THE QUAKER SETTLEMENTS AND GEORGIA
There are few examples in history of the possessions of an ardent Roman
Catholic passing quietly and amicably into the hands of members of the
Society of Friends, but the Quaker colonies stand pre-eminent as one
instance of this exceptional circumstance. The Quakers were probably the
most persecuted of all religious sects in North America, and yet by the
irony of fate, one of the most thriving settlements owed its origin to
them; its capital Philadelphia became the most important town of the
Thirteen Colonies, and for one hundred and seventeen years was regarded
as the commercial, political, and social capital of the bickering and
jarring states. In the history of these Quaker settlements the disunited
character of the colonies is peculiarly apparent, and in no colony or
group of colonies is it better exemplified than in those of New Jersey
and Pennsylvania.
The high-handed action of Charles II. in claiming Dutch territory and
granting it to his brother James, Duke of York, has already been
noticed. As soon as his claim had been authenticated by the victory of
Richard Nicolls, the Duke lavishly granted to Sir George Carteret and
Lord Berkeley the land from the Hudson to the Delaware, and it was
renamed East and West New Jersey. From the very first the settlers
hated the Proprietors for being pronounced absentees endeavouring to
exercise control over those who had already purchased the titles to
their lands, and demanding an unearned increment in a most repellent
form. For three years Philip Carteret, the Governor, did not call a
representative assembly, and at last when he did so, imagining the
spirit of the colonists to be broken, he met with a point-blank refusal
from two of the towns. The colony was, in fact, in a state of mutiny. It
was all very well for those in authority to refrain from claiming quit
rents for five years, but this was only a sop to the settlers, who were
angered by the demand that all patents of lands must be obtained from
the Proprietors. The colonists therefore broke into open revolt; set up
their own representative and deposed Carteret. The rebellion was soon
crushed by the Proprietors, but with this state of affairs within, New
Jersey was not in a condition to resist the attack of the Dutch from
without, and in 1673 the old owners took possession.
The Treaty of Westminster in 1674 restored English rule, and the Duke of
York claimed that all previous titles were annulled by the Conquest. The
new arrangement now made was, that the Duke reserved to himself the left
bank of the Delaware; Carteret was granted a tract of land on the
southern bank of the Hudson; while Berkeley's share was no longer
existent, for he had sold his rights to two Quakers, John Fenwick and
"Edward Byllinge, of Westminster, gent, in whom the title thereunto then
was."[187] Fenwick appears to have been a man of energy, for he
endeavoured to form a settlement on the right bank of the Delaware,
which was strenuously opposed by Sir Edmund Andros, as representative
for the Duke of York. Fenwick, however, won in the end, and established
the colony of Salem. About the same time Edward Byllinge transferred any
rights he might possess to William Penn, the world-famed Quaker. He with
others of the Society of Friends began to colonise on the Delaware, and
their plans were still further encouraged in 1680 by a grant from the
Duke of York including the new colony of Salem. As a balance to this
gift to the Quakers, James, in the following year, increased the
territories of the Carteret family and restored the government to Philip
Carteret, who found, on his return, that his old methods were no longer
possible; the proprietary power had already been considerably weakened,
and the settlers had learnt to manage their own affairs. Sir George
Carteret, recognising that his rights, privileges, and perquisites were
practically nil, very sensibly sold this valueless property to William
Penn, Gawen Laurie, and other Quakers. With that extraordinary desire
for the construction of fantastic constitutions, the new Proprietors at
first attempted to foist upon the settlers a scheme of government which
was so elaborate that it was useless and unworkable. In a very short
time they found that they were obliged to fall back upon the more simple
system of a governor, council, and representative assembly.
The results of this action on the part of Carteret and Penn were on the
whole satisfactory. It so happened that some of the new Proprietors were
Scotsmen, and they stimulated emigration from the North, and New Jersey
was all the better for a strong infusion of the vigorous Scottish race.
The action, too, had the effect of bringing East and West New Jersey
into closer contact, and so paved the way for union. In 1692 another
step was taken in this direction, for the Proprietors of both colonies
appointed Andrew Hamilton as joint-governor. There were, however, many
difficulties to be overcome before union was possible. In the first
place there were unending disputes with New York about the levying of
duties; while secondly, the Proprietors' rights had now become so
complicated by frequent sale and transfer that matters were in dire
confusion; besides these very rights appeared to the settlers themselves
as injurious to the welfare of the colony. They looked for political
privileges for themselves, which would, according to the Proprietors,
clash with their interests. To grant to the settlers rights which were
on the surface merely political, appeared, and indeed would be, the
abnegation of all proprietary territorial claims. The man who might have
done so much for the union of the New Jerseys had unfortunately
transferred his affections elsewhere. Penn, filled with schemes of pure
philanthropy, had left his first settlement to look after itself and had
brought all his energies to bear upon his new venture in Pennsylvania.
Even without Penn's assistance the union of the two Jerseys was bound to
come. In 1701 it was pointed out by the Colonial Office of that day,
that "by several letters, memorials, and other papers, as well from the
inhabitants as Proprietors of both these provinces, that they are at
present in confusion and anarchy; and that it is much to be apprehended
lest by the heats of the parties that are amongst them, they should
fall into such violences as may endanger the lives of many persons and
destroy the colony."[188] It seemed obvious to those in London that some
form of union was necessary to save the colony from this fate, and so
New Jersey from the River Hudson to the River Delaware became a united
province when the Proprietors surrendered all their political and
territorial rights in 1702. For a short time New Jersey with New York
suffered under the scandalous administration of the brainless and
profligate Lord Cornbury, but his evil work was to a certain extent
remedied by Governor Robert Hunter, who proved himself an able colonial
administrator.
The tract of land to which Penn had transferred his philanthropic
schemes lay to the south of the river Delaware. It had been taken from
the Swedes and at one time had been granted to Maryland, but up to the
year 1681 it had remained unoccupied. The Quaker Penn, a man of high
social position, friend and favourite of James II., readily accepted
this piece of territory in liquidation of a debt of £16,000 owed to him
by the Crown. The agreement now drawn up between Penn and the Duke of
York was remarkable for its utter indifference to all constitutional
forms. Penn was appointed Proprietor, but his powers were to a certain
extent limited; on all legislative matters the Crown reserved the right
of veto, and in all financial affairs the newly formed colony was to be
regarded as an integral portion of the realm; while, as a further hold
over revenue, an accredited agent of the colony was to reside in England
and was to explain any infraction of the revenue laws.
Pennsylvania, as first conceived by the Proprietor, was not a colony for
one sect only. He offered no particular inducements to Quakers rather
than to others. The early emigrants were a veritable olla podrida, and
consisted of English Quakers, Scottish and Irish Presbyterians, German
Mennonites, and French Huguenots. It was not long, however, before the
Quaker element distinctly preponderated, with two obvious results. In
the first place one of the strongest tenets of Quakerism was a horror of
war and bloodshed, which belief was steadily upheld by the
Pennsylvanians and proved in later years most baneful to the colony when
the French began their aggressions. The second result was just as good
as the first had been bad. The Quakers taught and believed the equality
of all men before God; to them there was no distinction between settler
and savage, and unlike some of the colonists in the Puritan group,
offered the best of treatment to the Red Indians.
In the autumn of 1681, William Penn dispatched four commissioners to
found the colony that was in later years to become so famous. William
Crispen, Nathaniel Allen, John Bezar and William Heage were chosen by
the Proprietor to select a site on the Delaware; Crispen, Penn's
kinsman, died on the voyage, but the other three faithfully carried out
their orders and selected a spot where the river "is most navigable,
high dry and healthy; that is where most ships can ride, of deepest
draught of water, if possible to load or unload at the bank or key
(_sic_) side without boating or lightering of it."[189] Thomas Howe had
been appointed surveyor-general and at once proceeded to lay out the
city of Philadelphia upon a modification of the plans of Penn and
covering a surface area of about 1200 to 1300 acres. William Penn stands
alone as the founder of a great city of which he was justly proud, and
in 1683 he was able to write, "Philadelphia: the expectation of those
who are concerned in this province is at last laid out, to the great
content of those here who are anyways interested therein. The situation
is a neck of land and lieth between two navigable rivers, Delaware and
Sculkill, whereby it hath two fronts upon the water, each a mile, and
two from river to river."[190]
Penn was quick to foresee a prosperous future for his colony, but he
nearly ruined it at the outset by drawing up a well-intentioned but
somewhat cumbersome constitution. There were to be two elective
chambers: the Upper or council, consisting of 72 members, and the Lower,
which was at first to contain 200, and later 500 members. This
constitution, however, was impossible to manage; the Lower assembly was
obviously far too large and proved superfluous; while the Upper was
found to be too bulky for a Cabinet or executive government; for these
reasons a few months after its conception it was radically altered. The
pruning-knife was called into use and the 72 of the Upper chamber were
cut down to 18; at the same time the absurd number of 200 was reduced to
26, and the right of initiating legislation was taken from the
representatives. But Penn was not yet satisfied and undertook still
further alterations in 1686, when he appointed five Commissioners of
State, three of whom were to be a quorum, and to whom the right of veto
in all legislative affairs was granted. This scheme was almost as bad as
his first constitution, for it gave excessive powers to three or four
men; fortunately for the colony it was not perpetuated.
Early in its history troubles came upon Pennsylvania, which had been
founded "with the pious wish and desire that its inhabitants might dwell
together in brotherly love and unity."[191] The flight of James II. was
the first serious blow to Penn's colonial prosperity; it may be that he
was one of the few men who sincerely and deeply regretted the fall of
the last male Stuart ruler of England, for in James' misfortune Penn
also suffered for a time, and his plans as a colony promoter received a
severe check. At the same time Pennsylvania was torn by internal
quarrels concerning what were called the "Territories" or Delaware. This
district, on the south bank of the Delaware River, had been transferred
from the administration of New York and placed under that of
Pennsylvania. The dispute that arose had for its cause the appointment
of magistrates, and it was only settled by a compromise in which
Delaware was for the future to have its own executive, but there was
only to be one elective chamber for the whole province. Still worse days
came to Pennsylvania when the colony was included in the commission to
the pirate-loving Benjamin Fletcher. As in New York, so in the Quaker
settlement he proved himself arbitrary in conduct, brutal and unwise in
action, immoral and corrupt in his private life. The only comfort to the
Pennsylvanian settlers during his rule was that they won their right to
initiate legislation.
A promise of the renewal of the good days of the past appeared when Penn
succeeded in 1694 in regaining his proprietary rights, now somewhat
shorn of their former privileges. The Proprietor immediately set about
the restoration of his colony's prosperity, but excellent as his work
was, Pennsylvania was still more fortunate in having amongst its members
Gabriel Thomas, one of the brightest colonial authors of that period. He
has not only left some writings of particular merit, but his name has
been handed down to posterity as one who laboured hard for seventeen
years to build up, firmly and strongly, the Quaker settlements in the
West. Such work was necessarily slow, and Penn, when he again visited
his colony, must have been much grieved with its moral condition if
Lewis Morris, Governor of New Jersey, wrote the truth. "Pennsylvania is
settled by People of all Languages and Religions in Europe, but the
people called Quakers are the most numerous of anyone persuasion ... the
Church of England gains ground in that Country, and most of the Quakers
that came off with Mr Keith are come over to it: the Youth of that
country are like those in the neighbouring Provinces very Debaucht and
ignorant."[192]
A long series of disputes with the other colonies began in 1701, which
intensified the danger already only too obvious, caused by the disunion
of the American states and left them the more open to French attack. In
addition to their antipathy to war, the Pennsylvanians now pleaded
poverty as an excuse for refusing to assist in contributing funds
towards the restoration of the fortifications of New York. Penn's common
sense forced him to advocate the contribution, but all his eloquence was
wasted upon his settlers, and he pleaded and remonstrated in vain. A
fresh dispute followed, again arising from the government of Delaware.
Since the last quarrel the Assembly had met alternately at Newcastle and
Philadelphia. The people of Pennsylvania, as members of the more
important state, demanded that in the future any legislation passed at
Newcastle should be ratified and confirmed at Philadelphia. This was
naturally intolerable to the weaker side, and the outcome of the dispute
was the granting of a new charter and the complete separation of
Delaware in 1703.
The last official act of William Penn was the incorporation of his
beloved city of Philadelphia, which had steadily increased in size and
population. A contemporary in 1710, possibly Daniel Defoe, has left on
record a description of the town which gives some idea of its character
and importance. Philadelphia "is a noble, large and populous city,
standing on as much ground as our English City of Bristol.... It is
built square in Form of a Chess-Board with each Front facing one of the
Rivers. There are several Streets near two Mile long, as wide as
Holborn, and better built, after the English Manner. The chief are Broad
Street, King-street, High-street, tho' there are several other handsome
Streets that take their Names from the Productions of the Country: as
Mulberry, Walnut, Beech, Sassafras, Cedar, Vine, Ash and Chestnut
Streets.... The Number of the Inhabitants is generally suppos'd to be
upwards of 15,000 besides Slaves.... And if I were oblig'd to live out
of my native Country, I should not be long puzzled in finding a Place of
Retirement, which should be Philadelphia. There the oppress'd in Fortune
or Principles may find a happy Asylum, and drop quietly to their Graves
without Fear or Want."[193] Such was the happy city within thirty years
of its foundation, and as a political centre it remained supreme until
after the American War of Independence.
Penn retired from the colony in 1701, but continued to take the keenest
interest in all that went on. At one time he remonstrated with the
assembly for attacking his secretary and staunch supporter, James Logan,
who acted as the Proprietor's agent during his long years of absence. As
long as Penn lived he was able to exercise some control, but when he
died in 1718 he left to his heirs a proprietary claim over a colony torn
in pieces by disputes and factions. The brothers John and Thomas Penn
were never popular, and up to the resignation of their claims in 1759
there were continual quarrels, sometimes over the Governor's salary, and
sometimes because the Proprietors, who possessed three-fourths of the
province, refused to allow the taxation of their lands for military
operations against the French.
It is a noticeable fact that the two last colonies of the famous
Thirteen were founded on philanthropic bases. The excellent William Penn
established Pennsylvania as a home of toleration and peace; and the last
of the original states, Georgia, was founded, upon motives that were
highly creditable to their originator. The colony of Georgia owed its
existence to James Oglethorpe, who, after serving a short time in the
army, became a Member of Parliament and was placed upon a Parliamentary
Committee to inquire into the state of the prisons, at that time
conducted on barbarous lines. What he then learnt led Oglethorpe to
propose the formation of a colony where men might honestly work and
better their position instead of pining away in the horrible debtors'
gaols. In addition to this, as he said, "Christianity will be extended
by the execution of this design; since the good discipline established
by the Society will reform the manners of these miserable objects."[194]
There is, too, in his account of the advantages of the colony, a hint as
to the possible pecuniary gain of the individual and of the nation, for
"when hereafter it shall be well-peopled and rightly cultivated, England
may be supplied from thence with raw Silk, Wine, Oil, Dyes, Drugs, and
many other materials for manufactures, which she is obliged to purchase
from Southern countries."[195] Tempted by these proposals, the
Government readily fell in with his scheme and granted to Oglethorpe and
his associates, including the famous Thomas Coram, a tract of land to
the south of the Savannah River and north of the Spanish settlements in
Florida, and here the debtors' colony was to serve as a barrier and
rampart against Spanish aggression. The Corporation was called "The
Trustees for the colonisation of Georgia," and was given full powers of
administration for twenty-six years, at the expiration of which all
privileges were to pass to the Crown.
In the autumn of 1732, James Oglethorpe embarked with 114 settlers; they
were unsatisfactory colonists, for the men who had so hopelessly failed
in England had not that grit and sturdy endurance necessary for founders
of new homes in the West. The colony, however, started well, for
Oglethorpe immediately won the goodwill of the natives, and made a wise
selection of a site for the first settlement about twenty miles from
the mouth of the Savannah River. The town itself was guarded on the
water side by high banks, while impenetrable swamps on the land side
served as sufficient barrier to any warlike incursions that might be
attempted. Besides these advantages, Oglethorpe had also made friendly
overtures to the neighbouring colonies, and in 1733 was able to say with
satisfaction that "if the colony is attacked it may be relieved by sea
from Port Royal, or the Bahamas; and the militia of South Carolina is
ready to support it, by land."[196] Oglethorpe's satisfaction must have
been very short-lived. From the very first the colonists grumbled,
quarrelled, and disputed, and their resident minister, the Reverend
Samuel Quincy, gives a horrible but exaggerated account of the colony in
1735. "Affairs here are but in an ill-condition, through the
discouragements attending the settlement.... The magistrate, to whom the
government of the colony was left, proves a most insolent and tyrannical
fellow. Several just complaints have been sent home against him, which
do not meet with a proper regard, and this has made people very
uneasie.... In short, Georgia, which was seemingly intended to be the
asylum of the distressed, unless things are greatly altered, is likely
to be itself a mere scene of distress.... Notwithstanding the place has
been settled nigh three years, I believe, I may venture to say there is
not one family which can subsist without further assistance."[197]
Affairs though gloomy were scarcely as black as Quincy depicted them,
for in the next few years there was every sign of progress. Already in
1734 there had been a large increase of population by the immigration
of Salzburg Germans under their pastor Martin Bolzius, who had fled from
the persecution of their Prince Bishop. Two years later the colony had
grown sufficiently to found a second settlement, Frederica, seventy
miles south of the Savannah, at the mouth of the Alatamaha River; and a
party of Highlanders about the same time founded New Inverness. Trade
also began to increase and a definite commercial station was established
at Augusta.
In the same year as the foundation of Frederica, John Wesley,
accompanied by his brother Charles, came out as chaplain to the Georgian
flock. He was in residence for a year and nine months, during which
period he seems to have quarrelled with many of the inhabitants and
particularly with the Moravians, and proved himself both indiscreet and
ill-tempered. He himself records in his _Journal_ that he was told by
one man, "I will never hear you any more. And all the people are of my
mind. For we won't hear ourselves abused. Besides, they say, they are
Protestants. But as for you, they can't tell what Religion you are of.
They never heard of such a religion before. They do not know what to
make of it. And then, your private behaviour--all the quarrels that have
been here since you came, have been long of you. Indeed there is neither
man nor woman in the Town, who minds a word you say. And so you may
preach long enough; but nobody will come to hear you."[198] Wesley seems
to have allowed his own personal feelings to enter into his religious
life. He desired to marry a young woman of his congregation, Sophia
Hankey by name, but she preferred to marry a Mr Williamson. Thereupon,
apparently without any other reason than his own personal feelings,
Wesley excluded Mrs Williamson from communion. Her husband very
naturally regarded this as a slur upon his wife's character and brought
an action against Wesley, who was forbidden to leave the colony while
the question was pending. He records in his _Journal_ for December 2nd
what then took place. "In the Afternoon the Magistrates publish'd an
Order requiring all the Officers and Centinels, to prevent my going out
of the Province; and forbidding any person to assist me so to do. Being
now only a Prisoner at large, in a Place, where I knew by experience
every Day would give fresh opportunity, to procure Evidence of words I
never said, and actions I never did; I saw clearly the Hour was come for
leaving the Place: And as soon as Evening Prayers were over, about Eight
o'clock, the tide then serving, I shook off the dust of my Feet, and
left Georgia, after having preach'd the Gospel there (not as I ought but
as I was able) one Year and nearly Nine Months."[199] In regarding
Wesley's action at this time, it is to be remembered that he was a
self-confident, impulsive young enthusiast, lacking knowledge of human
nature, and also that he had not passed through those years of struggle
and earnest work which in later times made him a man of tact and
forbearance.
Meantime a serious danger threatened the colony. In 1736, the Spaniards,
who had long viewed Georgia with suspicion, made an armed
reconnaissance, but nothing could be done, for there was at that time no
war between the two countries in Europe. It was not until 1739 that
Walpole was forced by popular demand to declare war against Spain, an
act which he regarded with disgust as contrary to all his principles and
desires. Georgia was in a particularly exposed position with regard to
Spanish aggression, and Oglethorpe decided to take the offensive as a
defensive measure and carry the war into the enemy's country. Reading
the signs of the times and knowing what was hatching in Europe, the
English Governor collected a force of about 600 volunteers and boldly
marched for Florida in October 1738. He had been partly led to this
action by the fact that news had been brought that the Spanish troops
had been increased in St Augustine, and that the civil inhabitants had
been turned out of their houses to give quarters to the royal forces.
Oglethorpe's move was an unsatisfactory one, not through want of bravery
on his part, but rather because he was a poor judge of men and his
soldiers were wanting in the spirit of loyalty; some had even concerted
a plot with the Spanish, while others had actually deserted to the
enemy. Nothing daunted, Oglethorpe spent the summer of 1739 securing the
alliance of most of the neighbouring Indian tribes, and when war was
formally declared against Spain the Georgian Governor was in a better
position for whatever fate might have in store.
The home authorities ordered Oglethorpe to attack St Augustine, but
before he could do so the Spaniards struck the first blow. Some fifty
miles south of the town of Frederica, the Governor had thought it
advisable to erect a military station on Amelia Island. This was the
first natural object of Spanish attack, but their success was limited to
the murder of two invalids. Oglethorpe, on the other hand, was more
fortunate in capturing a Spanish outpost, which tempted him to risk an
attack on St Augustine itself. He set out in March 1740, with a land
force of about 2000 men, composed of Georgian militia and Indian allies;
being supported at sea by four King's ships and a small schooner from
South Carolina. This latter was practically the only help from the
members of the richer colony, the generosity of which was of a very
limited character; they ought really to have assisted Oglethorpe as well
as they were able, for their danger from the Spaniards was almost as
extreme as that of Georgia. Ill-supported as he was, the Governor
captured three small fortresses, but soon found that the seizure of the
capital of Florida was beyond his slender resources. The few Carolina
troops deserted; his own men were struck down by fever; and his Indian
allies left him in disgust because he tried to restrain their natural
ferocity. In June, having realised that his attempt was hopeless, he
retreated. His work, however, was not entirely unsuccessful, for
although he had failed to do what he had intended, he succeeded in
staving off from Georgia any serious Spanish attack for the next two
years.
The year 1742 marks the crisis of Oglethorpe's career, for it was then
that he won for himself a reputation for daring and strategy. The
Spaniards attacked the colony and, knowing of their approach by means of
his Indian allies, Oglethorpe concentrated all his forces upon the town
of Frederica. The Spanish vanguard made an impetuous onslaught against
which the Governor led with considerable daring his own ill-organised
men. He showed that spirit of courage and prowess that fascinated even
his wretched followers, who gave him willingly what support they could.
He himself captured single-handed two of the Spaniards. But his strategy
was yet to be displayed. As the fight continued, he sent through the
wood a flank force which fell upon the Spaniards so suddenly and
unexpectedly that they were routed with heavy loss, and the panic was
sustained by an expedient of Oglethorpe's invention. By means of a
deserter he succeeded in hoodwinking the enemy, declaring that he was
ready for a second assault, which would be welcomed with the same hearty
spirit that had been accorded to the first; at the same time he informed
them, in mere bravado, that he was expecting an English fleet. As a
matter of fact the desire for a second attack and the arrival of English
vessels were mere figments of Oglethorpe's imagination. But as the gods
fight on the side of the brave, so Oglethorpe was rewarded by the almost
miraculous appearance of a few men-of-war. From that moment Georgia may
be said to have earned her safety. She owed her existence to Oglethorpe,
and to him and his cunning she owed her salvation. It may be truly said
that at last the colony had thoroughly justified its existence and had
fulfilled one of the main functions for which it had been created. The
aforetime debtors of England had not shown particular courage, but their
leader had fulfilled the promise of ten years before, and Georgia had
stood firm and strong as a bulwark defending its more prosperous
neighbours who lay upon the northern frontier. Those neighbours had much
for which to thank the weakly colony, to whom in time of stress they had
given little or no assistance. It was only one more example of the lack
of unity, and one more instance of that failure to secure really
effective co-operation which, had it existed, would have made so great a
difference to the advance of the colonies. Georgia's position was,
however, all the more exalted, for under Oglethorpe she had stood alone
and had not been found wanting.
The colony was now safe from invasion, but there were many internal
difficulties that had to be confronted. The debtors of England were not
like the hardy and cheerful Salzburgers who managed to flourish and
enjoy life. The climate itself was one of the most serious drawbacks to
white labour, and an influential party saw that the colony could hardly
compete against the other southern states where slave labour was
employed. This party was supported in its views by George Whitefield,
who had come, to Georgia in 1738 and who strongly advocated negro
slavery. When it is remembered that one of the most permanent triumphs
of the Evangelical party was the abolition of slavery, it is curious
that one of the earliest and greatest of its leaders should have
defended and encouraged the slave owners. But his advocacy had no effect
upon the Trustees, who were firm in their determination to prevent negro
slave traffic. The settlers sent a strong protest to England in 1739,
stating that "Timber is the only thing we have here ... yet we cannot
manufacture it for a Foreign Market but at double the Expense of other
Colonies; as for Instance, the River of May, which is but twenty miles
from us, with the Allowance of negroes, load Vessels with that Commodity
at one Half of the Price that we can do.... We are very sensible of the
Inconveniences and Mischiefs that have already, and do daily arise from
an unlimited Use of Negroes; but we are as sensible, that these may be
prevented by a due Limitation."[200] The Trustees replied that the
introduction of negroes would be the introduction of a "baneful
Commodity, which, it is well known by sad Experience, has brought our
Neighbour Colonies to the Brink of Ruin, by driving out their White
Inhabitants, who were their Glory and Strength, to make room for Black,
who are now become the Terror of their unadvised Masters."[201]
Excellent as the answer of the Trustees was, there can be little doubt
that for lack of proper executive both the restrictions on liquor and on
slavery were systematically evaded and after 1752 were allowed to lapse.
[Illustration: WILLIAM PITT, LORD CHATHAM _From the painting by
W. Hoare in the National Portrait Gallery._]
Oglethorpe, promoted to the rank of General, left Georgia in 1743, never
to return. The colony cannot be called an entire success; the very
philanthropy upon which it was founded deprived it to a certain extent
of those enduring qualities which had made the New England colonies
strong and healthy provinces. But though Oglethorpe had not accomplished
all that he had wanted to do, a modern writer has paid him a high
tribute when he says that he "had attained a far larger measure of
success than most men could have won with such material."[202] That the
colony was prospering is shown by Edmund Burke in 1759, when he said,
"At present Georgia is beginning to emerge, though slowly, out of the
difficulties that attended its first establishment: It is still but
indifferently peopled, though it is now twenty-six years since its first
settlement. Not one of our colonies was of so slow a growth, though none
had so much of the attention of the Government, or of the people in
general, or raised so great expectations in the beginning. They export
some corn and lumber to the West Indies; they raise some rice, and of
late are going with success into indigo. It is not to be doubted but in
time, when their internal divisions are a little better composed, the
remaining errors in the government corrected, and the people begin to
multiply, that they will become a useful province."[203]
Some of the "errors in the government" had come up for discussion as
early as 1751, when for the first time a representative assembly was
called, but it was only granted deliberative functions. The whole
character of the government of Georgia was radically altered when,
according to the original agreement, the colony passed into the hands of
the Crown. The population now consisted of 2380 whites and 1060 negroes,
and these came to be governed under a constitution of normal type
consisting of a governor, council, and executive officers nominated by
the Crown, and a representative assembly elected by the freeholders.
Such, then, was the history of the last colony to be founded, completing
the unlucky number thirteen, and it remained the weakest and least
efficient of all. From small beginnings the English colonies came into
being along the Eastern seaboard of America. Puritans and cavaliers,
profligates and mechanics, all helped to create what might have been
except for sad misunderstandings part of the British empire of to-day.
Behind the Alleghany slopes another great power was attempting to form a
colonial empire. North of the St Lawrence, New France had already been
established; by the waters of the Gulf of Mexico, Louisiana had already
been named. In some places not inaccessible hills, in others not
unnavigable rivers divided the Briton from the Gaul. It was inevitable
that sooner or later the struggle between the two great powers must
come. It might be fought in Europe upon battlefields which are familiar
to all, but it was also fought out upon the far distant border line, and
the struggles of the colonial militia with the French Canadian
backwoodsman presents a story of endurance, courage, and determination
equal if not superior to the annals of those English regiments which
fought in the Netherlands or on "the plains of Germany."
FOOTNOTES:
[187] _Calendar of State Papers_, Colonial, 1677-1680, p. 587.
[188] Compare the _N.J. Archives_, ii., p. 420.
[189] Quoted in the _Enc. Britannica_.
[190] Janney, _Life of William Penn_ (1852).
[191] Pastorius, _Geographical Description of Pennsylvania_ (1850).
[192] New Jersey Historical Society, _Proceedings_ (1849-1850).
[193] _The Voyages and Adventures of Captain Robert Boyle_, etc. (1726).
[194] Force, _Tracts_ (1836).
[195] _Ibid._
[196] Force, _Tracts_ (1836).
[197] Massachusetts Historical Society, _Collections_ (1814).
[198] Wesley, _Journal_, June 22, 1736.
[199] Wesley, _Journal_, December 2, 1737.
[200] Force, _Tracts_ (1836).
[201] _Ibid._
[202] Doyle, _Cambridge Modern History_ (1905), vol. vii. p. 63.
[203] _An Account of the European Settlements in America_ (1760).