[228] Instead of this last phrase MS. 5,_The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 33, 1519-1522 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

his men engage in sword-play before the king.”

[229] MS. 5,650 says only: “Then he showed the king the sea-chart,

and the navigation compass.” Eden says (p. 348) that the first to use

the compass was one “Flauius of Malpha, a citie in the kingdom of

Naples.... Next vnto Flauius, the chiefe commendation is dew to the

Spanyardes and Portugales by whoſe daylye experience, the ſame is

brought to further perfection, and the vſe thereof better knowen;

althowghe hytherto no man knoweth the cauſe why the iren touched with

the lode ſtone, turneth euer towarde the north ſtarre, as playnely

appeareth in euery common dyall.” He also says: “As touchynge the

needle of the compaſſe, I haue redde in the Portugales nauigations

that ſaylynge as farre ſouth as Cap. de Bona Speranza, the poynt of

the needle ſtyll reſpected the northe as it dyd on this ſyde the

Equinoctiall, ſauynge that it ſumwhat trembeled and declyned a

lyttle, whereby the force ſeemed ſumwhat to be diminiſſhed, ſo

that they were fayne to helpe it with the lode ſtone.” (See ante, p.

93). The compass was known in a rough form to the Chinese at early as

2634 B.C., and first applied to navigation in the third or fourth

century A.D., or perhaps earlier. It was probably introduced into

Europe through the Arabs who learned of it from the Chinese. It is

first referred to in European literature by Alexander Neckam in the

twelfth century in De Utensilibus. The variations from the true north

were observed as early as 1269.

[230] Stanley says that the Amoretti edition represents the king as

making this request and Magalhães as assenting thereto; but the

Italian MS. reads as distinctly as MS. 5,650, that Magalhães made the

request.

[231] MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence.

[232] MS. 5,650 adds: “that is, a boat.”

[233] The following passage relating to the meal reads thus in MS.

5,650: “Then the king had a plate of pork and some wine brought in.

Their fashion of drinking is as follows. First they lift their hands

toward the sky, and then take with the right hand the vessel from which

they drink, while extending the fist of the left hand toward the

people. The king did that to me, and extended his fist toward me, so

that I thought that he was going to strike me. But I did the same to

him, and in such wise did we banquet and afterwards sup with him using

that ceremony and others.” See Spencer’s Ceremonial Institutions,

especially chapter I.

[234] Eden reads (p. 255): “When the kynge ſawe Antonie Pigafetta

write the names of many thinges, and afterwarde rehearſe them ageyne,

he marualed yet more, makynge ſygnes that ſuche men deſcended from

heauen.” Continuing he confuses the eldest son of the first king with

the latter’s brother, the second king.

[235] A tolerably good description of the native houses of the present

day in the Philippines. Cf. Morga’s description, Vol. XVI, pp.

117–119.

[236] MS. 5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter at this point.

[237] This sentence to this point in MS. 5,650, is wrongly made to

refer to the house of the king. The passage there reads: “All the

dishes with which he is served, and also a part of his house, which was

well furnished according to the custom of the country, were of gold.”

[238] MS. 5,650 omits this sentence.

[239] Butuan and Caraga in the northeastern part of Mindanao.

[240] This name is variously rendered: Mosto, Siain; MS. 5,650, Siaui;

Stanley, Siani; and Amoretti and Eden, Siagu.

[241] MS. 5,650 reads: “the captain sent the chaplain ashore to

celebrate mass.”

[242] MS. 5,650 says that they took only their swords; but the Italian

MS. says distinctly that a signal was given to the ships from the shore

by means of muskets, and again that the musketry was fired when the

kings and Magalhães separated, both of which references are omitted by

MS. 5,650. Eden reads: “The Captaine came alande with fyftie of his

men in theyr beſt apparel withowte weapons or harneſſe, and all the

reſydue well armed.”

[243] In Eden (p. 255): “damaſke water.”

[244] MS. 5,650 reads: “but they offered nothing.”

[245] MS. 5,650 says: “every one did his duties as a Christian and

received our Lord.”

[246] MS. 5,650 adds: “for the people.”

[247] The Italian MS. reads literally and somewhat ambiguously: “they

made immediate reverence;” MS. 5,650 says “to which these kings

made reverence,” which is scarcely likely, as the latter would, until

told by Magalhães, see nothing in the ceremony. Rather it was the

Spaniards who made the reverence.

[248] MS. 5,650 reads: “whenever any ships came from Spain.”

[249] Cf. Morga, Vol. XVI, p. 132.

[250] MS. 5,650 reads: “men and ships to render them obedient to

him.”

[251] MS. 5,650 reads: “to the middle of the highest mountain,”

evidently confusing mezo di (“afternoon”) of the Italian MS. with

mezo (mezzo; “middle”); for the cross was set up on the summit of

the mountain. The passage in MS. 5,650 continues: “Then those two

kings and the captain rested, and while conversing, the latter had them

asked [not “I had them asked” as in Stanley, who mistranscribes jl

(il) as je] where the best port was for getting food. They replied that

there were three, namely, Ceylom, Zzubu, and Galaghan, but that Zzeubu

was the largest and the best trading place.” These are the islands of

Leyte (the Seilani of Albo, Navarrete, iv, p. 20; and the Selani of

Transylvanus, Vol. I, p. 322), Cebú, and Mindanao (the Caraga

district).

[252] 5,650 reads simply: “Then we descended to the place where their

boats were.”

[253] This account is very much shortened in MS. 5,650, where it reads

as follows: “As the captain intended to leave next morning, he asked

the king for pilots in order that they might conduct him to the ports

abovesaid. He promised the king to treat those pilots as he would them

themselves, and that he would leave one of his men as a hostage. In

reply the first king said that he would go himself to guide the captain

to those ports and that he would be his pilot, but asked him to wait

two days until he should gather his rice, and do some other things

which he had to do. He asked the captain to lend him some of his men,

so that he could accomplish it sooner, and the captain agreed to it.”

At this point MS. 5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter.

[254] The billon and afterward copper coin quattrino, which was struck

in the mints of Venice, Rome, Florence, Reggio, the Two Sicilies, etc.

The quattrino of the popes was often distinguished as “quattrino

Romano.” The Venetian copper quattrino was first struck in the reign

of Francesco Foscari (1423–57). See W. C. Hazlitt’s Coinage of

European Continent (London and New York, 1893), p. 226.

[255] Doppione: a gold coin struck by Louis XII of France during his

occupation of the Milanese (1500–1512). Hazlitt, ut supra, p. 196.

[256] Colona: possibly the name of some coin of the period.

[257] This entire paragraph is omitted in MS. 5,650. That MS. has

another chapter division at this point.

[258] Stanley mistranslates the French gentilz as “gentle.”

[259] Probably the abacá, although it may be the cloth made from the

palm. See Morga’s description of the Visayans, Vol. XVI, p. 112.

[260] Cf. Morga’s Sucesos, Vol. XVI, pp. 80, 81.

[261] MS. 5,650 greatly abridges this account, reading as follows:

“They cut that fruit into four parts, and after they have chewed it a

long time, they spit it out and throw it away.” Cf. the account in

Morga’s Sucesos, Vol. XVI, pp. 97–99.

[262] MS. 5,650 omits this product. Cf. Morga’s Sucesos, Vol. XVI,

pp. 84–97.

[263] In MS. 5,650, “Mazzaua;” in Eden, “Meſſana;” in Mosto,

“Mazana,” while in the chart it appears as “Mazzana;”

Transylvanus, “Massana;” and Albo, “Masava.” It is now called

the island of Limasaua, and has an area of about ten and one-half

square miles.

[264] Mosto mistranscribes the Italian word for “among” fra as

prima “first.” The error arises through the abbreviation used,

namely fa, Mosto mistaking it for pa, which would be prima.

[265] Stanley mistranscribes “Gatighan” from MS. 5,650 as

“Satighan.” The names of the five islands as given by Eden are:

“Zeilon, Bohol, Canghu, Barbai, and Catighan.” These are the

islands of Leite, Bohol, Canigao (west of Leyte), the northern part of

Leyte (today the name of a town, hamlet and inlet in Leyte), and

possibly Apit or Himuquitan, or one of the other nearby islands on the

west coast of Leyte. See chart of these islands on p. 112.

Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 220, 221) says: “We left Mazava and went

north toward the island of Seilani, after which we ran along the said

island to the northwest as far as 10 degrees. There we saw three rocky

islands, and turned our course west for about 10 leguas where we came

upon two islets. We stayed there that night and in the morning went

toward the south southwest for about 12 leguas, as far as 10 and

one-third degrees. At that point we entered a channel between two

islands, one of which is called Matan and the other Subu. Subu, as well

as the islands of Mazava and Suluan extend north by east and south by

west. Between Subu and Seilani we spied a very lofty land lying to the

north, which is called Baibai. It is said to contain considerable gold

and to be well stocked with food, and so great an extent of land that

its limits are unknown. From Mazava, Seilani, and Subu, on the course

followed toward the south, look out for the many shoals, which are very

bad. On that account a canoe which was guiding us along that course,

refused to go ahead. From the beginning of the channel of Subu and

Matan, we turned west by a middle channel and reached the city of Subu.

There we anchored and made peace, and the people there gave us rice,

millet, and meat. We stayed there for a considerable time. The king and

queen of that place and many of the inhabitants readily became

Christians.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 11) says that the king of

Macangar (i.e., Mazaua) conducted the Spaniards “a matter of thirty

leagues to another island named Cabo [i.e., Cebú], which is in ten

degrees, and in this island Fernando de Magalhães did what he pleased

with the consent of the country.” Brito says merely (Navarrete, iv,

p. 308): “After that, after passing amid many islands, they reached

one called Mazaba, which lies in 9 degrees. The king of Mazaba

conducted them to another large island called Zubó.”

[266] MS. 5,650 reads: “only one of them.” Barbastili is a Venetian

word for pipistrelli. These bats are the Pteropi or “flying foxes,”

the large fruit-eating bats of which so many species inhabit the Malay

Archipelago. Bats are especially found in Guimarás, Siquijor, and

Cebú, and the skins of some are used as fur. See Guillemard (ut supra,

p. 235). See also Delgado’s Historia, pp. 842, 843; and U. S.

Philippine Gazetteer.

[267] Stanley mistranslates as “tortoises.” The “black birds with

the long tail” are the tabón “mound-building Megapodes,

gallinacious birds peculiar to the Austro-Malayan subregion”

(Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 235). See also Vol. V, p. 167, note 14,

and Vol. XVI, page 198, note 43; also Vol. XVI, p. 81, note 84.

[268] These are the Camotes, which lie west of Leyte, and their names

are Poro, Pasijan, and Pansón. See Pigafetta’s chart showing these

islands on p. 112.

[269] Following this point in the Italian MS. (folio 26a) is the chart

of the islands of Bohol, Mattam, and Zzubu (q.v., p. 136).

MS. 5,650 presents this chart on folio 51a, preceded by the words:

“Below are shown the islands of Zzubu, Mattan, and Bohól.”

[270] MS. 5,650 reads: “But the interpreter reassured them by telling

them.”

[271] MS. 5,650 reads: “and he was going, by the orders of the said

sovereign, to discover the islands of Mallucque.”

[272] MS. 5,650 reads: “Thereupon the abovesaid merchant said to the

king in their language,” etc., without giving the original Malay

words. Eden gives the phrase as catacaia chita.

[273] Calicut, properly Kálíkot (said to be derived from two words

meaning cock-crow, because the territory granted to the first king of

Kálíkot was limited to the extent over which a cock could be heard to

crow; or from Káli, one of the names of the goddess Gauri) is the name

of a district and city on the Malabar coast. The king of all the

Malabar coast from Goa to Cape Comorin, Samari Perymal, having adopted

the Mahometan faith divided his kingdom into the kingdoms of Calicut,

Cochin, Cananor, and Coulão, and gave them to his friends, on

condition that the king of Calicut be termed “Zamorim” or

“Samorim,” i.e., “Supreme emperor and God upon earth” (although

the proper form is said to be “Tamurin” which is conjectured by

some to be a modification of the Sanskrit “Samunri,” “seaking.”

The city of Kálíkot, a noted emporium of trade, was built perhaps as

early as 805 A.D., although the date 1300 A.D. is also given as that of

its founding; and is described by Ibn Batuta in 1342 as one of the

finest ports in the world. It was visited by Covilham in 1486, and

Vasco da Gama’s ships were freighted there in 1498. The latter

attacked the city in 1503 and 1510, and the Portuguese built a

fortified factory there in 1513 which was destroyed by the governor in

1525 to avoid its falling into the enemy’s hands. The English

established a factory in the city in 1616, which was captured in 1766

by Haidar Ali; but after a further series of capture and recapture, the

city and district was permanently turned over to the British (1792).

See Stanley’s Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society publications, London,

1869); Birch’s Alboquerque (Hakluyt Society publications, London,

1875–1884); Jones and Badger’s Ludovico di Varthema (Hakluyt

Society publications, London, 1863), pp. 135–177; also Grey’s

Travels of Pietro della Valle (Hakluyt Society publications, London,

1892), pp. 344, 345, note.

Malacca, or more correctly Mâlaka is the name of an ancient territory

and city, which was probably first settled by Javanese, and is possibly

derived from “Malayu” meaning in Javanese “to run” or

“fugitive.” At an early period Malacca fell under the sway of the

Siamese. The city, located on both sides of the Malacca River, and only

one hundred and thirty miles northwest of Singapore (which has usurped

the great volume of trade once centering at Malacca) was founded about

1250 A.D. The first European to visit the city was Varthema, about the

year 1505. It was captured by the Portuguese under Albuquerque in 1511,

and they held it (1580–1640 under Spanish control) until 1641 when it

was captured by the Dutch, who had unsuccessfully besieged it, with the

aid of the king of Jahor, in 1606. The English obtained possession of

it in 1795, and still hold it, although the Dutch possessed it from

1818–1825. For descriptions and history of Malacca, see the following

Hakluyt Society publications: Stanley’s East Africa and Malabar

(London, 1866), pp. 190–195; Birch’s Alboquerque, iii, pp. 71–90

(and other citations); Burnell and Tiele’s Linschoten (London, 1885),

i, pp. 104–106; Gray’s Voyage of François Pyrard (London, 1888),

part i, p. ii. Also see Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 238–249.

The terms India Major (Greater India) and India Minor (Lesser India)

are differently applied by different authors. Schiltbergen applied the

term Lesser India to the northern portion of the peninsula on this side

of the Ganges, while the southern portion of the peninsula was termed

Greater India. Marco Polo’s Lesser India extended from Makran to and

including the Coromandel coast, and his Greater India extended from the

Coromandel coast to Cochin China, while Middle India was Abyssinia.

Mosto wrongly identifies India Major with the present Indian empire.

See Telfer’s Johann Schiltberger (Hakluyt Society publications,

1879). Friar Jordanus (Wonders of the East, Hakluyt Society edition,

London, 1863), describes (pp. 11–45) India the Less, India the

Greater, and India Tertia. Yule points out that Jordanus’s Lesser

India embraces Sindh, and probably Mekran, and India along the coast as

far as some point immediately north of Malabar. Greater India extends

from Malabar very indefinitely to the eastward, for he makes it include

Champa. India Tertia is the east of Africa below Abyssinia. Thus

Jordanus just reverses the Lesser and Greater Indias of Marco Polo.

Ramusio who gives the Summary of Kingdoms of an old Portuguese

geographer, ends First India at Mangalore, and Second India at the

Ganges. Benjamin of Tudela speaks of “Middle India which is called

Aden.” Conti divides India into three parts: the first extending from

Persia to the Indus, the second from the Indus to the Ganges, and the

third all the land beyond. Pliny discusses whether Mekran and other

lands belonged to India or Ariana.

[274] MS. 5,650 adds: “and treat his subjects well.”

[275] This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[276] MS. 5,650 adds: “who was in the captain’s ship.”

[277] MS. 5,650 reads: “Thereupon the king told them that he was

willing, and that as a greater token of his love, he would send the

captain a drop of his blood from his right arm, and [asked] the captain

to do the same.”

[278] MS. 5,650 reads: “Consequently they should ask their captain

whether he intended to observe the custom.”

[279] MS. 5.650 reads: “he should commence by giving a present,

whereupon the captain would do his duty.” This MS. begins another

chapter at this point.

[280] MS. 5,650 reads: “so do our arms destroy the enemies of our

faith.”

[281] MS. 5,650 adds: “of the ships.”

[282] MS. 5,650 reads: “and whether that prince who had come with

them, was empowered to make peace.”

[283] MS. 5,650 omits these last two clauses.

[284] This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[285] MS. 5,650 adds: “and for love toward God.”

[286] MS. 5,650: “he would leave them the arms that the Christians

use.”

[287] These last two clauses are omitted in MS. 5,650.

[288] MS. 5,650 adds: “of Sainct Jacques [i.e., Santiago].”

[289] This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[290] Called “drynking glaſſes of Venice woorke” in Eden (p.

257).

[291] MS. 5,650 reads: “He had his face painted with fire in various

designs.” Eden reads: “and had the residue of his body paynted with

dyuers coloures whereof ſum were lyke vnto flamynge fyre.”

[292] MS. 5,650 reads: “he had four jars full of palm-wine, which he

was drinking through reed pipes.”

[293] MS. 5,650 reads: “We made the due reverence to him while

presenting to him the present sent him by the captain, and told him

through the mouth of the interpreter that it was not to be regarded as

a recompense for his present which he had made to the captain, but for

the love which the captain bore him.” This MS. omits the following

three sentences.

[294] The “Sinus Magnus” of Ptolemy, today the Chinese Gulf (Mosto,

p. 76, note 3).

[295] This passage is considerably abbreviated in MS. 5,650, where it

reads as follows: “The prince, the king’s nephew, took us to his

house, where he showed us four girls who were playing on four very

strange and very sweet instruments, and their manner of playing was

somewhat musical. Afterward he had us dance with them. Those girls were

naked except that they wore a garment made of the said palm-tree cloth

before their privies and which hung from the waist to the knee,

although some were quite naked. We were given refreshments there, and

then we returned to the ships.” These gongs are used in many parts of

the Orient.

[296] MS. 5,650 adds: “by the captain’s order.”

[297] MS. 5,650 reads: “we told him of the death of our man, and that

our captain requested that he might be buried.”

[298] MS. 5,650 adds: “according to our manner.”

[299] MS. 5,650 reads: “The king took it under his charge, and

promised that no trickery or wrong would be done the king. Four of our

men were chosen to despatch and to sell the said merchandise.”

[300] MS. 5,650 reads: “They have wooden balances like those of

Pardeca to weigh their merchandise.” Pardeca, as Stanley points out,

is for par de ça de Loire which is equivalent to Langue d’oil, and

denotes the region in France north of the Loire. Par de la meant

Languedoc. This passage was adapted to the French understanding by the

person who translated and adapted the Italian manuscript.

[301] This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. As Mosto points out the

measure here mentioned would be one of capacity, and must have been the

common measure for rice, perhaps the ganta.

[302] Lagan is a shellfish found in the Philippines which has a shell

resembling that of the Nautilus pompilius that is used for holding

incense or as a drinking vessel. This shell is very white inside, while

the exterior is spotted a pale yellow color. It resembles

mother-of-pearl, and is very common. Delgado says that most of the

shellfish, are indigestible but highly esteemed. See Delgado’s

Historia, p. 928.

[303] MS. 5,650 adds: “Which was of various strange kinds.”

[304] Eden says: “xvi. poundes weyght of iren.”

[305] MS. 5,650 reads: “The captain-general did not wish to take too

great a quantity of gold, so that the sailors might not sell their

share in the merchandise too cheaply, because of their lust for gold,

and so that on that account he should not be constrained to do the same

with his merchandise, for he wished to sell it at as high a price as

possible.”

[306] MS. 5,650 adds: “or any other balls”

[307] MS. 5,650 makes the two armed men follow instead of precede the

royal banner.

[308] MS. 5,650 adds: “and the natives of the country for their fear

of it, fled hither and thither,” which is in place of the following

sentence.

[309] This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[310] MS. 5,650 reads: “One covered with red and the other with

velvet.”

[311] MS. 5,650 adds: “in the manner of the country.”

[312] The account of the baptism of the king is considerably abridged

in MS. 5,650 where it reads as follows: “Then the captain began to

address the king through the interpreter, in order that he might incite

him to the faith of Jesus Christ. He told him that if he wished to

become a good Christian (as he had signified on the preceding day),

that he must have all the idols of his country burned and set up a

cross in their place, which they were all to adore daily on both knees,

with hands clasped and raised toward the heaven. The captain showed the

king how he was to make the sign of the cross daily. In reply the king

and all his men said that they would obey the captain’s commandment,

and do all that he told them. The captain took the king by the hand,

and they walked to the platform. At his baptism the captain told the

king that he would call him Dom Charles, after the emperor his

sovereign. He named the prince Dom Fernand, after the brother of the

said emperor, and the king of Mazzaua, Jehan. He gave the name of

Christofle to the Moro, while he called each of the others by names

according to his fancy. Thus before the mass fifty men [sic: but an

error of the French adapter for five hundred] were baptized. At the

conclusion of mass, the captain invited the king and the others of his

chief men to dine with him, but he would not accept. However, he

accompanied the captain to the shore, where, at his arrival, the ships

discharged all the artillery. Then embracing they took leave of one

another.” Eden gives the number baptized as five hundred men.

[313] MS. 5,650 reads: “On seeing that, she expressed the greatest

desire to became a Christian, and asking for baptism, she was baptized

and given the name of Jehanne, after the emperor’s mother.”

[314] There are many cases of this wholesale baptism in the history of

the Catholic missions in various countries, and it cannot be condemned

entirely and regarded as devoid of good effects, for many instances

reveal the contrary. See Jesuit Relations (Cleveland reissue).

[315] Those last six words are omitted in MS. 5,650. Mosto conjectures

that solana means solecchio or solicchio signifying an apparatus to

protect one from the sun. Pigafetta may have misapplied the Spanish

word solana, which signifies a place bathed by the noontide sun or a

place in which to take the sun.

[316] This last clause is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[317] MS. 5,650 adds: “and we gave it to her.” This was the image

found by one of Legazpi’s soldiers in Cebú in 1565 (see Vol. II, pp.

120, 121, 128, 216, 217; and Vol. V, p. 41). Encarnación (Dic.

bisaya-español, Manila, 1851), says: “The Cebuan Indians, both past

and present, give the name of Bathála [God] to the image of the Holy

Child, which is supposed to have been left by the celebrated

Magallanes.”

[318] MS. 5,650 reads: “evening.”

[319] MS. 5,650 mentions only the artillery. The “tromb” or

“trunk” was a kind of hand rocket-tube made of wood and hooped with

iron, and was used for discharging wild-fire or Greek-fire (see

Corbett’s Spanish War, 1585–87 [London], 1898, p. 335). At this

point Stanley discontinues the narrative of MS. 5,650, and translates

from Amoretti’s version of the Italian MS.

[320] MS. 5,650 reads: “to better instruct and confirm him in the

faith.”

[321] Eden says the queen was preceded by “three younge damoſelles

and three men with theyr cappes in theyr handes.”

[322] MS. 5,650 adds: “and presentation.”

[323] MS. 5,650 reads simply for this last clause: “and several

others,” omitting all the names.

[324] MS. 5,650 reads: “and they all so swore.”

[325] MS. 5,650 reads from this point: “Then they swore, and thus the

captain caused the king to swear by that image, by the life of the

emperor his sovereign, and by his habit, to ever remain faithful and

subject to the emperor,” thus ascribing this oath to the king instead

of to Magalhães. The words “by his habit” can refer only to

Magalhães, who wore that of Santiago, and not to any habit worn by the

barbaric ruler of Cebú.

[326] MS. 5,650 adds: “and hang.”

[327] MS. 5,650 adds: “and deck.”

[328] MS. 5,650 adds: “and demolished.”

[329] MS. 5,650 adds: “and overthrew.”

[330] There is a strange difference between the Italian MS. and MS.

5,650 in regard to these names. The latter reads to this point:

“There are a number of villages in that island, whose names and those

of their chiefs are as follows: Cinghapola, Cilaton, Ciguibucan,

Cimaningha, Cimaticat, and Cicambul; another, Mandaui, and its chief

and seignior, Lambuzzan; another Cot-cot, and its chief, Acibagalen;

another, Puzzo, and its chief, Apanoan; another, Lalan, and its chief,

Theteu; another, Lulutan, and its chief, Tapan [Amoretti, followed by

Stanley, says Japau, and Mosto, Iapan]; another Cilumay; and also

Lubucun.” Amoretti, who places this list after the disastrous battle

and consequent treachery of the Cebuans, and Stanley, have “Lubucin:

its chief is Cilumai.” Mandaui is Mandaue; Lalan may be Liloan;

Cot-cot is on the east coast; Lubucun may be Lubú, but Mosto (p. 78,

note 3) conjectures it to be Lambusan. An examination of the Nancy MS.

may reveal the source of this difference.

[331] MS. 5,650 adds after the word borchies: “instruments so

called.”

[332] Probably cotton cloth. See Stanley’s East African and Malabar

Coasts, p. 65: “They make there [i.e., in Cambay] many cloths of

white cotton, fine and coarse, and other woven and colored fabrics, of

all kinds and colours.”

[333] MS. 5,650 adds: “and closed.”

[334] MS. 5,650 reads: “She who has killed the hog, puts a lighted

torch in her mouth, which she extinguishes, and which she holds

constantly alight with her teeth during that ceremony.”

[335] Cf. the ceremonies of the baylanes described by Loarca, Vol. V,

pp. 131, 133, and by Chirino, Vol. XII, p. 270.

[336] Otorno: Mosto, p. 79, mistranscribes otoro, and queries Attorno

in a note.

[337] MS. 5,650 omits the description of this custom, giving only the

first and last sentence to this point. Stanley omits the translation to

this point. See Vol. V, p. 117, and Vol. XVI, p. 130, where Loarca and

Morga describe this custom.

[338] Valzi: Mosto queries vasi, “jars,” which appears probable.

[339] MS. 5,650 adds: “made in the manner abovesaid;” but this was

crossed out, showing that the writer or adapter of that MS. had at

first intended to narrate the custom that is given in the Italian MS.

[340] This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[341] MS. 5,650 reads: “The other women sit about the dead chamber

sadly and in tears.”

[342] Pigafetta uses the present and imperfect tenses rather

indiscriminately throughout this narration, but we have translated

uniformly in the present. Cf. Loarca’s description of burial and

mourning customs among the Visayans, Vol. V, pp. 129, 135, 137–141;

Plasencia’s description among the Tagálogs, Vol. VII, pp. 194, 195;

and Morga, Vol. XVI, p. 133.

[343] MS. 5,650 reads: “five or six hours.”

[344] Eden in describing the island of Matan confuses the Pigafetta

narrative. He says: “Not farre from this Ilande of Zubut, is the Hand

of Mathan, whoſe inhabitauntes vſe maruelous ceremonies in theyr

ſacrifices to the ſoone and burying the deade. They were rynges of

gold abowt theyr priuie members.” In the description of the battle in

Matan, Eden says that each of the three divisions of the islanders

contained “two thouſand and fiftie men armed with bowes, arrowes,

dartes and iauelins hardened at the poyntes with fyer.”

[345] To this point the Italian MS. and MS. 5,650 agree approximately.

The story of the battle in the latter MS., however, is much abridged

and much less graphic. It is as follows: “They replied that they had

bamboo spears and stakes burned and hardened in the fire, and that we

could attack them when we wished. At daybreak, forty-nine of us leaped

into the water, in the place whither we had thus gone, at a distance of

more than three [sic] crossbow flights before we could reach shore, for

the boats could not approach nearer because of the rocks and reefs

which were in the water. Thus we reached land, and attacked them. They

were arranged in three divisions, of more than one thousand five

hundred persons. We shot many arrows at them from a distance, but it

was in vain, for they received them on their shields. They leaped

hither and thither in such a way that scarce could we wound one of

them. On the other hand, our artillery in the boats was so far away

from us that it could not aid us. Those people seeing that, and that

the captain had had some of their houses burned in order to inspire

them with terror, and having become more enraged, threw so many iron

pointed spears at us, and shot so many arrows even at the captain

himself that we could defend ourselves with difficulty. Finally, having

been driven by them quite down to the shore, and while our captain was

fighting bravely although wounded in the leg with an arrow, one of

those Indians hurled a poisoned bamboo lance into his face which laid

him stiff and dead. Then they pressed upon us so closely that we were

forced to retire to our boats and to leave the dead body of the

captain-general, with our other killed.” The eulogy on the dead

commander is approximately the same in both MSS., except at the end,

where MS. 5,650 reads: “Eight of our men died there with him, and

four Indians, who had become Christians. Of the enemy fifteen were

killed by the artillery of the ships, which had at last come to our

aid, while many of us were wounded.”

Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says of the stay at Cebú and the death

of Magalhães: “They stayed there about one month, and the majority

of the people and the king became Christians. The king of Zubó ordered

the kings of the other islands to come to him, but inasmuch as two of

them refused to come, Magallanes, as soon as he learned it, resolved to

go to fight with them, and went to an island called Mathá. He set fire

to a village, and not content with that, set out for a large

settlement, where he, his servant, and five Castilians were killed in

combat with the savages. The others, seeing their captain dead, went

back to their boats.”

[346] Terciado: a Spanish word.

[347] Carteava: a Spanish word.

[348] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 12) dates the battle April 28. The

account of the battle is as follows: “Fernan de Magalhães desired

that the other kings, neighbours to this one, should become subject to

this who had become Christian: and these did not choose to yield such

obedience. Fernan de Magalhães seeing that, got ready one night with

his boats, and burned the villages of those who would not yield the

said obedience; and a matter of ten or twelve days after this was done,

he sent to a village about half a league from that which he had burned,

which is named Matam, and which is also an island, and ordered them to

send him at once three goats, three pigs, three loads of rice, and

three loads of millet for provisions for the ships; they replied that

for each article which he sent to ask them three of, they would send to

him by twos, and if he was satisfied with this they would at once

comply, if not, it might be as he pleased, but that they would not give

it. Because they did not choose to grant what he demanded of them,

Fernan de Magalhães ordered three boats to be equipped with a matter

of fifty or sixty men, and went against the said place, which was on

the 28th day of April, in the morning; there they found many people,

who might well be as many as three thousand or four thousand men, who

fought with such a good will that the said Fernan de Magalhães was

killed there, with six of his men, in the year 1521.”

[349] Navarrete (iv, pp. 65, 66) gives the names of the men killed with

Magalhães on April 27 as follows: Christóbal Rabelo, then captain of

the “Victoria;” Francisco Espinosa, a sailor; Anton Gallego, a

common seaman; Juan de Torres, sobresaliente and soldier; Rodrigo

Nieto, servant of Juan de Cartagena; Pedro Gomez, servant of Gonzalo

Espinosa; and Anton de Escovar, sobresaliente, wounded but died April

29.

[350] See Vol. I, pp. 325, 326, note 215*.

[351] MS. 5,650 gives this name as Duart Bobase, although lower it is

spelled Barbase. Duarte or Odoardo Barbosa, the son of Diogo Barbosa,

who after serving in Portugal, became alcaide of the Sevilla arsenal,

was born at Lisbon at the end of the fifteenth century. He spent the

years 1501–1516 in the Orient, the result of that stay being his

Livro emque dà relação do que viu e ouviu no Oriente, which was

first published at Lisbon in 1813 in vol. vii of Collecçao de noticias

para a historia et geographia das nações ultramarinas, and its

translation by Stanley, A description of the coasts of East Africa and

Malabar (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1866). He became a clerk

in the Portuguese factory at Cananor under his uncle Gil Fernandez

Barbosa, and became so expert in the Malabar language that he was said

to speak it even better than the natives. On account of his facility in

the language he had been appointed commissioner by Nuno da Cunha to

negotiate peace with the Zamorin. He was commissioned in 1515 to

oversee the construction of some galleys by Alboquerque. While at

Sevilla, Magalhães lived in the household of Diogo Barbosa, where he

married Duarte’s sister Beatriz. Duarte embarked on the

“Trinidad” as a sobresaliente, and it was he who captured the

“Victoria” from the mutineers at Port St. Julian, after which he

became captain of that vessel. Failing to recover Magalhães body from

the natives of Mactán, he was himself slain at Cebú at the fatal

banquet May 1, 1521. Besides the above book, which is a most valuable

contribution to early Oriental affairs, there is extant in the Torre do

Tombo a letter written by him from Cananor, January 12, 1513,

complaining of the Portuguese excesses. See Guillemard’s Magellan;

Stanley’s Vasco da Gama; Birch’s Alboquerque; and Hoefer’s

Nouvelle Biographie Générale (Paris, 1855)

[352] See ante, note 147.

[353] Magalhães married Beatriz Barbosa, daughter of Diogo Barbosa in

Sevilla, probably in the year 1517. One son Rodrigo was born of the

union, who was about six months old at the time of the departure.

Rodrigo died in September, 1521, and in the March following Beatriz

died. See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 89–91, 322.

[354] MS. 5,650 adds: “and to advise the Christian king.”

[355] Mosto transcribes this word wrongly as facente, “busy.” MS.

5,650 reads: “wiser and more affectionate than before.”

[356] MS. 5,650 adds: “and presents.”

[357] The constable was Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, who was left behind

with the “Trinidad” and was one of the four survivors of that

ill-fated vessel, returning to Spain long after.

[358] This sentence is confused in MS. 5,650, reading: jehan Caruaie

auecques le bariſel ſen retournerẽt qui nous dirent comment jlz

auoyent veu mener celluy quy fut guery par miracle et le preſtre a ſa

maiſon et que pour cela jlz ſen eſtoyent partiz eulx doubtans de

quelque male aduanture. By dropping the first et this becomes

equivalent to the text.

[359] MS. 5,650 reads: “for we would kill him.”

[360] MS. 5,650 reads: “But Jehan Carvaie, his comrade, and others

refused, for fear lest they would not remain masters there if the boat

went ashore.”

In regard to João Serrão’s death, Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309)

says: “As soon as the men in the ships saw that slaughter, they

hoisted their anchors, and tried to set sail in order to return to

Burneo. At that juncture, the savages brought Juan Serrano, one of

those whom they wished to ransom, and asked two guns and two bahars of

copper for him, besides some Brittanias or linens such as they carried

in the ships as merchandise of trade and barter. Serrano told them to

take him to the ship and he would give them what they asked, but they,

on the contrary, insisted that those things be taken ashore. But [the

men in the ships] fearing another act of treachery like the past, set

sail, and abandoned that man there, and nothing more was heard of

him.”

[361] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 13) says nothing about the

banquet, but says that the men, twenty-eight in number, counting the

two captains, went ashore to ask pilots to Borneo, whereupon the

natives, who had determined upon their course of action attacked and

killed them. Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 81, note 5) asserts that the

violation of the women by the sailors was the cause of the massacre.

Concerning the number killed, Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that

thirty-five or thirty-six men went ashore, and Castanheda and Gomara

say thirty, the last asserting that a like number were made slaves, of

whom eight were sold in China. Peter Martyr places the number of the

slain at twelve. Navarrete (iv, pp. 66, 67) gives the names of those

massacred as follows:

Duarte Barbosa captain of the “Trinidad”

Juan Serrano captain of the “Concepcion”

Luis Alfonso de Gois captain of the “Victoria”

Andres de S. Martin pilot of his Majesty

Sancho de Heredia notary

Leon de Ezpeleta notary

Pedro de Valderrama priest

Francisco Martin cooper

Simon de la Rochela calker

Cristóbal Rodriguez steward

Francisco de Madrid sobresaliente and soldier

Hernando de Aguilar servant of Luis de Mendoza

Guillermo Fenesi or

Tanaguì gunner of the “Trinidad”

Anton Rodriguez sailor

Juan Sigura sailor

Francisco Picora sailor

Francisco Martin sailor

Anton de Goa common seaman

Rodrigo de Hurrira common seaman

Pedro Herrero sobresaliente

Hartiga sobresaliente

Juan de Silva, Portuguese sobresaliente

Nuño servant of Magallanes

Henrique, from Málaca servant of Magallanes and interpreter

Peti Juan, French servant of Magallanes

Francisco de la Mezquita servant of Magallanes

Francisco son-in-law of Juan Serrano

All of these names are to be found in Navarrete’s list. See ante,

note 26.

[362] Chiacare: the nangca; see Vol. XXXIV, p. 107, where Pigafetta

describes and names this fruit. Mosto confuses it with the durio

xibethenus, which is abundant in the western islands of the Indian

archipelagoes, Mindanao being the only one of the Philippines where it

is found (Crawfurd, Dictionary); but it is the Artocarpus integrifolia

(see Vol. XVI, p. 88, note 72). MS. 5,650 makes this “capers.”

[363] MS. 5,650 omits mention of the panicum, sorgo, garlic, and

nangcas.

[364] MS. 5,650 reads: “one to the east northeast, and the other to

the west southwest.”

[365] MS. 5,650 adds: “and eleven minutes.”

[366] Stanley says wrongly 154°.

[367] This word ends a page in the original Italian MS. On the

following page is a repetition of the title: Vocabili deli populi

gentilli, that is “Words of those heathen peoples.” MS. 5,650 does

not contain this list, and it is also omitted by Stanley.

[368] See ante, note 160.

[369] Bassag bassag does not correspond to “shin,” but to “basket

for holding clothes, etc.,” or “cartilage of the nose;” or

possibly to basac basac, “the sound made by falling water.”

[370] The equivalent of Pigafetta’s dana is daoa or daua,

“millet.” Mais, probably the equivalent of humas is the word for

“panicum.”

[371] Tahil is found in the Tagálog dictionaries, and is the name of a

specific weight, not weight in general. It is the Chinese weight called

“tael,” which was introduced by the Chinese into the East Indies,

whence it spread throughout the various archipelagoes. See Crawfurd’s

Dictionary; and Vols. III, p. 192, note 57; IV, p. 100, note 11; and

VII, p. 88.

[372] See Note 582, post.

[373] Tinapay (used also by the Bicols to denote any kind of bread)

denotes a kind of cake or loaf made with flour and baked about the size

of a chocolate-cup saucer. Two of these are put together before baking

with some sugar between. The word is extended also to wheat bread and

to the hosts. See Encarnación’s Diccionario.

[374] Amoretti’s conjectured reading of sonaglio

(“hawk’s-bell”) for conaglio (see Mosto, p. 83), proves correct

from the Visayan dictionaries.

[375] Baloto signifies a canoe dug out of a single log. One of twenty

varas in length is termed bilis, while the hull alone is called

dalámas.

[376] Most of the words of Pigafetta’s Visayan vocabulary can be

distinguished in the dictionaries of that language, although it is

necessary to make allowance at times for Pigafetta’s Italian phonetic

rendering. Following is a list of the words that can be distinguished

from Diccionario bisaya-español y español-bisaya (Manila, 1885), by

Juan Félix de la Encarnación, O.S.A. (Recollect); and Diccionario

Hispano-bisaya y bisaya-español (Manila, 1895) by Antonio Sanchez de

la Rosa, O.S.F. See also Pocket dictionary of the English, Spanish and

Visayan languages (Cebu, 1900) by H. M. Cohen; and Mallat’s Les

Philippines (Paris, 1846), ii, pp. 175–238. The words queried in the

following list are simply offered as conjectural equivalents.

English Visayan

(Pigafetta) (Encarnación) (Sanchez)

man lac —— lalaqui (?)

woman (married) babay babaye babaye

hair boho bohóc bohoc

face guay —— bayhon (?)

eyebrows chilei quilay quiray

eye matta matà mata

nose ilon ilong irong

jaw apin aping aping

mouth baba bá-ba bábá

teeth nipin ngipon ngipon

gums leghex lagos lagus

tongue dilla dila dila

ear delenghan dalonggan doronggan

throat liogh liog ——

chin queilan solang (?) sulang (?)

beard bonghot bongot bongot

shoulder bagha abaga abaga

spine

[backbone] licud licod licod

breast dughan doghan dughan

body tiam tian tian

armpit ilot iloc iroc

arm botchen bocton; botcon butcon

elbow sico sico sico

hand camat camot camut

palm of hand palan palad [sa palad [sa

camot] camut]

finger dudlo todlo tudlo

fingernail coco coco coco; colo

navel pusut posad posud

penis utin otin otin

testicles boto boto boto

vagina billat bilat bilat

buttocks samput sampot ——

thigh paha paa paa

knee tuhud tohod tohud

calf of leg bitis bitiis bíti-is

ankle bolbol bool bool boco boco

heel tiochid ticód ticud

sole of foot lapa lapa lapa lapa ——

gold balaoan buláoan bulauan

silver pilla pilác ——

brass concach calonggáqui ——

iron butan pothao puthao

sugarcane tube tobó tubo

honey deghex dogos dugos

wax talho talo talo

salt acin asín asin

wine tuba nia toba nga nipa tuba nga nipa

nipa

to eat macan pagcaon (?) pagcaon (?)

hog babui baboy babuy

goat candin canding canding

chicken monoch manóc manuc

pepper manissa malisa ——

cloves chianche sangqui sangqui

cinnamon mana mana mana

ginger luia loy-a luy-a

garlic laxuna lasona lasona

egg silong itlog itlug

cocoanut lubi lobí lubi

vinegar zlucha suca suca

water tubin tobig; tubig tubig

fire clayo calayo calayo

smoke assu aso aso

balances tinban timbangan timbang;

timbangan

pearl mutiara mutia mutia

mother-of-pearl tipay tipay tipay

pipe subin sobing subing

rice cakes tinapai tinapay tinapay

good main maayo maopay

knife capol; sípol; sondang sipol; sundang

sundan

scissors catle catli catli

to shave chunthinch gunting ——

linen balandan balantan ——

their cloth abaca abacá abacá

[i.e., hemp]

hawk’s bell coloncolon colongcolong goronggorong

comb cutlei surlay sodlay

shirt sabun —— sabong (?)

[i.e.,

ornament]

sewing-needle daghu dagom dagum

dog aian; ydo ——; iro ayam; ——

scarf [veil] gapas gapas [i.e., ——

cotton]

house ilaga; baiai ——; balay ——; balay

timber tatamue tatha (?) [i.e., tahamis (?)

to split] or pata

(?) [i.e., a

piece of wood or

bamboo]

mat tagichan tagicán taguican

palm-mat bani banig banag

cushion uliman olnan, and olonan (?)

allied forms (?)

wooden platters dulan dolong dulang

sun adlo arlao adlao

star bunthun bitoon (?) bitoon (?)

morning uema ogma; odma (?) ——

cup tagha tagay tagay

bow bossugh bosog bosog

arrow oghun odyong odiong

shield calassan calasag calasag

quilted armor baluti baloti ——

dagger calix; calis; baladao caris; baladao

baladao

cutlass campilan campilan campilang

spear bancan bangcao bangcao

like tuan —— to-ang

banana saghin saguing saguing

gourd baghin bagong ——

net pucat; laia ——; laya raya

small boat sampan sampan sampan

large canes cauaghan caoayan cauayan

small canes bonbon bongbong bongbong

large boats balanghai balañgay barangay

small boats boloto baloto baloto

crabs cuban coboa ——

fish ícam; yssida ——; isda ——; isda

a colored fish panapsapan panapsápan panapsapan

a red fish timuan —— tiao (?)

another fish pilax —— pilas

ship benaoa bángca ——

king raia hari hadi

one uzza usá usa

two dua doha duha

three tolo toló tolo

four upat opát upat

five lima limá lima

six onom onóm unum

seven pitto pitó pito

eight gualu oaló ualo

nine ciam siàm siam

ten polo napoló napolo

Some of the words present difficulties however, due probably to error

on Pigafetta’s part and the obstacles in the method of communication

between peoples the genius of whose respective languages is entirely

distinct. The general Visayan word for “man” is tao or tauo,

although Mallat gives a form dala, which may correspond to the lac of

Pigafetta (but see Vol. V, p. 123, where the origin of the words lalac,

“man,” and babaye, “woman,” are given by Loarca). Babaye

(babae) is the general word for “woman” or “married woman;”

while binibini is given by Mallat as the Tagálog equivalent of

“girl,” and by Santos in his Vocabulario de la lengua tagala

(Manila, 1835) as the equivalent of “influential woman.” Liog is

used for both “throat” and “neck.” Tian is properly

“belly,” and the mistake would arise naturally in Pigafetta

pointing to himself when desiring the word for “body,” which would

be construed by the natives to that particular part toward which he

happened to point. Boto is used for both the male and female generative

organs, especially the latter, as well as for the testicles. Britiis

corresponds to both “shin” and “calf of the leg.” Iro denotes

also the civet cat. Bulan the equivalent of Pigafetta’s bolon is the

word for “moon” instead of “star.” The occurrence of what are

today Tagálog forms in Pigafetta’s list shows how the various

dialects shade into one another and how the one has retained words that

have sunk into disuse in the other.

[377] Preceding this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 38b) is the

chart of the island of Panilonghon (Panisonghon; q.v., p. 202). It is

given on folio 51a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Below is

shown the islands of Panilonghon.”

[378] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 13, 14) says that the captains

elected in place of those killed at Cebú were “Joam Lopez

[Carvalho], who was the chief treasurer” to “be captain-major of

the fleet, and the chief constable of the fleet” to “be captain of

one of the ships; he was named Gonzalo Vaz Despinosa.” Pigafetta

makes no mention at all of Elcano, who brought the “Victoria” home;

both the above captains remaining with the “Trinidad.” When the

“Concepcion” was burned, only one hundred and fifteen men were left

for the working of the two ships (see Guillemard, ut supra, p. 267),

although the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 14) says one hundred and eight

men, and Barros, one hundred and eighty.

[379] In Eden: “Pauiloghon, where they founde blacke men lyke vnto

the Saraſins.” This is the island of Panglao and the “black men”

are the Negritos. See W. A. Reed’s Negritos of Zambales, published by

Department of the Interior “Ethnological Survey Publications” ii,

part i (Manila, 1904), which says (p. 20) that the only large islands,

besides Luzón, inhabited at present by Negritos are Panay, Negros,

Mindanao, and Paragua, although they do inhabit some of the smaller

islands. The pure type is decreasing through marriage with the Bukidnon

or mountain Visayans; and (p. 22) “so far there is no evidence that

Negritos exist on Cebu, Bohol, Samar, and Leyte. The Negrito population

of the Philippines is probably not in excess of 25,000. The U. S.

census report of 1900 gives to Panglao a population of 14,347, all

civilized. See also Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 411, 415, 436,

468, 478, 532, 533.

[380] MS. 5,650 reads: “When entering that house, we were preceded by

many reed and palmleaf torches.”

[381] These two words are omitted in MS. 5,650.

[382] See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 368, 369, on the origin and use

of rice in the eastern islands, and the etymology of the native names

for that grain; and Census of the Philippines, iv.

[383] Instead of this last clause, MS. 5,650 reads: “where he slept

with his principal wife.”

[384] MS. 5,650 reads: “in the houses of the king.”

[385] MS. 5,650 reads: “little valleys.”

[386] Cf. Vol. III, pp. 56, 57.

[387] MS. 5,650 reads: “boat.”

[388] MS. 5,650 reads: “Calanoa;” and Eden: “Calauar.”

[389] MS. 5,650 reads: “one hundred and sixty-six;” and Eden:

“170.”

[390] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 221) reads as follows when relating the

course of the ships on leaving Cebú: “We left Subu and sailed

southwest to a latitude of 9 and three-fourths degrees, between the end

of Subu and an island called Bohol. Toward the western end of Subu lies

another island, by name, Panilongo, which is inhabited by blacks. That

island and Subu contain gold and considerable ginger. The former lies

in 9 and one-third degrees and Subu in 10 and one-third degrees.

Accordingly we left that channel and went 10 leguas south and anchored

in the island of Bohol. There we made two ships of the three, burning

the third, because we had no men. The last-named island lies in 9 and

one-half degrees. We left Bohol and sailed southwest toward Quipit, and

anchored at that settlement on the right hand side of a river. On the

northwest and open side are two islets which lie in 8 and one-half

degrees. We could get no food there, for the people had none, but we

made peace with them. That island of Quipit contains a quantity of

gold, ginger, and cinnamon. Accordingly, we determined to go in search

of food. The distance from the headland of Quipit to the first islands

is about 112 leguas. It and the islands lie in an east by north and

south by west direction; and this island [i.e., Mindanao] extends quite

generally east and west.”

The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 14) calls the port of Quipit (which is

located on the northeastern coast of Mindanao) Capyam or Quype.

Carvalho gave the boat of the burned ship to the inhabitants of that

place. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that they learned the

location of Borneo at Mindanao. Quipit becomes Gibith in Transylvanus,

Chipico in Peter Martyr, and Quepindo in Barros (see Mosto, p. 84, note

2).

[391] The first European mention of the island of Luzón. Luzón is

derived from the Malay lâsung (Tagalog, losong), “mortar.” See

Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 222, 223.

[392] Pigafetta evidently means the Chinese by the Lequians who are

known to have carried on trade for many years with the Philippines, and

who indeed, once owned them.

Following this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 40a) is the chart of

Caghaiam (q.v., p. 202). This chart is shown on folio 53b in MS. 5,650,

preceded by the words: “Below is shown the island of Caghaian.”

[393] MS. 5,650 does not mention the cuirasses.

[394] Eden reads: “40. leagues.”

[395] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 221) says: “We left that place [i.e.,

Quipit] and sailed west southwest, southwest, and west, until we came

to an island containing very few inhabitants and called Quagayan. We

anchored in the northern part of that island, where we asked for the

location of the island of Poluan, in order to get provisions of rice,

for that island contains it in abundance, and many ships are laden

there for other districts. Accordingly we sailed west northwest and

came across the headland of the island of Poluan.” The “Roteiro”

(Stanley, p. 14) calls Cagaiam, Caram. It is the island of Cagayan

Sulu, which lies northeast of Borneo.

[396] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 15) says that the ships contained

only sufficient provisions for a week.

[397] Eden reads: “C.lxxix. degrees and a third parte.” MS. 5,650

reads: “one hundred and sixty-one and one-third degrees.”

[398] Occurrences at Palawan are given as follows by Albo (Navarrete,

iv, pp. 221, 222): “Then we sailed north by east along the coast [of

Palawan] until we reached a village called Saocao, where we made peace.

Its inhabitants were Moros. We went to another village of Cafres, where

we bartered for a considerable quantity of rice, and consequently laid

in a good supply of provisions. That coast extends northeast and

southwest. The headland of its northeastern part lies in 9 and

one-third degrees, and that of the southwestern part in 8 and one-third

degrees. Then on returning to the southwest quite to the headland of

this island, we found an island near which is a bay. In this course and

along Poluan many shoals are found. This headland lies east and west

with Quipit and northeast by east and southwest by west with

Quagayan.”

The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 15–17) gives a fuller account of

occurrences at Palawan. At the first settlement at which they attempt

to land, the natives prove hostile, whereupon they go toward another

island, but contrary weather compelling them to anchor near Palawan,

they are invited ashore on that island by the people of another

village. There one of the soldiers, Joam de Campos, lands alone in

order to get provisions. Being received kindly at this port, named

Dyguasam (perhaps Puerto Princesa), the people set about preparing

provisions for the strangers. Then going to another nearby village,

where Carvalho makes peace with the chief, provisions of rice, goats,

and swine are bought. At the latter village, a Portuguese-speaking

negro who has been baptized at the Moluccas, is met, who promises to

guide them to Borneo, but he fails them at the last moment. Capturing a

prau and three Moros near the former village, they are guided to

Borneo. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that the two ships remained

a month in Palawan, “a rich country, where they got new directions

about Burneo, and captured two men to guide them there.”

At this point in the Italian MS. (folio 41a) follows the chart of

Sundan and Pulaoam (q.v., p. 210). MS. 5,650 shows it on folio 54b,

where it is preceded by the words: “Chart of the island of Pulaoan

and the port of Tegozzao.”

[399] MS. 5,650 reads: “all.”

[400] This passage is defective in MS. 5,650, where it reads as

follows: “They have bows with wooden arrows more than one palmo long,

some of which are pointed with long sharp fishbones, poisoned with

poisonous herbs, while others are tipped with poisoned bamboo.”

[401] MS. 5,650 reads: “mace.” Jannetone as pointed out by Mosto

(p. 85, note 4) was a missile weapon.

[402] Cockfighting is still the great diversion of the Malays and

Malasian peoples. See Wallace’s Malay Archipelago (New York, 1869),

p. 477; and Bowring’s Visit to Philippine Isles (London, 1859). pp.

149–153.

[403] Eden reads: “fyue leaques.”

[404] From the Spanish word almadia, (a sort of canoe used by the

inhabitants of the East Indies; also a boat used by the Portuguese and

their slaves in the East Indies: generally of one single tree, although

there are various kinds, to one of which is given the name coche,

“carriage”) which is derived from the Arabic al-madia or almadiya,

from the root adar, “to cross,” so called because those vessels are

used in crossing rivers.—Echegaray’s Dic. etimológico (Madrid,

1887).

[405] This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[406] Gomara says there were eight (Mosto, p. 86, note 1).

[407] MS. 5,650 reads: “a red cap.”

[408] MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence.

[409] MS. 5,650 adds “and seigniors.”

[410] Stanley makes the unhappy translation “with naked daggers in

their hands, which they held on their thighs.”

[411] Cf. the account of the reception accorded the captain of a

Portuguese vessel in Borneo in 1578, Vol. IV, pp. 222, 223, where the

king is found playing chess.

[412] This clause is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[413] The city of Brunei or Brunai. See Guillemard’s Magellan, pp.

269–373. See also descriptions of Bornean villages in Wallace’s

Malay Archipelago; and Forest’s account of Brunai quoted by Crawfurd

(Dictionary, p. 70), who mentions the boat-markets held by the women.

[414] MS. 5,650 reads: “twenty or twenty-five thousand.” Crawfurd

(Dictionary, p. 70) thinks that Pigafetta overstates the population,

and that he probably gained his information from a Malay courtier.

[415] MS. 5,650 reads: “the women and daughters.”

[416] Cherita-tulis, “writers of narratives” (Stanley, p. 114);

jurutulis, “adepts in writing” (Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 61).

[417] MS. 5,650 reads: “timghuly.”

[418] Ortelius (Theatrum orbis terrarum) calls this region “Lao”

(see also chart on p. 210) and Mercatore (Atlas sive cosmographicae

meditationes) “Lave.” It may possibly be the modern island of Laut

off the southeast of Borneo. (See Mosto, p. 87, note 3). Crawfurd

(Dictionary, p. 72) conjectures that it is some place in Banjarmasin.

[419] The journey to Borneo, events there, and a description of Borneo

are thus described by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 222): “We sailed from

Poluan to Borney. Coasting the above named island [i.e., Poluan] to its

southwest headland, we discovered an island with a shoal on its eastern

side, and which lies in 7 and one-half degrees, so that we had to

deviate to the west for about fifteen leguas. Then we sailed southwest

coasting along the island of Borney to a city of the same name. You

must needs know that the land must be approached closely, for there are

many shoals outside, and one must keep the sounding line in constant

use, for it is a harsh coast. Borney is a large city with a very large

bay. Both inside and outside of it are many shoals, so that a native

pilot of that place is necessary. We remained there for a considerable

number of days, and commenced to trade there and made firm friendship.

But later, many canoes, in number 260, were equipped to capture us and

came upon us. When we saw them, we left hurriedly, and sailed out of

the bay, whereupon we saw some junks coming. We went to them and

captured one, in which was a son of the king of Luzon. The latter is a

very large island. The captain afterward let him go [i.e., the prince

of Luzón] without asking advice of anyone. Borney it a large island

which yields cinnamon, mirabolans, and camphor, the last named of which

is much esteemed in these lands, and it is said that when people die

they are embalmed with it. Borney (that is, the port of Borney) lies in

a latitude of 5 degrees and 25 minutes, and a longitude of 201 degrees

and 5 minutes from the line of demarcation.”

The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 17–20) says that while on the way to

Borneo, the ships anchor at islands which they call the islets of St.

Paul (now, the Mantanani Islands—Guillemard, Magellan, p. 269) at a

distance of two and one-half or three leagues from Borneo. Proceeding

past a lofty mountain (Kina Balu—Guillemard) in Borneo, they coast

that island to the port of Borneo. Anchoring in that port, the Moro

pilots captured at Palawan are sent ashore with one of the crew, and on

reaching the city of Borneo, they are taken before the Shahbender of

Borneo. The two ships draw in closer to the city and establish trade

with the natives. Gonzalo Gomez Espinosa is chosen ambassador to the

king to whom he takes a present. After a stay of twenty-three days in

Borneo, the men in the ships fearing treachery from the evolutions of a

number of praus and junks, attack and capture one of the latter with

twenty-seven men. Next morning the junk commanded by the son of the

king of Luzon and ninety men, are captured. Of the seven men ashore the

king sends two to the ships, but retains the others, whereupon the

ships leave, taking with them fourteen men and three women of those

captured in the junks. While sailing back over their downward course,

the “Trinidad” grounds on a point of the island of Borneo, where it

remains for four hours until swung clear by the tide.

Brito in his account (Navarrete, iv, pp. 309, 310) says that the

Borneans fear at first lest the strangers be Portuguese and that their

object is conquest, but finally being reassured by Espinosa who takes a

present to the king, pilots are promised as far as Mindanao. During

their stay of a month at Borneo, two Greeks desert the ships. Three

others, among them Carvalho’s son, are ashore when the fear of attack

instigated by the two Greeks leads the two ships to attack the

Borneans, and the five men are left behind on the island.

The island of Borneo, the largest island (properly so-called) in the

world, is mentioned first by Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society

edition), pp. 246–248. See also Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 57–66.

See also Henry Ling Roth’s Natives of Sarawak and British North

Borneo (London, 1896) in two volumes, which is an excellent work on

modern conditions in Borneo.

[420] The word “junk” is probably derived from the Malay Jong or

Ajong “a great ship.” For a description of these ships, see

Yule’s Cathay (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1866), ii, pp.

417, 418.

[421] MS. 5,650 reads: “If venom or poison be put in a vase of fine

porcelain, it breaks immediately.” In accordance with this reading we

have added in brackets in the Italian the word veleno, i.e.,

“poison,” which seems to have been omitted by the amanuensis. Mosto

(p. 88, note 3) quotes the following from Marcantonio Pigafetta’s

Itinerario da Vienna a Constantinopoli (p. 208), when speaking of the

present brought to Sultan Selim II by the Persian ambassador which

consisted of “eight dishes [piati firuarii] which break if any one

puts poison in them. Those piati firuarii are made of the substance

which we call porcelain, and are made in China, the province situated

in the extreme outskirts of the Orient. They are made of earth, which

is kept for more than fifty years buried in the earth, in order to

refine it, and which is buried by the father for his son. Thus it

passes from hand to hand.” See also Yule’s Cathay, ii, p. 478; and

Burnell and Tiele’s Linschoten (Hakluyt Society publications), i, pp.

129, 130.

[422] The small brass, copper, tin, and zinc coins common throughout

the eastern islands were called “pichis” or “pitis,” which was

the name of the ancient Javanese coin, now used as a frequent

appellative for money in general. Chinese coins were early in general

use throughout the southern islands of the eastern archipelagoes. See

Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 285–288.

[423] The cate or catty. See Vol. XVIII, p. 141, note 32.

[424] MS. 5,650 mentions only the six porcelain dishes, the wax, and

the pitch, for the last eighty, instead of forty, cathils, of bronze

being traded. The bahar of the Italian MS. becomes “barrel” or

“cask” in the French. The anime (pitch) may have been one of the

numerous resins yielded by various trees in the Philippines (see Report

of Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, 282, 283).

[425] MS. 5,650 omits this word.

[426] Spectacles were invented in the thirteenth century; and the

credit for the invention is assigned to Alessandro dì Spina, a

Florentine monk, or to Roger Bacon.

[427] MS. 5,650 reads: “not to wash the buttocks with the left hand;

not to eat with it.”

[428] Stanley (p. 116) omits a portion of this paragraph. He says that

had Pigafetta been a Spaniard or Portuguese, he would not have written

as he did concerning the Mahometan laws, as he would have been better

informed. Notwithstanding the fact that Stanley was a convert to

Islamism and a student of that faith, some of these practices may have

been introduced into Borneo, as the rites there being far from their

center, may have become vitiated or imperfectly learned in the first

place. For instance, that the law was not strictly observed there is

seen from the fact recorded by Pigafetta that they used the intoxicant

arrack.

[429] MS. 5,650 says simply that the camphor exudes in small drops. The

Malay camphor tree (dipterocarpus or Dryabalanops camphora) is

confined, so far as known, to a few parts of the islands of Sumatra and

Borneo, where it is very abundant. The oil (both fluid and solid) is

found in the body of the tree where the sap should be, but not in all

trees. The Malay name for camphor is a slight corruption of the

Sanskrit one “karpura,” and to distinguish it from the camphor of

China and Japan, the word Barus is annexed (the name of the seaport of

the western coast of Sumatra, whence camphor was chiefly exported from

that island). The Malay variety is higher priced than the Chinese. See

Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 81.

[430] MS. 5,650 omits mention of the turnips and cabbages, and adds:

“hinds.”

[431] Immediately following this paragraph in the Italian MS. are three

charts: 1. On folio 45b, the chart of Burne (q.v., p. 210), at the

lower (i.e., northern) end of which is a scroll reading “Here are

found the living leaves;” found on folio 60b of MS. 5,650, preceded

by the words “Chart of the island of Burne and the place where the

living leaves are found.” 2. On folio 46b, the chart of Mindanao,

which is divided into the districts of Cippit, Butuam, Maingdanao,

Calagan, and Benaiam (q.v., p. 230); found on folio 63a of MS. 5,650,

preceded by the words “Chart of five islands—Benaian.” 3. On

folio 47a, the chart of the islands of Zzolo [i.e., Joló], Tagima, and

Chauit and Subanìn, (q.v., p. 230), accompanied by a scroll reading

“Where pearls are produced;” found on folio 63b of MS. 5,650,

preceded by the words “Chart of the islands of Zzolo, Cauit, Tagima,

and others.”

[432] Cape Sampanmangio (Guillemard, p. 274). See ante, note 418.

[433] MS. 5,650 omits this sentence.

[434] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 20) also narrates the capture of

this junk.

[435] In Eden: “Cimbubon, beinge. viii. degrees aboue the

Equinoctiall lyne. Here they remayned. xl. to calke theyr ſhyppes and

furnyſſe them with freſſhe water and fuell.” Cimbonbon is

probably Banguey or one of the neighboring islets between Borneo and

Palawan. It is called in the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 21), port Samta

Maria de Agosto, (St. Mary of August) because it was reached on the

fifteenth of August, the day of our Lady of August. It is assigned a

latitude of fully seven degrees. Herrera says that the ships were

overhauled on Borneo itself. Guillemard (p. 274) interprets Pigafetta

wrongly by saying that he assigns the careening place as Palawan or

Paragua.

[436] MS. 5,650 reads: “two and one-half feet long.”

[437] Cf. Transylvanus, Vol. I, pp. 330, 331. The Tridacna gigas,

described by Delgado, Historia, p. 929, under the name of taclobo.

Colin asserts that he saw one of the shells which was used as a

watering-trough and another as a holy-water font. The shells sometimes

attain a length of five or six feet, and weigh hundreds of pounds. The

natives burn them for lime. See Official Handbook of Philippines

(Manila, 1903), p. 152.

[438] Mosto (p. 89, note 8) conjectures this to be a fish of the family

of the Squamipen, perhaps of the genus Heniochus.

[439] Coca: An Italian word formed from the Spanish word “chocar”

“to jostle” (Mosto, p. 89, note 9). The living leaves, were the

insects of the genus of Phyllium of the order of the Orthoptera. They

are known as walking leaves from their resemblance to a leaf.

[440] This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. Eden says that Pigafetta

kept the leaf “for the ſpace of viii. dayes.”

[441] The date of the departure was September 27, 1521. At this place

João Carvalho was deposed from the chief command for his high-handed

measures and non-observance of royal orders, and retook his old

position as chief pilot. Espinosa was elected in his place and Elcano

was chosen captain of the “Victoria.” See Navarrete, iv, pp. 73,

289, 292, 294.

[442] Basilan; see Vol. III, p. 168, note 44.

[443] The true pearl oysters of the Philippine Islands are found along

the coasts of Paragua, Mindanao, and in the Sulu Archipelago,

especially in the last named, where many very valuable pearls are

found. These fisheries are said to rank with the famous fisheries of

Ceylon and the Persian Gulf. The mother-of-pearl of the shells is more

valuable than the pearls. The Sultan of Joló claims the fisheries as

his own and rents them out, but always has trouble with the lessees,

and his ownership is disputed by the datos. The pearl fishery has

figured in a treaty between that sultan and the United States

government. See Affairs of Philippines, Hearing before U. S. Senate

Committee (Washington, 1902), part i, p. 18; Official Handbook of

Philippines (Manila, 1903), p. 153; and Census of Philippine Islands

(Washington, 1905), pp. 534–536. An early interesting account of

pearl-fishing is given by Eden (Arber’s edition), pp. 213, 214.

[444] MS. 5,650 reads: “fifty.”

[445] Cáuit is a point and bay on the west coast of Zamboanga,

Mindanao; Subanin refers to a portion of Zamboanga; and the island of

Monoripa is perhaps the island of Saccol, located at the southeastern

end of the Zamboanga province. “Subanim” says Dr. Barrows (Census

of the Philippines, i, p. 416) “suggests a settlement of the present

aborigines of that part of Mindanao, who are known as Subanon. Here,

too, they saw the notorious ‘sea-gypsies,’ the Bajau or Sámal

Laut, whose wandering boats, then as now, shifted their stations with

the changing of the Monsoon.”

[446] Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 100) says that the cinnamon of Mindanao

is not very strong or valuable; but the Official Handbook of

Philippines (Manila, 1903) says (p. 114) that a cinnamon of stronger

taste and fragrance is found in Zamboanga, Caraga, and the mountain

districts of Misamis, than that of Ceylon, although containing a bitter

element that depreciates its value, but which can be eliminated by

cultivation. Many of the old writers describe the plant and its

cultivation, one of the earliest being Varthema (Hakluyt Society

edition), p. 191. Pigafetta’s etymology of the Malay word is correct.

[447] Mosto (p. 90) mistranscribes biguiday, and Stanley has (p. 121),

bignaday. Perhaps it is the biniray, a boat resembling a large banca,

or the binitan (see Pastells’s Colin, i, p. 25).

[448] MS. 5,650 reads: “seventeen men seemingly as bold and ready as

any others whom we had seen in those districts.”

[449] Stanley says (p. 122) that this was attributed by a newspaper of

1874 to the Battas of Sumatra. Semper found the custom of eating the

heart or liver of their slain enemies among the Manobos in eastern

Mindanao (Mosto, p. 91, note 2). Tribes of Malayan origin living in

northern Luzón are said to have ceremonial cannibalism (Official

Handbook of Philippines, p. 158).

[450] MS. 5,650 reads: “twenty.”

[451] At this point in the Italian MS. (folio 50a) is found the chart

of Ciboco, Biraban Batolach, Sarangani, and Candigar (q.v., p. 238).

This chart is shown on folio 65a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words:

“Chart of the four islands of Ciboco, etc.”

[452] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 223) calls these two islands Sibuco and

Virano Batolaque, the first of which Mosto (p. 91, note 3) conjectures

to be Sibago, and the second (note 4), part of the southern portion of

Mindanao. The first conjecture is probably correct if we take Albo’s

word that the two ships turned to the southeast after passing the

island Sibuco; and the fact that the main west coast east of Zamboanga

is remarkably free of islands, lends color to the second.

[453] The islands of Balut and Sarangani, just south of the most

southern point of Mindanao.

[454] MS. adds: “who are St. Elmo. St. Nicholas, and St. Clara.”

[455] It is just such acts as this bit of lawlessness, together with

the unprovoked capture of inoffensive vessels, that show that the

discipline of the ships had in great measure disappeared with the loss

of Magalhães. Such acts amounted to nothing less than piracy.

[456] These islands are of the Carcaralong or Karkaralong group south

of Mindanao. Mosto conjectures Cabaluzao (Cabulazao on the chart) to be

the island of Kabalusu, and that of Lipan, to be Lipang. Valentyn’s

Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien (Dordrecht and Amsterdam; 1724), i, between

pp. 36 and 37, shows a group of islands at about this location with the

names Lirong (Lipan ?), Karkelang, Cabroewang Noessa (Nuza ?),

Karkarotang, and Karotta.

[457] At this point in the Italian MS. occur two charts: 1. On folio

51a, the islands of Cauiao, Cabiao, Cabulazao, Lipan, Cheava, Camanuca,

Cheai, Nuza, and Sanghir (q.v., p. 242); in MS. 5,650 shown on folio

65b, preceded by the words: “Chart of the islands of Sanghir etc.”

2. On folio 51b, the islands of Cheama, Carachita, Para, Zangalura,

Ciau, Paghinzara, Talaut, Zoar, and Meau (q.v. p. 246); in MS. 5,650,

on folio 66b, preceded by the words: “Chart of the islands of Meau,

etc.”

Sanghir (now Sanguir) is called Sanguin by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p.

223), and by Castanheda (Mosto, p. 92, note 1).

[458] Of these islands (some of them in the Talantse group) Cheama is

Kima; Carachita is Karakitang; Para still retains that name, or is

called Pala; Zanghalura is Sangalong or Sangaluan; Ciau is Siao or

Sian; Paghinzara (so called by Albo, ut supra) figures on Valentyn’s

map (ut supra, note 457) as Pangasare, though the same island seems

also to be called Tagulanda, so that Guillemard is right in his

identification of this island; it is identified with the island of

Roang by the British Admiralty map of 1890, while Mosto conjectures

that it may be the island of Biaro. See Guillemard’s Magellan, map,

facing p. 226; and Mosto, p. 92, notes 2–7.

[459] MS. 5,650 gives this name as “Babintau.” That MS. adds:

“All those islands are inhabited by heathens,” and continuing,

reads: “There is an island called Talant east of Cheama.”

[460] Talaut is evidently one of the Tulur islands east of Sanguir.

Zoar (called Suar by Albo) and Meau may be the islands of Meyo and

Tifore. See Guillemard (ut supra), and Mosto, p. 92, notes 8–10. The

geography of the islands of the East India groups has not yet been set

forth in a detailed and masterly manner, or definite proportions given

to it, although it is a subject that merits enthusiastic research and

labor.

[461] Eden reads (p. 259): “the ſyxte daye of Nouember and the.

xxvii. monethe after theyr departure owt of Spayne.”

[462] MS. 5,650 adds: “by which they were deceived.”

Albo’s narrative (Navarrete, iv, pp. 222–224) of the events of the

two ships from the time they leave Borneo to the arrival at the

Moluccas is as follows: “We left Borney, and returned by the road

whence we had come, and consequently took the channel between the

headland of the island of Borney and Poluan. Turning west [sic] we went

toward the island of Quagayan, and thus we went by that same route in

search of the island of Quipit toward the south. On this course between

Quipit and Cagayan, we saw to the southward an island called Solo,

where many very large pearls are to be found. The king of that island

is said to have a pearl as large as an egg. That island lies in a

latitude of 6 degrees. While on that course, we came across three small

islets and farther on we met an island called Tagima, where many pearls

are said to be found. The latter island lies northeast by east and

southwest by west with Solo. Tagima lies in a latitude of 6 and

five-sixths degrees, and is located opposite the headland of Quipit.

Many islets lie between those two islands, and one must take to the

open as he approaches Quipit. The abovenamed headland lies in 7 and

one-fourth degrees, and extends southeast and west northwest with

Poluan.

“Thence we coasted the island of Quipit going toward the south.

Turning east by south we sailed toward certain rocky islets. Along the

coast many settlements are passed, where considerable excellent

cinnamon grows, and for which we traded. That coast also produces a

quantity of ginger. Then we sailed northeast until we saw a gulf,

whereupon we turned southeast until we saw a large island. There is a

very large settlement extending from that point to the eastern headland

of the island of Quipit, and at the headland of the said island.

Considerable gold is obtained there from a very large river. That

headland lies 91 and one-half degrees from the meridian.

“We left Quipit for Maluco and turned southeast, where we saw an

island called Sibuco. Then we turned south southeast, where we saw

another island called Viramo Batolaque, continuing along that same

course to the head of that island. Then we saw another island called

Candicar, and sailed eastward between the two islands until we reached

a point some distance ahead, and at that place we entered a channel

between Candicar and another island called Sarangani. We anchored at

the latter island and took a pilot for Maluco. Those two islands lie in

4 and two-thirds degrees, while the headland of Quipit lies in 7 and

one-fourth degrees, the headland of Sibuco in 6 degrees south latitude,

and the headland of Virano Batolaque in 5 degrees. From the headland of

Quipit and Candicar, the course is north northwest and south southeast

without meeting any headland.

“We left Sarangani and sailed south by east until we reached the

right side of an island called Sanguin. Between the two islands lie a

number of islets lying toward the west. Sanguin lies in 3 and

two-thirds degrees.

“From Sanguin we sailed south by east to an island called Sian.

Between those islands lie many rocky islets. The latter island lies in

exactly 3 degrees.

“We sailed south by west to an island called Paginsara, which lies in

10 and one-sixth degrees. The course from that island to Sarangani is

north by east and south by west and all those islands are sighted.

“From Paginsara we sailed south by east until we reached a position

midway between two islets which lie northeast and southwest from one

another. The one to the northeast is called Suar and the other Mean.

The first lies in 1 degree 45 minutes and the other in 1 and one-half

degrees.

“We sailed south southeast from Mean, until we sighted the islands of

the Malucos. Then we turned east and entered a channel between Mare and

Tidori, where we anchored. We were received there with the utmost

friendliness and established a firm peace. We built a house ashore in

order to trade with those people, and abode there many days until the

ships were laden.”

The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 20–23) says that after leaving

Borneo, a small junk laden with cocoanuts was overhauled and captured,

and that shortly after the ships were careened for repairs in the port

of St. Mary of August (see ante, note 435). Steering southwest on again

setting sail, they come to the island of Fagajam (Cagayan) and that of

Seloque (Solo or Joló), where they learn that pearls are abundant.

Next they reach Quipe (Quipit), running between it and the island of

Tamgym (Tagima). “And always running along the coast of the said

island, and going thus, they fell in with a parao laden with sago in

loaves, which is bread made of a tree which is named cajare, which the

people of that country eat as bread. This parao carried twenty-one men,

and the chief of them had been in Maluco in the house of Francisco

Serram, and having gone further along this island they arrived in sight

of some islands which are named Semrryn.” A guide to Maluco is

bargained for, but after arrangements are concluded he attempts to play

false, whereupon he and some others are captured. The natives attempt

pursuit but are unable to overtake the two ships. Next day sighting an

island, and a calm coming upon them, while the currents drew the

vessels in toward shore, the old pilot escapes. Continuing they sight

“three high mountains belonging to a nation of people whom they call

the Salabos [Celebes?],” and shortly after desiring to take water at

a small island, they are deterred by one of their native pilots, who

assures them that the people are hostile. “While still in this

neighborhood, they saw the islands themselves of Maluco, and for

rejoicing they fired all the artillery, and they arrived at the island

on the 8th of November of 1521, so that they spent from Seville to

Maluco two years, two months and twenty-eight days, for they sailed on

the 10th of August of 1519.”

The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) places the distance from the

Ladrones to the Moluccas at 1,000 miles, the archipelago of St. Lazarus

“where there occur many islands” intervening.

At this point in the Italian MS. are found two charts, as follows: 1.

On folio 52b, a chart of the islands of Hiri, Tarenate, Mastara, and

Giailonlo (q.v., p. 250), with the inscription “All the islands shown

in this book are in the other hemisphere, at the antipodes;” probably

the same chart appears on folio 73b of MS. 5,650 preceded by the words

(in a different hand than most of that MS.): “Here follow the

cloves.” 2. On folio 53a, a chart entitled “Maluco,” showing the

islands Tadore, Mare, Pulongha, Mutir, and Machiam (q.v., Vol. XXXIV,

p. 72), with a tree bearing the inscription “Caui gomode, that is,

cloves;” shown on folio 74a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words:

“Description of the clove trees; how they grow; season for gathering;

method of finding the best; and also of nutmegs.”

[463] Eden (p. 259) says that they entered port “before the ryſinge

of the ſoone.”

[464] MS. 5,650 adds: “by astrology.”

[465] This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[466] MS. 5,650 omits the drinking-cups.

[467] From this point this sentence reads as follows in MS. 5,650:

“To some others we gave either silk cloth or some knives, or caps.”

[468] This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[469] MS. 5,650 reads: “a royal presence and eloquence.”

[470] “Mauzor” in Eden (p. 259).

[471] MS. 5,650 does not mention the “quintalada.” The quintalada

was a per cent of the freight or of the lading space of the ship

allowed the officers and crew of sailing vessels. The amount allowed to

each of the officers and crews of Magalhães’s fleet was specified in

section 74 of the instructions given by Cárlos I to Magalhães and

Falero at Barcelona, May 8, 1519. The amounts (see Navarrete, iv, pp.

150–152) are as follows:

Following are declared the quintaladas which shall be laden in the

ships about to sail to the spice regions, and the amount which each

one shall lade, from which he will pay the twenty-fourth part to

his Highness.

Quintaladas

First, Fernando de Magallanes and Falero, 60

captains-general of the said fleet will be allowed sixty

quintals of cabin space [cámara] apiece

Item: of quintalada, and twenty quintals apiece, these 20

twenty to be stowed below decks, and the cabin space

above decks

The other three captains shall each be allowed forty 40

quintals of cabin space, ten of them quintalada

Treasurer, twenty quintals of cabin space, and one 22

quintalada below decks

Accountant, a like amount of twenty-two quintals 22

Notaries of the ships, fifteen [sic] quintals of cabin 22

space and one quintalada

Alguacil of the fleet, six quintals and one quintalada 8

The sailors of the ships, one and one-half quintalada 3

Chaplains, four quintals apiece 4

Physician and surgeon, five quintals apiece 5

Masters and pilots, twelve quintaladas of cabin space and 14

one quintalada apiece

Boatswains, eight quintals of cabin space and one 10

quintalada apiece

Sailors, one quintalada apiece 2

Common seamen, one and one-half quintals apiece 1½

Boys, three arrobas of quintalada apiece 3 arrobas

Gunners

The master gunners, three quintals of cabin space apiece 5

and one quintalada

The other gunners, one and one-half quintaladas apiece 2½

Carpenters, one and one-half quintaladas 2½

Calkers, the same 2½

Coopers, the same 2½

Crossbowmen, the same 2½

Servants of the captains, one quintalada apiece 1

Stewards, three quintals apiece 3

Stonecutters, three quintals apiece 3

In case that our service is performed by building a fortress there, the

persons abovementioned who shall remain in it, shall be allowed the

said quintaladas in the ships that shall come [to these kingdoms], and

they shall receive also a like sum annually from the quintaladas that

shall remain there.

If a fortress be made, our captain shall appoint such persons with the

duties and functions that shall be necessary in the said fortress, and

shall appoint them the competent recompense until we appoint to those

duties.

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 33, 1519-1522 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century · 第 30 / 33 题

[228] Instead of this last phrase MS. 5,650 has: “and he made two of