PUNITIVE EXPEDITION OR WORLD-WAR?
Germany and Austria-Hungary hastened on their preparations. Transports
of munitions were hurried to the front. The building of the new War
Ministry in Vienna, which had long been proceeding, was hurried on. The
Government did not care to go to war with all the mobilisation plans
lying in the old building. It was situated in a crowded part of the
city close to the flower market. It would have been very easy to blow
up the entire structure. Many of the Slavs within the Empire would not
have hesitated to use their opportunity of throwing everything into
confusion. The new War Office on the Ringstrasse, built in the newest
and worst style of architecture, was easily guarded.
The German preparations were on a much vaster scale than those
made in Austria-Hungary. Germany was preparing for a world-war,
Austria-Hungary for a punitive expedition against Servia. Austria has
always been solicitous of the good opinion of other countries. She now
sent out batches of official despatches intended to incriminate Servia
in the eyes of Europe. Germany, who cared little upon what pretext she
began the Great War, and knew that she must earn hatred for herself
throughout the civilised world, did nothing to prepare the world.
She knew that it was a general war. Why waste time and efforts in
justifying Germany’s right to be “über alles”? Conquerors of the world
do not stop to explain their methods.
As the weeks went by Austria-Hungary began to weaken in her resolve.
German diplomatists noticed the hesitation. They suggested that a
stiff Note should be sent to Servia. When the text of the famous Note
appeared, it was noticed that the phraseology was not Austrian. It was
not couched in the soft language--a sort of modified German--spoken on
the banks of the Danube, but in the rude terms heard farther north.
Everyone said that the text of the Note had been written in Berlin. It
is just possible that Count Tisza had been a party to it. He kept up
constant intercourse with Berlin, and may have visited the Emperor
or been consulted over the telephone. The intention of the Note was
clear. No State with any claim to sovereign rights could accept it.
Austria-Hungary demanded the right to send her own police to Servia
to investigate the crime of Sarajevo, although it had been committed
on Austrian ground by Austrian subjects. No Serb was implicated.
The Austrian Government was unable to bring any proofs of Servian
complicity beyond vague assertions that the assassin had received
instruction in military exercises in the ranks of a volunteer corps in
Belgrade. Austria relied upon the strength of unproven assertions to
establish an absolutely untenable case. The Note was not only couched
in the most insulting terms; it demanded an answer within forty-eight
hours. During those forty-eight hours strong diplomatic pressure was
brought to bear upon Servia. She finally consented to eat humble pie.
She was willing to do this in spite of her recent conquests. She had
vanquished Bulgaria and had added considerably to the extent of her
territory. Russia fully appreciated her position. It was difficult for
any Government to accept the terms of such a Note, for the people could
not be expected to understand the political necessity. Nevertheless,
at four o’clock on the fatal Saturday, news was received from Belgrade
that Servia had resolved to submit. Her diplomatists said that she had
no choice. Her army was exhausted. Her stock of munitions was low. She
needed all her available funds to carry on the work of reconstruction
of the devastated country. The Albanians, in the newly acquired
regions, were giving continual trouble. They descended from their
mountains and stole cattle from the Serbs. Expeditions had been sent
against them, but, as the Serbs said, the Albanians had been accustomed
from time immemorial to make an annual descent into the plains for
the purpose of re-victualling, and the fact that the land where their
depredations were made belonged to Servia instead of being a part of
the decrepit Turkish Empire made no difference. Many of the Albanians
hardly knew of the change of government. They needed cattle and corn,
and naturally made raids to get it. Servia, however, was forced to keep
an army on the frontier because of them.
These considerations, and the pressure brought to bear by the Russian
Ambassador, rendered Servia willing to consent to any terms.
Russia stood by her small ally, and sent out an official warning that
she could “not remain indifferent to Servia’s fate.” This softened
the natural chagrin felt by the small State in yielding to Austria.
Servia’s answer was a soft reply to a rough question. She accepted most
of the cruel conditions imposed upon her, but desired to refer one
point to a Hague Convention. Everyone in Austria considered the answer
sufficient. The news circulated in Vienna that the crisis was over. An
emissary from the Vatican, who had been working hard for peace, spread
the joyful news through the city. His face shone with satisfaction as
he passed from group to group in the waiting crowd. “It was a near
thing,” he said, “but the Serbs are well advised to give in.”
Big financiers breathed again, and some of the newspapers began
printing extra editions. The editions were mere sheets of paper,
distributed gratis, as newspapers may not be hawked in the streets in
Austria. They quoted an article in the Servian official paper, saying
that Servia was willing to give in to the demands.
Time went on; such information as could be obtained from persons
connected with foreign diplomatic circles confirmed the news of peace.
As evening set in the news was received that the official answer from
Servia had come. It was quite satisfactory. The Austrian Government had
never thought of Servia’s making such complete surrender. Many people
started off for week-ends in the country, sure that the _communiqué_
that would be issued by the Vienna Foreign Office that night would be
merely an elaboration of the news already spread throughout the city.
The Vienna Bourse, which had been falling slowly and steadily ever
since the assassination of the Archduke, had reached its lowest point
that morning. Servia’s answer had reached Vienna in time to effect
a lightning improvement, and prices were better than they had been
since the beginning of the crisis. Thus there resulted the remarkable
phenomenon that prices were steady and firm on the very day that a
world-war was decided. The Bourse was closed for many months after the
fatal Saturday, the official closing prices remaining a remarkable
testimony to the narrowness of the margin between war and peace.
While the great financiers played on a peace basis, others waited.
Why was the _communiqué_ not issued? Was there a hitch? It was known
that Count Berchtold, the Austro-Hungarian Minister, had telephoned
to Berlin. He wished to consult with the Kaiser before accepting the
reply as sufficient. The German Government said it was too late to
retreat; Servia’s answer must not be accepted, and counselled Berchtold
to recall the Austro-Hungarian Minister at Belgrade. Count Berchtold
followed Germany’s advice; the news became known in Vienna very
quickly. Extra editions were distributed, saying that the Minister had
left Belgrade and that diplomatic relations with Servia were broken
off. Austrian officials let it be known that no declaration of war
would be made, and that a Great Power would not parley with Servia.
Gunboats had already started down the Danube to bombard Belgrade.
Austria considered that a small force would be sufficient to subjugate
Servia, and in the city people spoke of the promenade into Belgrade.
This news was circulated to make any subsequent retreat or withdrawal
impossible.
No one thought of a great war that night, for the news that Russia
intended to stand by Servia had been carefully kept back.
Count Berchtold, having committed the Government to war, had a
difficult task before him. It was very doubtful whether Emperor
Francis Joseph could be prevailed upon to sign the order for a general
mobilisation. Large bodies of troops had already left for both the
Servian and Russian fronts, but no general mobilisation could take
place without an order signed by the Emperor. The aged monarch was
anxious that Servia should be chastised. But he did not wish to risk a
world-war. He was afraid of Russia, with her immense resources both in
men and material. It was now that the long years of work accomplished
by German diplomacy in Vienna bore fruit.
Tchirsky, the German Ambassador, visited Count Berchtold. He showed him
that Austria must go to war or lose her position as a Great Power in
Europe. There would be a world-war, but it must come. Germany intended
to go to Paris and St. Petersburg. This was an opportunity such as
might never come again. It was only the question of dealing with the
old Emperor. If he knew the truth, he would never sign the mobilisation
order. Why should he be consulted? He did not know of the Russian Note.
Why not keep it back until the irrevocable decision had been taken?
Berchtold listened to the voice of the tempter and fell. He informed
the Emperor that Europe would look on with folded hands while Servia
was chastised for the assassination of the Archduke. This seemed very
natural to the old autocrat. He was in residence at Ischl, as usual in
summer-time, and had no opportunity of conversing with anyone who could
have told him the truth about Russia.
It is doubtful whether Berchtold was fully aware of the magnitude of
the decision he had taken upon himself. He was fully aware that he
was deceiving the Emperor, and excused his conduct by his conviction
that the ruler was no longer capable of judging what was best for the
country. He had been attacked by the Vienna Press for years. He was
accused of feebleness and weakness by Count Tchirsky’s organs; now he
would show strength and resolution. As often happens with weak men, he
showed it at the wrong time.
When the news of war was announced in Vienna, the crowd immediately
started for the Servian Legation. The Serbs, with great astuteness,
had always chosen a legation that could not be looted or even damaged
without the rest of the house being pulled down. They always took the
quiet apartments at the back of one of the immense barrack-like houses
that line the great streets in Vienna. Demonstrations had been made
frequently in front of the Legation during the last few weeks, and the
crowd reached the street to find it blocked by troops. It then turned
towards the Embassy quarter. The Vienna police were well prepared.
Several regiments of soldiers had been called out to assist them, and
the Embassies being for the most part close together, it was easy to
guard them. None the less, it was a stirring night. The procession
divided into two streams. One went to the French Embassy, the other
turned its steps towards the Russian and British Embassies. Neither
Germany nor Austria-Hungary imagined for an instant that England would
take part in the fight. They were convinced that she would consider it
to her interest to remain neutral. The crowd, however, with a correct
instinct, regarded England as an enemy. Three times the roughs broke
through the cordon of guards and rushed upon the Embassy buildings,
but were turned back by the military. Those in command had received
very definite orders. The Embassies were to be protected at all costs.
Later on the crowd wreaked its fury upon shops owned by Serbs. They
were gutted in a few minutes, and no one interfered. The police even
stood by and admired the good work. Serbs and Russians were maltreated
in the streets. Terrible incidents occurred. The police were to blame,
for it would have been easy to interfere. Just as they had allowed the
Mohammedans to plunder the Serbs and appropriate their belongings at
Sarajevo after the assassination, so they permitted the same thing to
be done in Vienna. A spirit was roused that will not be easy to quell.
The bloodthirstiness of the mob is easily excited, but calming it is
another matter, as the old despots in France learned to their cost. The
latent quality of cruelty, which is hidden beneath the more obvious
characteristics of the Viennese, was seen at its worst. Good-tempered
toleration gave way to bestiality. That spirit of fair-play which
habitually animates an Austrian crowd was replaced by a desire for
other people’s belongings. The truce between the members of the
various races, kept for half a century, was over. German and Slav were
at war. Racial hate flamed up. Passions that will take long to cool
were excited. The great and tremendous struggle between the two great
predominating races in Eastern Europe, the Germans and the Slavs, had
begun.