CHAPTER XI

THE “GREAT SERVIA” IDEA--SERVIAN ORGANISATION

While Austria-Hungary, with Germany behind her, was discussing the

tearing up of the Treaty of Berlin with the rest of Europe, both Powers

failed to observe developments that were taking place under their very

eyes. The Austro-Hungarian official sent off to Bosnia or Croatia cared

very little about the people entrusted to him. His one and only idea

was to scheme and plan until he obtained his move to Vienna. He took no

means to detect and watch the conspiracies against the Government that

were being constantly hatched in the cafés of the town where he lived.

In a fit of sudden and uncalled-for energy, he would make a search for

cups and saucers decorated with the Serb colours or vindictively punish

the parents of a small child for permitting her to wear a Serb sash

round her waist, instead of a simple piece of ribbon. This unexpected

activity naturally raised the wrath of the Serbo-Croats, the more so

because really seditious acts frequently escaped notice, or, if the

administrators knew about them, they avoided taking cognisance of them,

as it meant the opening up of large questions and much trouble with the

central authorities in Vienna. Thus the Serbs, who lived under Austrian

or Hungarian rule, were often permitted to go to great lengths without

any interference. The sudden swoops of an enraged magistrate, who took

action rather because the plotters had interfered with his personal

convenience than because it was really incumbent upon him to do so,

produced a feeling of insecurity among the subject races. They regarded

the local governor somewhat in the light of a dangerous but slumbering

beast, and they prayed that his slumber might continue undisturbed.

Some, however, went the length of trying to twist his tail, when

they knew that he had been sent to the provinces in disgrace, as was

generally the case. If a man had been exiled for more serious offences

than uncouthness of manner, or a failure to respond to the friendly

advances of the chief’s elderly wife, and her invitation to shine at

her somewhat monotonous afternoon teas, the Serbs, who were always

well-posted in the reasons that led to an official being sent to the

provinces, felt that he was not in a position to injure them without

damaging himself, and behaved accordingly. The eight million Young

Slavs, as they call themselves, under the dominion of Austria or of

Hungary have always been well organised. When one of their number

arrives at either Vienna or Budapesth he calls round at his Union.

Although he may not know a single word of German or Hungarian, the

society find him a job. Accustomed to heavy labour, the Serb or Croat

is much sought after, especially in the lower ranks of service. Time

goes by, the man-servant or maid-servant has learnt the language and

is firmly established in the household. There is trouble in the home

because of the failure of a German tailor to keep his word. The Slav

servant has a relative who is willing to undertake the job, although

it is nearly midnight. He is hastily fetched, and by the advice of his

friend within the camp fixes his charges a trifle below those asked

by the German. He remains master of the situation, the German being

ousted. Gradually the household needs are supplied by Slavs, who carry

out orders promptly and carefully, and have none of the supercilious

“take it or leave it” manner of the German purveyor. The Austrians

always say “Let one Slav into the house, and they rule the ingoings and

outgoings for the future.”

The Slav is always an enigma, which years of close intercourse cannot

solve. His aspirations, his outlook on life are a sealed book to the

West European. The all-pervading and very distinct impression which

remains is that the Slavs have very distinct national aims, which they

are prepared to pursue with an utter persistence and ruthlessness, of

which no other peoples are capable.

Just at this period the Young Slavs within the Austro-Hungarian realm

were making a determined effort for liberation. They felt, and felt

justly, that they were oppressed. They thirsted for education and

paid large taxes to secure that same education in order to enable

their children to take their places as equals with the dominant races.

Austria and Hungary both dreaded the rise of the Slavs, and restricted

their education as much as possible, devoting the funds voted for the

purpose to other objects.

Things were so bad in this respect that a commission was sent over from

the States to ascertain how it could be possible at this date in the

civilisation of the world that such a large proportion of emigrants to

America should be illiterate. In some provinces it appeared from the

Government statistics that 69 per cent. of the annual recruits could

neither write nor read. The lack of education was most felt among

the Serbs, Croats, Poles and Little Russians. The Slavs, who possess

an uncommon amount of commonsense, felt that this withholding of

education was immoral, and that it served some deep ulterior purpose.

The Bohemians, who inhabited a rich manufacturing district, by force

of much agitation, were able to enforce their demands for education.

The Poles were miserably neglected, their representatives who attended

the Vienna Parliament were fêted and made much of, and, aristocrats

themselves for the most part, they were easily persuaded to forget the

wrongs of their people at home. In the Bukowina the people were on a

low level, and hardly realised their position. In Croatia, Dalmatia,

and especially in Bosnia, things were different. Italy was close by,

and the Slavs learnt how things were managed in that very progressive

and modern State. Servia and Montenegro were governed on lines that

contented the peoples there, and the Serbs across the frontier felt

that they would be better under the rule of King Peter than subject to

a governor who was so far from the centre that he could practically

deal with them as he pleased. It was seldom that the governor really

understood the vernacular. Being entirely German in his sympathies, he

naturally felt no interest in the Slav aspirations, except a desire

to crush them. While Vienna was using up her strength in arguing with

Europe, the Slavs considered that their opportunity had come for the

establishment of a vast Slav Empire, consisting of all the countries

inhabited by Slavs in Southern Austria and Hungary, which was to be

placed under the rule of the King of Servia.

Negotiations for a union between Montenegro and Servia, for the

establishment of a common customs tariff, a common army, and for the

pursuance of a common foreign policy, were being carried on. Servia

hoped to extend her territory to the sea. Whether she thought to

incorporate the Slavs of Austria and Hungary among her people is

difficult to say, but she, like the rest of South-Eastern Europe, was

aware that Austria-Hungary was rotten to the core. It must in the near

future follow Turkey and share its fate. As events move much more

quickly to-day in the epoch of telegrams and railways than they did

in the period of coaches and couriers, a much more rapid dissolution

of the Empire was to be expected than in the case of Turkey that

had been tottering for centuries. While the Austrian and Hungarian

Slavs were looking to King Peter to deliver them from Austrian and

Hungarian tyranny, Austria was intriguing, and encouraging the Serbs

in Servia to rebel. She had as little success with the Serbs as

with the Italians across the Italian frontier, as both peoples are

ardently patriotic, and even the poorest scorned Austrian gold. The

determination of the Young Slavs to live under the rule of a monarch

of their own race became strengthened at every fresh proof of the

effeteness of Austro-Hungarian rule. Themselves strong and virile,

they felt that they required administrators who could deal with the

problems that came to them for settlement in the rough-and-ready manner

peculiar to the other side of the border; they had always completely

misunderstood the shelving of petitions, the cumbersome multiplication

of documents, peculiar to Austro-Hungarian officialdom. Rapid justice,

even if less correct in the matter of form, was preferable, they felt,

to the long and unprofitable dilatoriness of the proceedings under an

administration more especially careless in dealings with things that

concerned people living far from the capital.

Austria-Hungary heard but little of the growing discontent in her

outlying provinces. Assassinations and attempts on the lives of

administrators multiplied, but the rulers in Vienna, busy with things

nearer home, simply suggested “that a heavier weight should be placed

upon the safety-valve.” After an outrage some few ringleaders were

hanged, half a dozen newspapers suppressed, and then the incident was

put away with other events of grave portent, signs of the times which,

however, were not allowed to disturb the gaiety of the capital.

Seven years in Vienna (August, 1907-August, 1914), a record of intrigue · 第 11 / 29 章