VISIT TO KALAH SHERGHAT PREVENTED.--VISIT TO SHOMAMOK.--KESHAF.--THE
HOWAR.--A BEDOUIN.--HIS MISSION.--DESCENT OF ARAB HORSES.--THEIR
PEDIGREE.--RUINS OF MOKHAMOUR.--THE MOUND OF THE KASR.--PLAIN OF
SHOMAMOK.--THE GLA OR KALAH.--XENOPHON AND THE TEN THOUSAND.--A
WOLF.--RETURN TO NIMROUD AND MOSUL.--DISCOVERIES AT
KOUYUNJIK.--DESCRIPTION OF THE BAS-RELIEFS.
The mound of Kalah Sherghat having been very imperfectly examined during
my former residence in Assyria[96], I had made arrangements to return to
the ruins. All my preparations were complete by the 22d of February, and I
floated down the Tigris on a raft laden with provisions and tools
necessary for at least a month's residence and work in the desert. I had
expected to find Mohammed Seyyid, one of my Jebour Sheikhs, with a party
of the Ajel, his own particular tribe, ready to accompany me. The
Bedouins, however, were moving to the north, and their horsemen had
already been seen in the neighbourhood of Kalah Sherghat. Nothing would
consequently induce the Ajel, who were not on the best terms with the
Shammar Arabs, to leave their tents, and, after much useless discussion, I
was obliged to give up the journey.
Awad, with a party of Jehesh, had been for nearly six weeks exploring the
mounds in the plain of Shomamok, the country of the Tai Arabs, and had
sent to tell me that he had found remains of buildings, vases, and
inscribed bricks. I determined, therefore, to spend a few days in
inspecting his excavations, and in carefully examining those ruins which I
had only hastily visited on my previous journey. I accordingly started
from Nimroud on the 2d of March, accompanied by Hormuzd, the doctor, and
Mr. Rolland. We descended the Tigris to its junction with the Zab, whose
waters, swollen by the melting of the snows in the Kurdish mountains, were
no longer fordable. Near the confluence of the streams, and on the
southern bank of the Zab, is the lofty mound of Keshaf, where are the
remains of a deserted fort, commanding the two rivers. It was garrisoned a
few years ago by an officer and a company of irregular troops from
Baghdad, who were able from this stronghold to check the inroads of the
Bedouins, as well as of the Tai and other tribes, who plundered the Mosul
villages. Since it has been abandoned, the country has again been exposed
to the incursions of these marauders, who now cross the rivers unmolested,
and lay waste the cultivated districts.
The tents of the Howar were about five miles from Keshaf. Since my last
visit, he had become once more the acknowledged chief of the Tai. Faras
had, however, withdrawn from his rival, and, followed by his own
adherents, had moved to the banks of the Lesser Zab. The Shammar Bedouins,
encouraged by the division in the tribe, had, only three days before our
visit, crossed the Tigris and fallen suddenly upon the Kochers, or Kurdish
wanderers, of the Herki clans. These nomades descend annually from the
highest mountain regions to winter in the rich meadows of Shomamok. They
pay a small tribute to the Tai for permission to pasture their flocks, and
for protection against the desert Arabs. The Howar was consequently bound
to defend them; but in endeavoring to do so, had been beaten with the loss
of forty of their finest mares.
We found the Howar much cast down and vexed by his recent misfortunes. The
chiefs of the tribe were with him, in gloomy consultation over their
losses. A Bedouin, wrapped in his ragged cloak, was seated listlessly in
the tent. He had been my guest the previous evening at Nimroud, and had
announced himself on a mission from the Shammar to the Tai, to learn the
breed of the mares which had been taken in the late conflict. His message
might appear, to those ignorant of the customs of the Arabs, one of insult
and defiance. But he was on a common errand, and although there was blood
between the tribes, his person was as sacred as that of an ambassador in
any civilised community. After a battle or a foray, the tribes who have
taken horses from the enemy will send an envoy to ask their breed, and a
person so chosen passes from tent to tent unharmed, hearing from each man,
as he eats his bread, the descent and qualities of the animal he may have
lost.
Amongst men who attach the highest value to the pure blood of their
horses, and who have no written pedigree, for amongst the Bedouins
documents of this kind do not exist, such customs are necessary. The
descent of a horse is preserved by tradition, and the birth of a colt is
an event known to the whole tribe. It would be considered disgraceful to
the character of a true Bedouin to give false testimony on such a point,
and his word is usually received with implicit confidence.
The morning following, though the Howar and the Arabs refused to accompany
me, I set off for the ruins, which are in the deserted district between
the Karachok range and the river Tigris. The plains in which they are
situated are celebrated for the richness of their pastures, and are sought
in spring by the Tai and the Kurdish Kochers. We kept as much as possible
in the broken country at the foot of the mountain to escape observation.
The wooded banks of the Tigris and the white dome of the tomb of Sultan
Abdallah were faintly visible in the distance, and a few artificial mounds
rose in the plains. The pastures were already fit for the flocks, and
luxuriant grass furnished food for our horses amidst the ruins.
The principal mound of Mokhamour is of considerable height, and ends in a
cone. It is apparently the remains of a platform built of earth and
sun-dried bricks, originally divided into several distinct stages or
terraces. On one side are the traces of an inclined ascent, or of a flight
of steps, once leading to the summit. It stands in the centre of a
quadrangle of lower mounds, about 480 paces square. I could find no
remains of masonry, nor any fragments of inscribed bricks, pottery, or
sculptured alabaster.
The ruins are near the southern spur of Karachok, where that mountain,
after falling suddenly into low broken hills, again rises into a solitary
ridge, called Bismar, stretching to the Lesser Zab, Mokhamour being
between the two rivers. These detached limestone ridges, running parallel
to the great range of Kurdistan, such as the Makloub, Sinjar, Karachok,
and Hamrin, are a peculiar feature in the geological structure of the
country lying between the ancient province of Cilicia and the Persian
Gulf.
Having examined the ruins, taken bearings of the principal landmarks, and
allowed our horses to refresh themselves in the high grass, I returned to
the encampment of the Tai. A ride of three hours next morning, across the
spurs of the Karachok, brought us to the ruins of Abou-Jerdeh, near which
we had found the tents of Faras on our last visit. The mound is of
considerable size, and on its summit are traces of foundations in stone
masonry; but I could find no remains to connect it with the Assyrian
period.
We breakfasted with our old host Wali Beg, and then continued our journey
to one of the principal artificial mounds of Shomamok, called the "Kasr,"
or palace. The pastures were covered with the flocks of the Arabs, the
Kochers, and the Disdayi Kurds. We crossed a broad and deep valley, called
the Kordereh, and encamped for the night at the foot of the Kasr, on the
banks of a rivulet called As-Surayji, which joins the Kordereh below
Abou-Jerdeh, near a village named "Salam Aleik," or "Peace be with you."
The mound is both large and lofty, and is surrounded by the remains of an
earthen embankment. It is divided almost into two distinct equal parts by
a ravine or watercourse, where an ascent probably once led from the plain
to the edifice on the summit of the platform. Awad had opened several deep
trenches and tunnels in the mound, and had discovered chambers, some with
walls of plain sun-dried bricks, others panelled round the lower part with
slabs of reddish limestone, about 3-1/2 or 4 feet high. He had also found
inscribed bricks, with inscriptions declaring that Sennacherib had here
built a city, or rather palace, for the name of which, as written in the
cuneiform characters, I am not able to suggest a reading. I observed a
thin deposit, or layer, of pebbles and rubble above the remains of the
Assyrian building, and about eight feet beneath the surface, as at
Kouyunjik.
From the summit of the Kasr of Shomamok I took bearings of twenty-five
considerable mounds, the remains of ancient Assyrian population;[97] the
largest being in the direction of the Lesser Zab. Wishing to examine
several ruins in the neighbourhood I left our tents early on the
following morning, and rode to the mound of Abd-ul-Azeez, about eight or
nine miles distant, and on the road between Baghdad and Arbil. The latter
town, with its castle perched upon a lofty artificial mound, all that
remains of the ancient city of Arbela, which gave its name to one of the
greatest battles the world ever saw, was visible during the greater part
of our day's ride. The plain abounds in villages and canals for
irrigation, supplied by the As-Surayji. The soil thus irrigated produces
cotton, rice, tobacco, millet, melons, cucumbers, and a few vegetables.
The jurisdiction of the Tai Sheikh ends at the Kasr; the villages beyond
are under the immediate control of the governor of Arbil, to whom they pay
their taxes. The inhabitants complained loudly of oppression, and appeared
to be an active, industrious race. Upon the banks of the Lesser Zab, below
Altun Kupri (or Guntera, the "Bridge," as the Arabs call the place),
encamp the Arab tribe of Abou-Hamdan, renowned for the beauty of its
women.
The mounds I examined, and particularly that of Abd-ul-Azeez, abound in
sepulchral urns and in pottery, apparently not Assyrian.
The most remarkable spot in the district of Shomamok is the Gla (an Arab
corruption of Kalah), or the Castle, about two miles distant from the
Kasr. It is a natural elevation, left by the stream of the Kordereh, which
has worn a deep channel in the soil, and dividing itself at this place
into two branches forms an island, whose summit, but little increased by
artificial means, is, therefore, nearly on a level with the top of the
opposite precipices. The valley may be in some places about a mile wide,
in others only four or five hundred yards. The Gla is consequently a
natural stronghold, above one hundred feet high, furnished on all sides
with outworks, resembling the artificial embankments of a modern citadel.
A few isolated mounds near it have the appearance of detached forts, and
nature seems to have formed a complete system of fortification. I have
rarely seen a more curious place.
There are no remains of modern habitations on the summit of the Gla, which
can only be ascended without difficulty from one side. Awad excavated by
my directions in the mound, and discovered traces of Assyrian buildings,
and several inscribed bricks, bearing the name of Sennacherib, and of a
castle or palace, which, like that on the bricks from the Kasr, I am
unable to interpret.
From the Gla I crossed the plain to the mound of Abou Sheetha, in which
Awad had excavated for some time without making any discovery of interest.
Near this ruin, perhaps at its very foot, must have taken place an event
which led to one of the most celebrated episodes of ancient history. Here
were treacherously seized Clearchus, Proxenus, Menon, Agias, and Socrates;
and Xenophon, elected to the command of the Greek auxiliaries, commenced
the ever-memorable retreat of the Ten Thousand. The camp of Tissaphernes,
dappled with its many-colored tents, and glittering with golden arms and
silken standards, the gorgeous display of Persian pomp, probably stood on
the Kordereh, between Abou-Sheetha and the Kasr. The Greeks having taken
the lower road, to the west of the Karachok range, through a plain even
then as now a desert[98], turned to the east, and crossed the spur of the
mountain, where we had recently seen the tents of the Howar, in order to
reach the fords of the Zab. I have already pointed out the probability of
their having forded that river above the junction of the Ghazir[99], and
to this day the ford to the east of Abou-Sheetha is the best, and that
usually frequented by the Arabs. Still not openly molested by the
Persians, the Greeks halted for three days on the banks of the stream, and
Clearchus, to put an end to the jealousies which had broken out between
the two armies, sought an interview with the Persian chief. The crafty
Eastern, knowing no policy but that to which the descendants of his race
are still true, inveigled the Greek commanders into his power, and, having
seized them, sent them in chains to the Persian monarch. He then put to
death many of their bravest companions and soldiers, who had accompanied
their chiefs. The effect which this perfidious act had on the Greek
troops, surrounded by powerful enemies, wandering in the midst of an
unknown and hostile country, betrayed by those they had come so far to
serve, and separated from their native land by impassable rivers,
waterless deserts, and inaccessible mountains, without even a guide to
direct their steps, is touchingly described by the great leader and
historian of their retreat: "Few ate anything that evening, few made
fires, and many that night never came to their quarters, but laid
themselves down, every man in the place where he happened to be, unable to
sleep, through sorrow and longing for their country, their parents, their
wives, and children, whom they never expected to see again." But there was
one in the army who was equal to the difficulties which encompassed them,
and who had resolved to encourage his hopeless countrymen to make one
great effort for their liberty and their lives. Before the break of day,
Xenophon had formed his plans. Dressed in the most beautiful armour he
could find, "for he thought if the gods granted him victory these
ornaments would become a conqueror, and if he were to die they would
decorate his fall," he harangued the desponding Greeks, and showed them
how alone they could again see their homes. His eloquence and courage
gave them new life, and, after fording the river Zab, they commenced that
series of marches, directed with a skill and energy unequalled, which led
them through difficulties almost insurmountable to their native shores.
Near Abou-Sheetha, too, Darius, a fugitive, urged his flying horses
through the Zab, followed by the scattered remnants of an army which
numbered in its ranks men of almost every race and clime of Asia. A few
hours after, the Macedonian plunged into the ford in pursuit of the fallen
monarch, at the head of those invincible legions which he was to lead,
without almost a second check, to the banks of the Indus. The plains which
stretch from the Zab below Abou-Sheetha have since been more than once the
battle-field of Europe and Asia.
I gazed with deep interest upon the scene of such great events--a plain,
where nothing remains to tell of the vast armies which once moved across
it, of European valour, or of Eastern magnificence.
Whilst riding through the jungle towards Negoub, a wolf rose before me
from its lair, and ran towards the plain. Following the animal, I wounded
it with one barrel of my pistol, and was about to discharge the second,
when my horse slipt on some wet straw left by a recent encampment, and we
fell together upon the wolf. It struggled and freed itself, leaving me
besmeared with its blood. The cock of the pistol fortunately broke in
going off whilst the muzzle was close to my head, and I escaped without
other injury than a bruised hand, the complete use of which I did not
recover for some months.
On my return to Nimroud, I remained there a few days to give directions to
the overseers for continuing the work during a prolonged absence which I
meditated in the desert. At Kouyunjik several new chambers had been
opened. The western portal of the great hall, whose four sides were now
completely uncovered, led into a long narrow chamber (eighty-two feet by
twenty-six), the walls of which had unfortunately been almost entirely
destroyed. In the chamber beyond, a few slabs were still standing in their
original places. In length this room was the same as that parallel to it,
but in breadth it was only eighteen feet. The bas-reliefs represented the
siege and sack of one of the many cities taken by the great king, and the
transfer of its captives to some distant province of Assyria. The
Assyrians, as was their custom, carried away in triumph the images of the
gods of the conquered nation, which were placed on poles and borne in
procession on men's shoulders. "Hath any god of the nations delivered his
land out of the hand of the king of Assyria?" exclaimed the Assyrian
general to the Jews. "Where are the gods of Hamath and Arphad? where are
the gods of Sepharvaim?"[100] They had been carried away with the
captives, and the very idols that were represented in this bas-relief may
be amongst those to which Rabshakeh made this boasting allusion. The
captured gods were three, a human figure with outstretched arms, a
lion-headed man carrying a long staff in one hand, and an image inclosed
by a square frame.
On the northern side of the great hall the portal formed by the winged
bulls, and the two smaller doorways guarded by colossal winged figures,
led into a chamber one hundred feet by twenty-four, which opened into a
further room of somewhat smaller dimensions. In the first, a few slabs
were still standing, to show that on the walls had been represented some
warlike expedition of the Assyrian king, and, as usual, the triumphant
issue of the campaign. The monarch, in his chariot, and surrounded by his
body-guards, was seen receiving the captives and the spoil in a hilly
country, whilst his warriors were dragging their horses up a steep
mountain near a fortified town, driving their chariots along the banks of
a river, and slaying with the spear the flying enemy.
The bas-reliefs, which had once ornamented the second chamber, had been
still more completely destroyed. A few fragments proved that they had
recorded the wars of the Assyrians with a maritime people, whose overthrow
was represented on more than one sculptured wall in the palace, and who
may probably be identified with some nation on the Phoenician coast
conquered by Sennacherib, and mentioned in his great inscriptions. Their
galleys, rowed by double banks of oarsmen, and the high conical head-dress
of their women, have already been described.[101] On the best preserved
slab was the interior of a fortified camp, amidst mountains. Within the
walls were tents whose owners were engaged in various domestic
occupations, cooking in pots placed on stones over the fire, receiving the
blood of a slaughtered sheep in a jar, and making ready the couches.
Warriors were seated before a table, with their shields hung to the
tent-pole above them.
To the south of the palace, but part of the same great building, though
somewhat removed from the new excavations, and adjoining those formerly
carried on, an additional chamber had been opened, in which several
bas-reliefs of considerable interest had been discovered.
Its principal entrance, facing the west, was formed by a pair of colossal
human-headed lions, carved in coarse limestone, so much injured that even
the inscriptions on the lower part of them were nearly illegible.
Unfortunately the bas-reliefs were equally mutilated, four slabs only
retaining any traces of sculpture. One of them represented Assyrian
warriors leading captives, who differed in costume from any other
conquered people hitherto found on the walls of the palaces. Their
head-dress consisted of high feathers, forming a kind of tiara like that
of an Indian chief, and they wore a robe confined at the waist, by an
ornamented girdle. Some of them carried an object resembling a torch.
Amongst the enemies of the Egyptians represented on their monuments is a
tribe similarly attired. Their name has been read Tokkari, and they have
been identified with an Asiatic nation. We have seen that in the
inscriptions on the bulls, the Tokkari are mentioned amongst the people
conquered by Sennacherib[102], and it is highly probable that the captives
in the bas-reliefs I am describing belonged to them. Unfortunately no
epigraph, or vestige of an inscription, remained on the sculptures
themselves, to enable us to identify them.
[Illustration: A captive (of the Tokkari?) Kouyunjik.]
On a second slab, preserved in this chamber, was represented a
double-walled city with arched gateways, and inclined approaches leading
to them from the outer walls. Within were warriors with horses; outside
the fortifications was a narrow stream or canal, planted on both sides
with trees, and flowing into a broad river, on which were large boats,
holding several persons, and a raft of skins, bearing a man fishing, and
two others seated before a pot or caldron. Along the banks, and apparently
washed by the stream, was a wall with equidistant towers and battlements.
On another part of the same river were men ferrying horses across the
river in boats, whilst others were swimming over on inflated skins. The
water swarmed with fish and crabs. Gardens and orchards, with various
kinds of trees, appeared to be watered by canals similar to those which
once spread fertility over the plains of Babylonia, and of which the
choked-up beds still remain. A man, suspended by a rope, was being lowered
into the water. Upon the corner of a slab almost destroyed, was a hanging
garden, supported upon columns, whose capitals were not unlike those of
the Corinthian order. This representation of ornamental gardens was highly
curious. It is much to be regretted that the bas-reliefs had sustained too
much injury to be restored or removed.