aches in their bodies, which seemed to us a good reason: their riches
consist of birds' plumes in many colours, or of rosaries which they
make from fishbones, or of white or green stones which they put in
their cheeks and in their lips and ears, and of many other things
which we in no wise value: they use no trade, they neither buy nor
sell. In fine, they live and are contented with that which nature
gives them. The wealth that we enjoy in this our Europe and elsewhere,
such as gold, jewels, pearls, and other riches, they hold as nothing:
and altho they have them in their own lands, they do not labour to
obtain them, nor do they value them. They are liberal in giving, for
it is rarely they deny you anything, and on the other hand, liberal in
asking, when they shew themselves your friends.