CHAPTER XII

THE FIRST WEEKS OF THE TRUCE

The King was at first as well satisfied with the advantage gained by the

appointment at Doncaster, as he was displeased with the means by which

it was obtained. “So sudden recess” was a stain on his honour “if the

contrary might have been maintained.” However, the thing was done, and

it only remained to bring the northern men to a sense of their

wickedness and graciously grant them a pardon on the same terms as the

pardon to Lincolnshire, namely, that they would take and deliver such

culprits as the King’s vengeance demanded, and submit themselves humbly

to his mercy, taking oaths of future obedience[1268].

Henry does not seem to have realised at first that there was any danger

of another rising. On Sunday 29 October he was summoning an army to meet

the rebels, which, he declared, he would lead in person[1269]. Next day

news of the appointment had come, and these musters were countermanded,

with the proviso that the men must be ready again at reasonable warning.

General pardons to all rebels dwelling north of Doncaster for offences

committed before 1 November were drafted on 2 November, in terms

resembling the Lincolnshire pardon. The excepted persons were Robert

Aske, Hutton of Snape, Kitchen of Beverley, William Ombler the bailiff,

Henry Coke of Durham shoemaker, Maunsell vicar of Brayton, and four

others unnamed[1270]. Henry considered that to demand only ten culprits

after a month of open rebellion was a display of the most princely

lenity, and no doubt from his own point of view he was right. It was

intended that this pardon, or rather promise of pardon—for each

individual was to sue in Chancery for his own—should be proclaimed

throughout the north by the King’s heralds, who must observe and report

on the state of the country, especially noticing how deep might be the

supposed penitence of the commons, and how far they were determined to

support the restored monks and nuns. The heralds were also to read long

lectures on the folly of the rebels’ demands, the wickedness of

rebellion, and the beneficence of the King[1271].

On Sunday 29 October Latimer preached the sermon at Paul’s Cross. His

text was “Put on all the armour of God,” and he took occasion to refer

to the northern men, who wore “the Cross and the Wounds before and

behind,” in order to “deceive the poor ignorant people, and bring them

to fight against both the King, the Church, and the Commonwealth.” He

compared the rebels to the Devil, who also professed to put on the

armour of God to deceive the ignorant, and he exhorted his hearers to be

steadfast and loyal, and to assume the true armour of a Christian, with

all the elaborate allegories and analogies for which the subject gives

scope[1272].

All the King’s plans were formed between 29 October, when news of the

appointment reached London, and 2 November, when Norfolk arrived at

court. It may be imagined with what anxious hearts Norfolk, Bowes and

Ellerker set out for Windsor on Saturday 28 October[1273]. They were

followed by Fitzwilliam as the representative of Suffolk and the other

lords at Lincoln, who were almost as uneasy as Norfolk with regard to

the King’s attitude[1274]. Norfolk was so much worn out by his exertions

that he could not travel more than thirty miles a day[1275]. From

Grantham on 30 October he wrote to ask whether he should bring Bowes and

Ellerker straight to court, or leave them in London until he and Lord

Talbot, who had come up with them, had seen the King[1276]. The whole

party was summoned to Windsor, where they arrived at ten o’clock on the

morning of Thursday 2 November, but Norfolk was commanded to come into

the royal presence first. After dinner the King sent for the northern

gentlemen. On first seeing them, Henry could not repress an outburst of

rage, but he allowed himself to be soothed by Norfolk and other members

of the Council, and in the end promised to write an answer to the

articles with his own hand[1277]. He seemed to be taking Norfolk’s

action so quietly that Fitzwilliam sent a reassuring letter to

Suffolk[1278].

Henry’s calm was partly due to the fact that he did not yet realise

fully the crisis to which affairs had come. He saw that the danger had

been very great, and that he was not yet in a position to punish

disaffection with severity, but he still believed that the worst was

over. The rebels had dispersed, and a temporary show of mildness on his

part was all that was required. He could not refuse a very wide pardon,

but there was no need to contemplate any concessions to the Pilgrims’

impudent demands, which they were no longer able to press upon him.

Holding this opinion, he drew up an answer to the articles in his own

hand, “and no creature was privy thereto until it was finished.”[1279]

It ran as follows:

“First, as touching the maintenance of the Faith; the terms be so

general, that hard they be to be answered; but if they mean the Faith

of Christ to which all Christian men be most obliged, we declare and

protest ourself to be he that always do and have minded to die and

live in the purity of the same, and that no man can or dare set his

foot by ours in proving of the contrary; marvelling not a little that

ignorant people will go about or take upon them to instruct us, (which

something have been noted learned), what the right Faith should be, or

that they would be so ingrate and unnatural to us, their most rightful

King, without any our desert, upon false reports and surmises, to

suspect us of the same, and give rather credence to forged light tales

than to the approved truth by us these twenty-eight years used, and by

our deeds approved.

To the second, which toucheth the maintenance of the Church, and

liberties of the same; this is so general a proposition that without

distinctions no man with truth can answer it neither by God’s laws nor

by the laws of the realm. For first the Church which they mean must be

known; secondly, whether they be lawful or unlawful liberties which

they require; and these known I doubt not but they shall be answered

according to God’s law, equity and justice. But yet, for all their

generality, this I dare assever, that (meaning what Church they list)

we have done nothing in their prejudice that may not be abidden by,

both by God’s law and man’s; and in our own Church, whereof we be the

Supreme Head here in Earth, we have not done so much prejudice as many

of our predecessors have done upon much less grounds. Wherefore, since

it is a thing which nothing pertaineth to any of you our commons, nor

that you bear anything therein, I cannot but reckon a great unkindness

and unnaturalness, in that ye had liever a churl or two should enjoy

those profits of their monasteries, in supportation of vicious and

abominable life, than I your prince for supportation of my extreme

charges, done for your defence.

The third toucheth three things; the laws, the common wealth, the

directors of the laws under us. Touching the laws, we expressly dare

testify that (blind men deeming no colours, nor yet being judges) it

shall be duly proved that there were never in any of our predecessors’

days so many wholesome, commodious and beneficial acts made for the

common wealth, and yet I mean it since their time that would fain have

thank without desert. For Our Lord forbid (seeing we have been these

twenty-eight years your King) that both we and our Council should have

lost so much time as not to know now better than when we came first to

our reign, what were the common wealth and what were not. And though

outrecuidance of some may chance will not let them to acknowledge it

so, yet I trust and doubt not but the most part of our loving subjects

(specially those which be not seduced by false reports) do both think

it, accept it, and find it so. Now, touching the common wealth; what

King hath kept you all his subjects so long in wealth and peace; so

long without taking or doing wrong one to the other; so indifferently

minister[_ed_] justice to all, both high and low; so defended you all

from outward enemies; so fortified the frontiers of this realm, to his

no little and in a manner inestimable charges? and all for your

wealths and sureties. What King hath given among you more general or

freer pardons? What King hath been loather to punish his subjects, or

showed more mercy amongst them? These things being so true as no true

man can deny them, it is an unnatural and unkind demeanour of you our

subjects to believe or deem the contrary of it, by whose report so

ever it should be. As touching the beginning of our reign, where ye

say so many noblemen were councillors; who were then councillors I

well remember and yet of the temporalty I note none but two worthy

calling noble; the one Treasurer of England [_the Earl of Surrey,

Norfolk’s father_], the other High Steward of our house [_the Earl of

Shrewsbury_]; others, as the Lords Marney and Darcy, but scant well

born gentlemen; and yet of no great lands till they were promoted by

us and so made knights and lords; the rest were lawyers and priests,

save two bishops, which were Canterbury and Winchester. If these then

be the great number of noblemen that ye speak of and that ye seemed

then to be content withal, why then now be ye not much better content

with us, which have now so many nobles in deed both of birth and

condition? For first of the temporalty, in our Privy Council we have

the Duke of Norfolk, the Duke of Suffolk, the Marquis of Exeter, the

Lord Steward (when he may come), the Earl of Oxford, the Earl of

Sussex, the Lord Sandys our Chamberlain, the Lord Admiral Treasurer of

our House, Sir William Poulet Comptroller of our house: and of the

spiritualty, the Bishop of Hereford [_Edward Fox_], the Bishop of

Chichester [_Richard Sampson_], and the Bishop of Winchester [_Stephen

Gardiner_]. Now how far be ye abused to reckon that then there were

more noblemen in our Privy Council than now? But yet, though I now do

declare the truth to pull you from the blindness that you were led in,

yet we ensure you we would ye knew that it appertaineth nothing to any

of our subjects to appoint us our Council ne we will take it so at

your hands. Wherefore henceforth remember better the duties of

subjects to your King and sovereign lord, and meddle no more of those

nor such-like things as ye have nothing to do in.

To the fourth; where ye the commons do name certain of our Council to

be subverters both of God’s law and the laws of this realm; we do take

and repute them as just and true executors both of God’s laws and ours

as far as their commissions under us do extend. And if any of our

subjects can duly prove the contrary, we shall proceed against them

and all other offenders therein according to justice, as to our estate

and dignity royal doth appertain. And in case it be but a false and

untrue report (as we verily think it is), then it were as meet and

standeth as well with justice that they should have the self same

punishment which wrongfully hath objected this to them, that they

should have had if they deserved it. And one thing amongst others

maketh me think that this slander should be untrue; because it

proceedeth from that place which is both so far distant from where

they inhabit, and also from those people which never heard them preach

nor yet knoweth any part of their conversation. Wherefore we exhort

you our commons to be no more so light of credit, neither of ill

things spoken of your King and sovereign, nor yet of any of his

prelates and councillors; but to think that your King, having so long

reigned over you, hath as good discretion to elect and choose his

councillors as those (whosoever they be) that hath put this in your

heads.

Here, in this final point, which ye our commons of Yorkshire do desire

and also in the matter of the whole, we verily think that the rest of

our whole commons (whereof ye be in manner but an handful) will

greatly disdain and not bear it that ye take upon you to set order

both to them and us, your both sovereign; and that (though ye be

rebels) ye would make them as bearers and partakers of your mischief;

willing them to take pardon for insurrections which verily I think and

doubt not they never minded; but like true subjects to the contrary

hath, both with heart and deed, been ready at our call to defend both

us and themself.

And now for our part; as to your demands, We let you wit that pardon

of such things as ye demand lieth only in the will and pleasure of the

prince; but it seemeth by your lewd proclamations and safeconducts

that there be amongst you which take upon them both the King’s and

councillor’s parts, which neither yet by us nor by consent of the

realm hath been admitted to any such room. What arrogancy then is in

those wretches (being also of none experience) to presume to raise you

our subjects without commission or authority, yea, and against us,

under a cloaked colour of your wealth and in our name; and as the

success will declare, (we being no more merciful than ye yet hitherto

deserve) to your utter confusions? Wherefore we let you wit, ye our

subjects of Yorkshire, that were it not that our princely heart cannot

reckon this your shameful insurrection and unnatural rebellion to be

done of malice or rancour, but rather by a lightness given in a manner

by a naughty nature to a commonalty and a wondrous sudden surreption

of gentlemen; we must needs have executed another manner of punishment

than (ye humbly knowledging your fault and submitting yourselves to

our mercy) we intend to do. And to the intent that ye shall all know

that our princely heart rather embraceth (of his own disposition) pity

and compassion of his offending subjects than will to be revenged of

their naughty deeds; we are contented, if we may see and perceive in

you all a sorrowfulness for your offences and will henceforth to do no

more so, nor to believe so lewd and naughty tales or reports of your

most kind and loving prince and his Council, to grant unto you all our

letters patent of pardon for this rebellion; so that ye will deliver

unto us ten such of the ringleaders and provokers of you in this

rebellion, as we shall assign to you and appoint. Now note the

benignity of your prince. Now note how easily ye may have pardon, both

gentlemen and other if ye list. Now note how effusion of blood may be

eschewed. Now note, what this little while of your rebellion hath

hindered yourselves and country. Now learn by a little lack to eschew

a worse. Now learn, by this small warning, to keep you true men. Thus

I, as your head, pray for you my members, that God may light you with

his Grace to knowledge and declare yourselves our true subjects

henceforth, and to give more credence to these our benign persuasions

than to the perverse instigations of maliciously disposed

persons.”[1280]

Although the tone of this document was on the whole milder than that of

the reply to the Lincolnshire rebels, it must have caused dismay to

Norfolk, who knew that the Pilgrims would regard it as a declaration of

war. It contained no answer to any of their grievances, except the

statement that the King was entirely right, and they were entirely

wrong. The only hint of conciliation was the promise that if any members

of the Council could be proved to be subverters of the laws, they should

be punished, and this was qualified by the King’s certainty that no one

could prove anything of the sort. Even the promised pardon was not

general. Norfolk must have learnt enough of the Pilgrims’ feelings to

know that they would never accept this answer, and they were in a

position to attack Suffolk almost as soon as it was received, for their

musters were made on the spot, while the King’s troops had to be

conveyed there from a distance. Yet for the moment there seemed to be no

way in which the answer might be altered. The Council did not dare

openly to criticise the King’s own composition, and on the morning of

Sunday 5 November, Bowes and Ellerker set out from Windsor with the

King’s reply, which they themselves do not seem to have read. But at

noon a message was sent to Cromwell commanding him to stop them until

the King had consulted his Council again[1281]. Such news had been

received from the north that Fitzwilliam wrote that the ambassadors must

be stopped in London. If they had started, a post must be sent after

them[1282].

The particular report which had just arrived has not been preserved, but

its contents at last convinced the King that the time was not yet ripe

for his answer. He must temporise, not threaten. The same news which

made him realise this gave him an excuse for delay. It was possible to

declare that the Pilgrims had broken the truce, and that the King

therefore refused to negotiate with them[1283]. A message which Aske had

sent to Sir Marmaduke Constable was one of these alleged breaches[1284].

It was also said that Leonard Beckwith had been attacked. He was a

receiver of the suppressed abbeys’ goods and therefore very unpopular.

His house was plundered by William Acclom and sixty commons, and his

mother put in such fear that she was ill for the next seven months; but

this had happened before the truce[1285]. The King also complained that

Aske had sent letters into Cumberland, Westmorland and Lancashire[1286].

These were the letters which announced the truce and ordered the rebels

to disband. On these pretexts Bowes and Ellerker were detained and the

King embarked on a new policy.

It must be placed to the credit of Henry’s honesty, if not of his

generalship, that he was unwilling to drop force and resort to

treachery, as Norfolk advised. From the time of the first outbreak in

Lincolnshire the King had been urging his lieutenants to proceed to

extremities. He frequently ordered them to give battle, and he seems to

have felt no doubt as to the result. It was not by his will that the

outbreak of hostilities had been delayed so long. The revolt might have

been finally crushed by one decisive blow, but on the other hand it was

even more likely that the rebels would have been victorious, and that

the battle which the King desired would have been the opening of a civil

war, the end of which no man could foresee. This may seem too confident

a statement to base on the reports of Norfolk, as their gloomy tone was

partly due to sympathy with the rebels, but there is positive evidence

of the weakness of the royal troops, apart from Norfolk’s letters. In

the first place, the royal forces were never concentrated at one place;

they straggled north in scattered contingents, which could easily have

been cut off in detail. In the second place, the King’s soldiers did not

receive regular and sufficient pay. In the third place, the Duke of

Suffolk, whose loyalty was unquestioned, was as unwilling as Norfolk to

risk a battle. Jealousy ran so high among Henry’s nobles that if Suffolk

could safely have made a great show of activity, in contrast to

Norfolk’s hesitation, or could have sent very cheerful reports, in

contrast to Norfolk’s desperate letters, there can be no doubt that he

would have done so, and won the King’s favour. Only the gravity of the

situation can have forced him to support Norfolk.

These facts were obvious to Henry when he was cool enough to observe

them, and accordingly his blustering was temporarily suspended. He was

still absolutely determined that he would make no concessions to the

Pilgrims, but he was forced to resort to temporising and treachery, as

it was impossible for the moment to compel them to submit to his will.

Accordingly he laid his plans anew.

His first object was to delay the northern messengers. All waste of time

was time gained. Hot blood would cool, and anger die down, men would

settle into their ordinary ways, and hopeful spirits would grow

despondent, if time was given them to realise the dangers and

difficulties of civil war. The return of Bowes and Ellerker would be

watched for less and less eagerly every day they tarried, and the King’s

answer, however unfavourable, might find the people readier to submit

than to rise again. The King’s second line of attack was directed

against the very citadel of the Pilgrims’ position—the loyalty of their

leaders. Letters of thanks were sent to all the gentlemen of the north

who had taken the King’s side, and they were encouraged to return to

their own homes, or remain there as the case might be, in order that

they might report the arrangements and movements of the Pilgrims, and

use their influence with the neighbouring gentlemen, often friends and

relatives, to bring them over to the King[1287]. Promises of pardon and

reward, hints at grants of land, perhaps belonging to the very

monasteries they had risen to defend, perhaps the property of men like

Darcy and Constable who would not escape unattainted, doubtless had the

desired effect on some of the gentlemen[1288]. The King might well

anticipate that these methods would bring such disunion into the

Pilgrims’ councils that any concerted action would be rendered

impossible and isolated outbreaks would be the worst that need be

feared.

The Pilgrims from the first did their utmost to guard against the King’s

assault on their weak places. They strove to keep the gentlemen banded

together by frequent councils and constant communication. With the

commons their task was doubly difficult. They must keep unruly members

from spoils and other offences against the truce, and at the same time

encourage the fervent and patriotic spirit which was the mainstay of

their venture. Henry issued sermons and exhortations,—the Pilgrims

replied with poems. John Hallam returned home to Watton after the

disbanding at Pontefract, and brought with him “certain rhymes made

against my lord privy seal, my lord Chancellor, the Chancellor of the

Augmentations and divers bishops of the new learning which rhymes had

been sung abroad by minstrels.”[1289] He showed them to Friar John

Pickering, one of the Friars Preachers, who had taken refuge at the

Priory of Bridlington[1290]. Pickering was inspired to write something

better than these clumsy verses to encourage the Pilgrims in the good

cause. With this intention he composed a long poem in the elaborate

Latin style which seems to have been the fashion then in Yorkshire. He

“made the said rhyme by rhyme that the hearers might better bear it

away, but not that it might be sung by minstrels” and he himself showed

it only to a few friends, who all praised it. Nevertheless it soon

spread abroad and “was in every man’s mouth about Bridlington and

Scarborough.” It is difficult to understand how anyone could sing the

verses, for they have none of the rugged charm of the Pilgrims’ marching

song. They are long-winded, involved, and interspersed with scraps of

Latin. The Pilgrims are compared first to the Maccabees, afterwards to

Mordecai, with Cromwell in the character of Hamon:

“This cruel Hamon by his false invention

In the north doth perceive the faithfull commonty,

By his great expenses intending utterly

Us to destroy and bring in captivity.

But great God above that ever doth procure

For his faithful people all that is necessary,

And even provide I you do ensure

His falsehood to be known and eke his policy.

No fair words we shall trust after my opinion

But boldly go forward in our peregrination.”

The gist of the poem is an exhortation to be loyal to the King, but to

fight to the death against Cromwell[1291].

Thus both parties were working quietly and effectively to improve their

position, and in consequence were constantly accusing each other of

breaches of the truce. It cannot be denied that, however honest their

intentions, the first appointment at Doncaster was not well kept on

either side. The diplomacy of the King and the wildness of the

commons—to say nothing of mutual suspicion—were against it. Considering

all the circumstances it was perhaps as strictly observed as engagements

of the kind ever are.

The presence of Suffolk in Lincolnshire made it absolutely necessary

for the Pilgrims to secure their borders. Norfolk, of course, had no

power to promise the dispersal of Suffolk’s army, even if the rebels

demanded anything so unreasonable; but he had undertaken that the

King’s Lieutenant in Lincolnshire should observe the truce and

threaten no invasion of Yorkshire[1292]. The Pilgrims had stipulated

that none of the prisoners at Lincoln should suffer execution till a

final settlement had been reached, which must have been all they

could do at the time for their unlucky fellows[1293]. But Suffolk,

instead of keeping all his host round Lincoln, where he himself lay,

sent garrisons to Grimsby, Barton and other towns on Trent and

Humber[1294]. These places were fortified, the river traffic was

controlled by their commanders and every effort was made to collect

the boats on their own side. Hull, the most important citadel on the

north of Humber, was known to favour the King, partly because of

Beverley’s devotion to the Pilgrims. Further east, Sir Brian

Hastings lay at Hatfield with his tenants and servants about five

hundred strong, ready to stand to arms at a word[1295]. Even at

Wakefield, right in the rebels’ country, Sir Henry Saville was

bullying and coaxing his neighbours to join the King[1296]. These

formed the King’s first line, pushed right to the frontiers of the

rebels. His second was the line of the Trent. The castles at Newark

and Nottingham were being garrisoned and re-fortified. Shrewsbury

was at his Derbyshire seat, Wingfield, ready to muster all the

country at the first warning from the north, and to hold the bridges

at Derby and Burton-on-Trent[1297]. Nor must it be forgotten that

the Pilgrims had also an enemy at their flank. The Earl of Derby had

orders to be on the alert. He kept nightly watch along the Pilgrims’

borders and ascertained by constant musters the available strength

of Lancashire and Cheshire[1298].

Such were the King’s general defences, the details of which will appear

presently, and it remained for the Pilgrims to make themselves equally

secure. The defence of the Trent was not fully organised until the

middle of November, but the first line was prepared at the beginning of

the truce, and Hull was in some danger of falling by a sudden attack.

The Pilgrims’ strongest line of defence was along the Humber, Ouse and

Aire, and such were its advantages, particularly in the way of scarcity

of bridges, that it could be made almost impassable, if properly

garrisoned with determined troops. But the commons had risen and joined

them through all the country south as far as the Don, Marshland, and the

Isle of Axholme, which lay between the Don and the Trent. In order to

keep this part of the country, they would be obliged to hold the line of

the Trent. The result of this was that the district south of the Ouse

became debatable ground, where each party was constantly complaining of

breaches of the truce.

The first business of the rebel leaders was to stay the “wild” men of

the North Riding. It may be conjectured that the expected arrival of

these rough allies had something to do with the making of the truce, for

all the well-to-do Pilgrims were very shy of the commons who were more

bent on social reform than on religious conservatism. Although Darcy and

the captains were able to disband the forces that were at Pontefract and

Doncaster[1299], it was not to be expected that the remote districts

could be quieted at once. The truce was not acknowledged in Cumberland

until 3 November, as has been described, and then only in part and with

great reluctance[1300]. The monks of Furness were giving money to their

tenants and encouraging them to attend the musters on Hallowmas Eve, 31

October[1301]. On his return from Jervaux to Richmond John Dakyn was

obliged to keep the freest hospitality he could, and distributed seven

nobles among his parishioners, that they might not rob him as they had

done some of the neighbouring clergy[1302].

As time went on the unrest became more marked, but for the moment there

was an uneasy lull, and the leaders of the Pilgrimage began to

strengthen their defences. Orders were given on the 30th that beacons

should be laid and that nightly watch should be kept in the church

towers of the East Riding, where some attempt might be made from

Lincolnshire[1303]. Aske spent the night of Sunday 29 October in York,

declaring the order and staying the country. Next day, Monday 30

October, he turned his attention to the delicate problem of the Earl of

Northumberland’s position, and rode to Wressell Castle. On the way he

heard that Sir Marmaduke Constable, who had been in hiding, had returned

home at the news of the truce, and that the commons were threatening to

plunder his house if he would not take the oath. Aske wrote to Sir

Marmaduke advising him to come to Wressell for protection, but he fled

to Lincolnshire[1304]. This was the message of which the King complained

on 5 November.

The unfortunate Earl of Northumberland, still lying ill at Wressell

Castle, was now besieged by most unwelcome visitors. First came Aske,

“to have agreed him and his brother Sir Thomas Percy.” The Earl refused

to have anything whatever to do with his brothers, but towards Aske his

attitude was on the whole friendly. The commons at Snaith had seized two

coffers of the Earl’s clothes, which had been sent from London. Aske

saved them from destruction and made a bill of the contents, “a gown and

doublet of crimson satin and the rest of small value.” He had sent word

to the Earl that he could have his coffers on sending for them, but he

made Aske a present of them, and now affirmed that if there had been

more Aske should have had it for saving his life from the commons[1305].

Failing in his principal object that day, Aske seems to have returned to

York for the night to take counsel with Sir Thomas. Next day, Tuesday 31

October, Hallowmas Eve, they dined together at St Mary’s Abbey, York,

and then received news of the arrival of William Stapleton, who sent

word to Aske that he was about to ride to Wressell to pay his duty to

the Earl his master, and would be glad to be allowed to ride in Aske’s

company. But Aske and Sir Thomas Percy set off without him, and when

Stapleton reached the Castle Aske was with the Earl, trying in vain to

persuade him to make Sir Thomas lieutenant of one March and Sir Ingram

of the other. Afterwards Stapleton himself visited the Earl, whom he

found in bed “weeping, ever wishing himself out of the world, which the

said William was sore to see.” That night Sir Thomas, Aske and Stapleton

all slept at Wressell.

Next day, Wednesday 1 November, Aske went to the Earl again, and they

came to terms. The Earl, under compulsion, consented to what Aske and

the lords had resolved upon, but he absolutely refused to make any

concessions to his brothers, or even to see Sir Thomas. It may be

imagined that he would not find it easy to face the brother whom he had

disinherited. Stapleton added his persuasions to those of Aske. He

really feared for the Earl’s life, as he had heard the commons say in

the field, “Strike off the head of the Earl and make Sir Thomas earl,”

and Sir Thomas Hilton had exclaimed, “He is now crept into a corner and

dare not show himself, he hath made a many of knaves gentlemen to whom

he has disposed much of his living and all now to do nought himself.”

The Earl’s obstinacy made Stapleton half-angry, but nothing could move

him to see his brother. The Earl was very earnest on behalf of the King

and Cromwell against the commons, and when Stapleton warned him that he

was actually in danger he only replied that “he cared not, he could die

but once, let them strike off his head and rid him of much pain.” The

upshot was that the Earl went to York, leaving Wressell in Aske’s hands.

Aske set out for Hull, Sir Thomas went to Seamer, and Stapleton went

home[1306].

Northumberland found no peace at York, for there he was visited by Sir

Ingram Percy, who had come up to demand seven hundred marks salary as

vice-warden of the East Marches and one hundred marks for the

lieutenancy. His brother consented to see him, but was shocked by the

language he used about Cromwell, “wishing him, being of the King’s most

honourable Council, to be hanged as they and he might look unto; and if

he were there present, as he wished to God he were, he would put his

sword in his belly.”[1307] Northumberland promptly deprived him of the

offices which he had obtained by his trick[1308], and appointed Robert

Lord Ogle vice-warden, and Sir Roger Grey and Sir John Widdrington

lieutenants, all three being of the Carnaby faction[1309]. After this

both Sir Thomas and Sir Ingram set out for the north.

On or about Sunday 5 November, Shrewsbury sent his chaplain John Moreton

to discover the Earl’s state, and to try to obtain payment of her

allowance to his daughter the Countess, as she was now living with him.

The messenger went to Wressell, and was there taken by Aske’s men, who

were holding the castle[1310]. On 10 November Aske visited the Earl

again at Selby[1311]. Now that his brothers were gone he was more

tractable, and made over to Aske his castle of Wressell and his tenants,

for so long as Aske should lie in garrison there, and also his “spice

plate” which was at Watton Priory[1312]. By this formal deed he obtained

power to remove his “evidences” from the castle, and as he was very

anxious about them, he sent two servants, who brought them away at

midnight[1313].

Thus the Pilgrims received Wressell Castle, but before the negotiation

was completed Aske had been busy in a great many other places. After his

interview with Northumberland he rode to Watton, to arrange the affairs

of Watton Priory. The prior, a creature of Cromwell’s, had fled south

with all the money he could lay hands on, leaving “three or four score

brethren and sisters of the same house without forty shillings to

succour them.” They wished to elect a new prior, but Aske persuaded them

to accept the sub-prior as the defaulter’s deputy. This affair of the

Prior of Watton should not be overlooked, for it had a part in bringing

about the final tragedy. Next day Thursday 2 November Aske went on to

Hull[1314].

The Duke of Suffolk had caused considerable alarm to the Pilgrims by

occupying Grimsby and the neighbouring country[1315] in force as soon as

the truce was made. They considered that this was “contrary to the

appointment,”[1316] although of course the agreement did not include

Suffolk. Aske made Sir Robert Constable governor of Hull, and under his

directions the walls were put in a state of defence and a garrison of

two hundred soldiers was maintained there[1317]. Shipping was also

prepared, which alarmed the royalists in their turn. They thought that

the rebels’ object must be either to escape by sea, or to send for

powder and ordnance from abroad, and watch was kept to prevent

communications with Flanders; but as a matter of fact the preparations

were made partly in fear of an attack on Hull by sea, and partly to

intercept any succour which might be sent to Scarborough or

Berwick[1318].

The Pilgrims employed various methods to obtain the money needed for

their garrisons. Sir Robert Constable paid most of the expenses of Hull;

he “borrowed” the money, perhaps rather vigorously, from John Lambart,

who tried unsuccessfully to recover £165. 8_s_. 3_d_. from Sir Robert’s

brother Sir William Constable[1319]. Lambart had however received

sufficient security from Sir Robert[1320]. Dr Holdsworth the vicar of

Halifax had fled to his patron Sir Henry Saville. His goods were

confiscated and £10 of the money went to the defence of Hull[1321]. The

collector of customs attempted to fly to the King with three hundred

marks in his possession, but Sir Robert Constable seized him and swore

that that money should be spent first[1322]. The lead of Marton Priory,

which had already been removed from the building, was seized by the

rebels and assigned to Edmund (?) Copendale for sale. He paid over to

Aske for it in all £9. 13_s._ 4_d._[1323] Aske also obtained on 10

November the Earl of Northumberland’s sign manual to use his “spice

plate” lying at Watton Priory, for the purposes of the rebellion. The

Prior of Ellerton was now in charge of the house during the absence of

the Prior of Watton[1324], and on the first summons refused to give the

plate up. Aske wrote again severely, saying that “it is pity to do

anything for that house that so unkindly orders me, who have done more

for religion than they can ever deserve,” and threatened that if he

complained of the prior’s conduct to the commons the house would be

plundered[1325]. Alarmed by this, the prior took the plate to Aske

himself, and the convent of Watton received Aske’s thanks four days

later[1326]. Some money may have been obtained by plundering the houses

of those who had fled to the King, but this was a very uncertain source

of revenue, as the plunder was usually divided among the spoilers who

carried out the work. Finally gifts were received from well-wishers,

particularly from the monasteries[1327].

In this connection may be mentioned the curious story of Harry Osborne

of Gloucester. He was serving with his father in the King’s army under

Sir Charles Trowen, and obtained leave “to go among the northern host to

know the fashion of them.” When he came back he seems to have drawn

freely upon his imagination; parts of his story are obviously untrue,

and the rest is very suspicious. He asserted in the first place that

Lord Stafford had joined the rebels with one thousand men[1328]. This

was not true, but it seems to have been widely rumoured. Wilfred Holme

thus enumerated the allies on whom the rebels depended:

“They noised the Emperor with them was participate,

And the Bishop of Rome with the Scottish king commixed,

With them to commilitare they were clearly fundate,

And Ireland and Wales of their part was fixed,

The Earl of Derby outlawed, and of their part mixed,

And the Duke of Norfolk every cause accounted,

All commoners commoned with the Earl Staffort enixed,

And as for they of Lincolnshire a great sum surmounted.”[1329]

Speed gives a list of the lords who were present at the second

appointment at Doncaster, among whom is Lord Streffre, which may stand

for Lord Stafford. All the names in this list are wildly misprinted,

e.g. Romemer for Bulmer and Clayer for Ellerker[1330]. Osborne also said

that “Lady Rysse,” i.e. Katherine Howard widow of Rice (Richard) ap

Griffith had joined them with three thousand men and had brought half a

cartload of plate, which was being coined for their use. Osborne

produced a groat which he asserted to be of their coinage, “and it is a

fay (true?) king Harry groat.” This story had an air of probability, for

Richard ap Griffith had been executed for treason in 1531, and his widow

might very well sympathise with the rebels[1331]. Also they would have

no difficulty in coining money, as there were mints at York and Durham,

and Hastings reported on 8 November that the rebels had made posts from

Hull by Templehurst, York and Durham to Newcastle “to prepare new

money.”[1332] These posts are mentioned again on 13 November[1333]. But

as nothing more is ever heard of “Lady Rysse” and her groats they may

have only existed in the vigorous imagination of Harry Osborne.

Darcy depended for money on a cess regularly levied on the parishes. He

set to work to collect one as soon as the truce was proclaimed, and it

is a sign of the commons’ earnestness that they assisted in gathering

it. Sir Henry Saville seized the collectors at Dewsbury and forced them

to give up the money under pain of hanging as traitors, conduct which

caused much indignation among the Pilgrims[1334].

Meanwhile Aske left Hull for Wressell Castle, which he made his

headquarters, before Monday 6 November[1335]. On that day Suffolk wrote

to the Mayor of Hull requiring him to deliver up Antony Curtis, William

his servant, Robert Horncliff and Christopher Blaunde, who were lying in

prison in the town. The mayor and Sir Robert Constable refused to give

them up without a special order from the grand captain, who cannot

therefore have been in Hull that day[1336]. Curtis and Horncliff were

two of the messengers who had been sent by the Lincolnshire rebels to

Beverley. They had been cast into prison as liars on bringing news of

the failure of Lincolnshire[1337]. When this proved true they must have

been detained in revenge for the betrayal of Woodmancy who seems to have

been given up to Suffolk by the Lincolnshire men; for Morland, on flying

to Yorkshire, was driven out of Beverley because the magistrates said,

“Ye are worthy to have no favour here, nor ye may not tarry here, for

our messenger called Woodmancy, whom we sent into Lincolnshire, hath

been ill-entreated with you there and was cast into prison[1338].” On

Tuesday 7 November Suffolk sent the Mayor’s refusal to the King, with

the incorrect assertion that it came from Aske[1339]. On or before

Sunday 12 November, Horncliff and Curtis “brake the prison” and threw

themselves on the mercy of Sir Anthony Browne[1340] at Barton[1341]. He

sent them on to Suffolk at Lincoln, when they found that they had

escaped out of the frying-pan into the fire[1342]. A spy of Sir Francis

Brian’s reported that these two were said to have been “the beginners of

the mischief” and that Aske himself had told him that they “were the

first that sware him in Lincolnshire,” and afterwards raised

Yorkshire[1343]. After this information they were practically dead men,

and Suffolk at once petitioned the King that their property might be

bestowed on his own kinsmen[1344]. Yet even Suffolk seems to have

realised that the accusation was probably false, for Aske always said,

in authentic documents, that Hudswell first gave him the oath[1345].

Nevertheless, Suffolk considered the story good enough to hang Curtis,

and he repeated it to him. Curtis was so indignant at the accusation

that he offered to go and kill Aske, although he was his kinsman.

Suffolk had the assassination of Aske a good deal at heart just then (20

November), but he seems to have suspected that Curtis’ wrath was merely

an excuse for escaping back to the Pilgrims. At any rate he did not

accept the offer, though he reported it to the King. He also sent up

Curtis’ confession, but unfortunately it has not been preserved[1346].

Such was the position at the seat of war from Friday 27 October until

Sunday 5 November. Although Henry had resolved to suspend his answer to

the Pilgrims’ petition, Bowes and Ellerker were allowed to send a letter

to Pontefract by their servants. They described the progress of their

embassy and gave the reason for the delay in their return. Several

copies of this letter were sent for distribution among the northern

gentlemen, in order to test their temper towards the King. The servants

set out from Windsor for the north on Tuesday 7 November[1347]. At the

same time the King was preparing a swifter means of ending his

difficulty.

On Tuesday the Duke of Norfolk sent for Percival Cresswell, a servant of

Lord Hussey, and ordered him to prepare to ride north. Next day Hussey

directed Cresswell to write in his (Hussey’s) name a certain letter to

Lord Darcy and to show it to the Council. After the Council had approved

of the letter Lord Hussey signed it, and Cresswell took it back to

Norfolk and the Bishop of Hereford. They sealed it up and gave it to him

with another letter from Norfolk to Darcy and also certain instructions

by word of mouth. His further orders were to ride post after the

servants of Bowes and Ellerker, and to pass through the rebels with

them: if he did not do this he must obtain a safeconduct, for on no

account must the letters be taken by the commons.

Cresswell reached Doncaster before the servants and sent to Darcy for a

safeconduct, but before it came the other messengers arrived, and they

all went on towards Templehurst. One of Lord Darcy’s servants met them

and they arrived there on Friday 10 November. Darcy was in the garden

with about half-a-dozen of the commons and his servants. Cresswell paid

his respects to him, saying aloud that he trusted all should be well,

and secretly that he brought a private message from Norfolk and the

King. Darcy led him into the house, and on the way Cresswell managed to

pass the letters into his hands unobserved. Darcy went into an inner

room to read them, leaving Cresswell among the commons in an outer

chamber. They began to abuse Cromwell, and asked Cresswell whether he

had been dismissed from the King’s Council. Cresswell answered that he

had not seen Cromwell at court for the last two days, and that the

principal noblemen about the King were Norfolk, Oxford, Sussex,

Fitzwilliam, Paulet, and Kingston. Thereupon the commons exclaimed, “God

save the King and them all! for as long as such noblemen of the true

noble blood may reign and rule about the King all shall be well.” They

discussed the question of Cromwell’s dismissal a little longer, and then

told Cresswell that whatever answer Darcy and the gentlemen might make,

“If ye speak with the King’s highness ye shall show him, or else ye

shall show my lord’s Grace your master and other the foresaid true

noblemen of the Council, that if the King’s Grace do not send and grant

unto us our petitions, which we sent unto his Highness by the Duke’s

Grace your master, whatsoever letter, bill or pardon shall be sent on to

us we will not accept or receive the same, but send it to his Highness

again.” Cresswell remonstrated with them, but they replied, “if ye be a

true man ye will report the same, for that thing that moves us to this

is the faith we bear unto God, to the King’s person, and all his true

noble blood and the commonwealth.”[1348]

Meanwhile Darcy had read the letters and had sent a messenger to summon

Aske[1349], who was at Selby that day[1350]. The letter to Darcy from

Norfolk was dated 6 November. It informed him that the King had written

answers to the articles “which be of such sort that in mine opinion

there is nothing to be amended therein.” Norfolk went on to complain of

the breaches of the truce. He then dropped into a confidential

vein,—people were saying unpleasant things about Darcy,—it was whispered

that he might have defended Pontefract longer,—that he was in an

agreement with Aske. Norfolk defended him as well as he could, and

always maintained, like a true friend, that Darcy had been constrained

by force; but what a splendid disproof of all these slanders it would be

if Darcy should capture Aske and send him up to Windsor “dead or alive,

but alive if possible, which will extinct the ill bruit and raise you in

the favour of his Highness.”[1351] Hussey’s letter was dated 7 November

and was much shorter. He had been in great trouble and danger, he said,

partly because he was accused of being Darcy’s confederate. The Duke of

Norfolk had delivered him, and now said that he would also befriend

Darcy if he would send up Aske “quick or dead.” Hussey therefore begged

him to accomplish the King’s pleasure[1352].

After reading these letters, Darcy sent for Cresswell. There were

several other gentlemen in the room, who were not very willing that

Darcy should speak to the messenger apart, but he promised to tell them

all that passed. Then he bade Cresswell declare his credence. Cresswell

replied that it was the same as the letters, in that Darcy would win the

King’s confidence and a great reward if he sent up Aske. Darcy’s answer

is rather refreshing reading: “I cannot do it in no wise, for I have

made promise to the contrary, and my coat was never hitherto stained

with any such blot. And my lord’s Grace your master knoweth well enough

what a nobleman’s promise is, and therefore I think that this thing

cometh not of his Grace’s device, nor of none other nobleman, and if I

might have two dukedoms for my labour I would not consent to have such a

spot in my coat.” Darcy evidently suspected that Norfolk’s message was

inspired by Cromwell, as Hussey’s letter undoubtedly had been. He did

not realise what a nobleman “of the true noble blood” was capable of

doing. Cresswell had nothing to say in reply, and they all went to

dinner. During the meal Aske arrived, and after dinner the captains of

the Pilgrimage held a council. On Saturday 11 November, after mass,

Darcy sent for Cresswell, and bade him tell the King that Darcy was now

doing him better service than he had ever done. As for Pontefract

Castle, he called the Archbishop and Archdeacon Magnus to witness that

there was neither powder, ordnance nor artillery in it, that the King

sent no reply to his letters, and that he had used all means to defend

it while he could. He begged the King to excuse him if he and the other

gentlemen “spake somewhat largely” against Cromwell, as that pleased the

commons best. To Hussey, Darcy sent no letter, but he bade Cresswell to

“have him recommended to him,” and to say that he was sorry for his

trouble[1353].

On Saturday at six o’clock in the evening Cresswell set out for Windsor

with letters from Darcy to Norfolk and to the ambassadors, and Aske’s

explanation of the alleged breaches of the truce. The captain stated

that he wrote to Sir Marmaduke Constable in Lancashire and Sir Thomas

Wharton in Westmorland only for their own protection. His other letters

were to stay the country. As for spoils, if there had been any since the

truce he was willing to make restitution, but he doubted if they could

be proved[1354]. Darcy’s letters are highly characteristic. To Bowes and

Ellerker he wrote that their delay was a far greater violation of the

agreement than anything that had happened in the north, and that their

letter was “taken but for a persuasion.” If they would bring back the

King’s answer themselves, it would do more good than twenty

letters[1355]. To Norfolk he expressed his joy that the King had been

graciously pleased to answer the articles in person. He denied that the

truce had been broken; on the contrary, he and the other gentlemen had

stayed Lancashire, Cumberland and Westmorland, although those counties

were not included in the appointment at Doncaster, because it was not

then known that they had risen. As for his surrender of Pontefract, he

had declared the whole circumstances to Cresswell, and again protested

his loyalty and his ill-treatment. Coming to the most important part of

the letter, the suggested capture of Aske, Darcy was as emphatic as he

had been to Cresswell. He was ready to serve the King as a scullion

“without a penny rent from his lands” but “alas, my good lord that ever

ye being a man of so much honour and great experience should advise or

choose me a man to be of any such sort or fashion to betray or disserve

any living man, Frenchman, Scot, yea, or a Turk; of my faith, to get and

win to me and mine heirs four of the best duke’s lands in France, or to

be king there, I would not do it to no living person.” Finally he

declared “roundly and truly” that there would be no satisfactory “stay”

until Bowes and Ellerker were sent back with the King’s full answer, and

in particular the promise of a free parliament and a full pardon, for

their letters were looked upon as mere persuasions[1356]. In writing

this letter Darcy, as perhaps he knew, signed his own death warrant. No

past service, no future pardon, could protect a man who so boldly

exalted his own honour above the King’s pleasure.

After making his reply, Aske returned to Wressell Castle and sent out a

summons to all the gentlemen and leaders of the Pilgrimage to attend a

general council at York on Tuesday 21 November[1357]. It was hoped that

the messengers would have returned from London by that time; if they had

not, their letter would be shown and further steps would have to be

taken to bring the King to terms[1358]. No sooner had Aske and Darcy

disposed of one set of accusations than another sprang up. On Wednesday

8 November, the day that Cresswell left London, Sir Brian Hastings wrote

to tell Suffolk of a rumour that Darcy was about to march on Doncaster,

while Aske and Constable would transport the men of the East Riding,

Howden and Marshland by water to Gainsborough and Stockwith, and both

hosts would meet at Lincoln, where they intended to capture the weapons

collected there by Suffolk[1359]. On the same day Suffolk sent a force

from Lincoln to occupy Newark, led by Richard Cromwell, Sir John Russell

and Sir Francis Brian[1360]. This however was not in consequence of

Hastings’ report, for on Thursday 9 November Hastings received two

letters from Suffolk asking for news of the rebels. Hastings wrote back

the same day, referring to his earlier letter. He mentioned the arrival

of Percival Cresswell at Doncaster, and declared that if he had two guns

and ordnance he could keep the bridges there with his own men. He did

not think that the occupation of Newark was necessary, but there was

danger in north Lincolnshire. The rest of the letter was taken up with

his private grievances against Sir Arthur Darcy[1361]. Meanwhile he was

furthering the King’s cause in another way by acting as go-between from

the Earl of Shrewsbury to Sir George Darcy[1362]. Lord Darcy’s sons had

no sympathy with their father’s views. Sir George had joined the commons

only on compulsion, and was now eager to obtain a pardon and make his

peace with the King.

Henry seems to have calculated a good deal on the effect that the

letters sent by Cresswell would have. If Darcy should kill or capture

Aske, there would certainly be another rising; leaderless and

disorganised by treachery, it would be easily suppressed. The King

therefore laid plans to deal with the situation which he hoped to

produce. Shrewsbury’s son Lord Talbot returned from court to Wingfield

on Thursday 9 November, bearing instructions that if the commons rose

again, Shrewsbury must advance to Derby and there hold the bridges. The

old Earl seems to have been quite tired of the whole business. He wrote

back that the water at Derby and the Trent four miles away at

Burton-on-Trent could not be held, there were so many fords and bridges,

and it would take ten thousand men or more to hold the Trent between

Newark and Burton. The rest of his letter contained better news for the

King; he mentioned the rumour that Darcy would seize Doncaster, which

gave an excuse for further delay of the messengers, and enclosed a

letter, which if revealed would endanger the life of the

sender,—probably one from Sir George Darcy[1363]. At the same time

Shrewsbury wrote to Cromwell begging to be excused from the chief

command on account of his age and feebleness[1364]. Of course the King

would not excuse Shrewsbury[1365]; his age, his great reputation, and

his well-known devotion to the Church of Rome made him too valuable to

be spared.

Letters were sent on the 9th and 10th to the Earl of Derby and the

gentlemen of Cheshire and Lancashire, warning them to be ready to join

Shrewsbury at an hour’s notice[1366]. At the same time orders were sent

to the Earl of Rutland to occupy Nottingham, and he wrote to the King

that he had done so on Friday 10 November. His report was little more

encouraging than Shrewsbury’s. He had provisioned the castle and

inspected the river, but there were four bridges and nine fords. It

would require a great force to defend the castle and so much of the

river, but lying there was very chargeable. He had little money of his

own, as his rents from Yorkshire were stopped, and of the £500 that

Norfolk had sent him only £300 remained. The rest had been spent on

bringing up gunners, on posts and on fortifying the fords at Doncaster.

Moreover he had “no great experience in the war” and begged that some

expert man might be sent to help him[1367].

The news of these movements on the part of the royal troops shortly

reached the headquarters of the rebels. Roger Ratcliff was with Rutland

at Nottingham on Thursday 9 November. He was sent with letters from

Rutland to Derby, and returned with fresh letters from Derby to

Fitzwilliam, but as he passed through Wakefield he was captured by

Grice, who set him naked in the stocks and read his letters. News of

this reached Nottingham and was sent on Saturday 11 November in a letter

to one of Derby’s servants, which was also intercepted[1368].

The King now issued the proclamation and reply to the rebels which he

had drawn up as early as 2 November before seeing their articles[1369].

This is the most probable explanation of a letter from the Council dated

11 November, which notified that the King had pardoned all the rebels of

Yorkshire except ten, and that the proclamation of this, with the King’s

answer to the rebels’ demands, was to be read in all market-towns[1370].

Although the date of this letter is Saturday 11 November, it must really

have been issued earlier, for it was received that day at

Nottingham[1371], and what is more extraordinary at Skipton, where

Christopher Aske read it in Skipton market-place, to the great

indignation of the commons[1372].

All these proceedings on the King’s part show that he believed the

rising in Yorkshire to have collapsed as that in Lincolnshire had done.

He expected that by this time most of the commons would have gone

quietly home again and that the gentlemen would be ready and anxious to

make their peace. Only a few of the wilder spirits were still holding

out, and they could easily be dealt with, particularly if Darcy, as he

expected, captured or killed Aske. By acting on these assumptions Henry

nearly precipitated an outbreak. The commons were by no means pacified;

on the contrary they were with difficulty induced by the gentlemen to

observe the truce. The gentlemen realised that it was too late for

submission and that their only chance of safety lay in treating with the

King on equal terms. Finally Darcy indignantly rejected the suggestion

that he should betray Aske. Henry’s manœuvres set the whole of the north

simmering with irritation. Suffolk and the royal generals were very much

offended that messengers had been sent direct to the rebels, instead of

communicating first with themselves[1373]. Rutland, Shrewsbury and Derby

were grumbling at being ordered to carry out expensive operations

without money[1374]. Newark proved as difficult to defend as Nottingham

and Derby[1375]. Among the rebels the utmost suspicion was aroused by

the delay in the return of Bowes and Ellerker, by the vagueness of their

letter, and by the King’s proclamation, which seemed to throw back the

negotiations to the very beginning again. Darcy had his own reasons for

believing that the King did not intend to come to terms, and the

movements of the royal troops caused great uneasiness.

The result of all this was an alarm which took place on the night of

Saturday 11 November. Men “in white coats” (the royal uniform) were

observed mustering secretly in a wood near Snaith. When Darcy was

informed of this he wrote to warn the honour of Pontefract[1376].

Beacons were burned and the whole countryside rose[1377]. It was said

that Fitzwilliam had come “up the water to Thorne” with five thousand

men, and that he and Hastings intended to capture Darcy[1378]. To Darcy

this seemed the natural result of his reply to Norfolk’s letter. He

threatened that if Hastings burnt his house at Snaith he would “light

him with a candle to all the houses he had,” and prepared to go himself

to encounter the royal troops. His servant William Talbot saw him take

off his cap, saying that he set more by the King of Heaven than by

twenty kings, and though he might not ride he could go where he would if

he had a horse litter, and “the highest hill he could find there would

he be”; they might shoot at him as much as they pleased, for he would

kneel by his litter and say a prayer that would preserve both him and

all his servants. Then he caught Talbot “by the head and wrestled with

him and cast him down and swore by the (_illegible_) he waxed more cant

than he was of many day before.”[1379] In short Darcy was in high

spirits at the prospect of a fight at last. The alarm however was

quickly appeased. Hastings declared that he had only summoned his

neighbours because he heard that the rebels were going to raid his

cattle, as they had done before. The same night and next day letters

were despatched to Suffolk explaining the commotion and assuring him

that it was pacified[1380].

Nevertheless Darcy had many grounds for anxiety. Sir George Darcy’s

negotiations with Hastings and Shrewsbury, in which Sir Arthur Darcy and

William Maunsell, the vicar of Brayton’s brother, had also taken part,

were discovered by an intercepted letter, and the commons brought both

the letter and Sir George to his father[1381]. Darcy must also have

known that it was more than probable that his assassination had been

proposed as a test of loyalty to some other rebel, as Aske’s had been to

him. On Sunday 12 November he wrote to Shrewsbury, his old friend, in

whom he placed more confidence than in any of the other royalists[1382].

The letter was sent by his servant Thomas Wentworth, who was instructed

to show openly a copy of the letter from Bowes and Ellerker, and to

Shrewsbury alone a copy of Darcy’s answer to Norfolk’s letter, “which

answer recites the effect of the whole letter, else I would have sent

both.” The other contents of the letter fall naturally into three parts.

First and most important, would Suffolk observe the truce or would he

not? Must the leaders of the Pilgrimage be constantly prepared for a

surprise attack, for capture or for assassination? Or would he lie quiet

until Bowes and Ellerker returned? On this point Darcy earnestly begged

that he might be told the whole truth.

In the second place Darcy assured Shrewsbury that there could be no

permanent settlement until the messengers returned from the King with a

definite answer, and he begged him to use his influence to bring that

about.

In the third place Darcy set forth his own grievances, for the Pilgrims

also had plenty of complaints to make about breaches of the truce. Sir

Henry Saville had prevented the levying of cesses, and now proposed to

go to the King[1383]. Sir Brian Hastings had caused the alarm the day

before; he was persuading gentlemen to forsake the commons, and had

arrested a load of corn at Doncaster[1384]. The Duke of Suffolk had sent

a herald with messages and had demanded prisoners from Hull[1385]. He

had also stopped the Duke of Norfolk’s servant and was making

threatening movements[1386]. Finally it was a great breach of the truce

that Bowes and Ellerker had not returned; the commons were very wild,

particularly in Cumberland, which was not really included in the

appointment; the gentlemen were doing their very best to stay

them[1387].

Shrewsbury replied to this letter on Monday 13 November. He assured

Darcy that the truce was being strictly observed by the royal troops,

and that Bowes and Ellerker would return shortly. Hastings had acted

only in self-defence, and if Saville had offended he should make

restitution. According to the terms of the truce all prisoners were to

be released; he for his part had sent back those that he had taken, and

he thought that Suffolk might fairly demand his. He concluded by

thanking Darcy for staying the commons[1388]. After Darcy’s servant had

returned, Shrewsbury received from Sir Brian Hastings his account of the

disturbance on Saturday night, and the capture of Sir George Darcy’s

letter[1389]. In other respects Hastings reported that the rebels were

“more gentle,” and that when they had examined a man and found nothing

against him they gave him “certain articles” which contained the oath to

be true to the King, his issue and the commonwealth, for the reformation

of heresies, the restoration of abbeys, the punishment of the subverters

of the law, and the re-appointment of noblemen to rule under the

King[1390]. Shrewsbury sent on all these documents and his own replies

to the King on Tuesday 14 November, at the same time expressing his

anxiety as to the fate of Sir George Darcy, and his hope that the King

would be satisfied with his answer to Darcy, as he had “not been

accustomed to make answer in any such causes.”[1391] This was as far as

Shrewsbury, who was an honourable man, dared go in condemnation of the

King’s plot against Aske.

The alarm at Pontefract was only the beginning of further disturbances.

On Sunday 12 November there was an attempt to provoke a rising at

Beverley[1392]. On Thursday 16 November there were rumours of riots and

deer-slaying at Rawcliffe, Goole and Howden, and it was also said that

Scarborough was again besieged[1393]. The Earl of Derby heard on Monday

the 13th that Dent and Sedbergh were stirring again[1394], and shortly

afterwards there was a report in London that he had been attacked by his

own men, who were mutinous for want of pay[1395]. The Percys had

proclaimed the truce in Northumberland for twenty days, as soon as they

arrived there, at a county meeting which they summoned at Rothbury. But

they continued to plunder and hunt down the Carnabys; and the thieves of

Tynedale, especially little John Heron, were with Sir Thomas “as

familiar as they had been his own household servants.” Sir Thomas “took

upon him as lieutenant,” and even tried to hold the warden court with

the Scots wardens, but they suspected his authority and refused to meet

him[1396].

In Cumberland a muster was held on Wednesday 15 November at the summons

of Richard Dacre, who “took upon him to be grand captain of all

Cumberland,” and appointed as petty captains Christopher Lee a servant

of Dacre, William Pater and Alexander Appleby[1397]. The commons of

Westmorland wrote to Lord Darcy on the same day. They explained that

they would admit no gentlemen to their council, as they were afraid of

them, but they “had more trust in Darcy than any other” and they laid

their grievances before him[1398]. The questions raised by this list of

grievances will be considered later. The point at present is that

Cumberland and Westmorland were preparing to rise again.

Meanwhile the royalists in Lincolnshire received some slight

encouragement. Gonson, who was lying with the royal forces at Grimsby,

sent out a “crayer” on 11 November, which captured two other “crayers,”

coming the one from York and the other from Hull, but as they were

harmlessly laden with salt they were set free on the 17th[1399]. By

means of a pursuivant communications were established with Hull on

Wednesday 15 November, and the King’s officers were able to buy wine and

sugar there[1400]. More important still was the fact that two gentlemen

of Marshland had contrived to convey professions of their loyalty to

John Cavendish at Burton; but as that part of the country was greatly

under Darcy’s influence, and as the commons were very suspicious, the

negotiations proceeded but slowly[1401].

The whole situation is best represented in the report which Thomas

Treheyron, Somerset herald, drew up of two interviews which he had with

Darcy on Tuesday 14 November. He had been sent to Templehurst by

Suffolk, nominally to inquire into the alarm of Martinmas day, but

actually to see what news he could pick up. His account is as follows:

“The effect of the comynicacon betwene Thomas lord Darcy and Thomas

Treheyron[1402] otherwyse called Somerset herauld of arms and his

seyng etc.

Apon Monday the xiii day of november Charles duc of Suffolk the kynges

lieu tenante in the countie of Lyncoln commanded Somerset the kynges

herauld of armes to goo from lyncoln in to the north to the lord

Darcy. And on tweysday the xiiii day he aryved at templehurst a goodly

place of the lord Darcys stondyng nygh the Ryver of ayre in the

countie of York. And at his comyng thyther, he was honorable reseyved

by the lordes offecers, and they brought hym through the hall in to a

fayre parler and Immedyatly that he was in the parlor the lord Darcy

sente one of his servants to hym prayng hym to take the payne to come

to the chamber to the lord his master and he went with hym were the

lord Darcy was; and whan he sawe hym he welcomed hym with his cappe

off and toke hym by the hande sayng Sir I thinkke ye have brought me

sum newys from the kyng our soverayn lord, and the herauld answered

that he came not from the Kyng but from the duc of suffolk lord lieu

tenante of the Kynges armye in the countie of lyncoln with certayn

messages from his Grace to [your _crossed out_] his [_written over

it_] lordshipe. than sayd the lord Darcy my felowe herauld I pray you

shewe me your messages sir sayd the herauld with a good wyll.

The herauld. Sir my lord undrestondeth that apon Saterday last paste

a great nomber of the Kynges peple ded aryse abowght Pomfryte and this

partyes and sette bekyns on fyer. Sir his grace merueleth what they do

meane in so doyng, seyng that the entreate that was made betwene the

Duc of Norfolk, the erll of Shreysbury yow and other at Doncastre is

not it [_sic_, _probably_ yet] ended. Were-fore he desyeryth yow to

cause them to be in peax, and if they will not, his grace muste nedes

of necessite provyde for them of his parte, Whych he wold be vayrey

lothe to doo.

The lord Darcy. my felowe herauld, my lord of Suffolk hath don lyke a

wyse prynce to send yow to me for this cause and I wyll Informe yow of

all the truyth thereof. it is true that on Saturday last paste, my

cossyn sir bryan hastynges sent XX of his men abowght his affayres to

a howse that he has on the other syde of the watter of don, and

beffore that tyme it was bruted amonges the comens, that he wold come

over the water in to this parties to th’ entent to take the goods of

the Inhabitance here In satisfacion for spollyngs and robyries don to

hym beffore that tyme, and after this Rumor [went? _word obliterated_]

amonges the peple, a folyshe woman perseyvyng his servantes in whyte

cotes nygh on to the water thinking verely they wold have come Indede,

to have Robbed them as it was beffore spokyn, Cryed owt alarum. and

other heryng this crye gyvyng therto to [_too_] lyght credens aryse,

and sett certayn bekins on fyer. but as sone as I hard thereof what

with love and fayre wordes I caused them to go home to ther howses in

peax and sythenz they haue ben all in peax, and to th’ entent that ye

may perseyve that this is true that I have sweed [_shewed?_] yow see

here a letter that my cossyn sir bryan hastynges sente to me, and by

that ye may perseyue the truyth[1403]. and he toke the letter and rede

it and the tenor thereof agreed with the wordes of the lord Darcy.

The lord Darcy. my felowe nowe wyll I demand a questyon of yow, and

if your comyssion be so large I pray yow answere thereto beffore this

gentellman my cossyn and other that be here Sir it is comenly spokyn

amongest us that my lord of Suffolk is mynded to lay sege beffore the

town of hull and if he so do he shuld not do well as I think for it is

within our compossision What his grace plisure is therin I pray ye

swee us.

The herauld. Sir by the fethe of a herauld my lord of Suffolk neuer

mynded to ley any sege to hull, ne to breke any poynte of the

compossicion made betwene the lordes and yow at Doncastre, nor hath

not stoped any of the passages, but suffreth every man as well on our

parties as of this to come [_and_] go with vytalle and to do any other

thinges at ther plesures, without any agen sayng of any man; but Sir I

am sure that suche speche cometh by cause that part of our armye lyeth

at barton apon Hombre and Grymsby, whyche ar nygh on to thos costes,

and you know my lord that so great a nomber of men as wee be can not

be vytalled and loged if they shuld lye all in one place and therfore

they do not remayn only in the townes affore named but also in the

Citie of lyncoln and all other townes and vyllages abowght the same,

to th’ entent they may be well vytalled and loged at ther ese, and not

for no other cause, and this my lordes grace commanded me to swee yowr

lordssip.

The lord Darcy my felowe I am veray glade to here yow this say, and I

pray god thanke my lord of Suffolk for sending yow hyther to us with

this newys. and sirs I am glade yow ar here to here my felowes mesage

pray yow report it to our cappteyn and to other the comons for they

wylbe veryray glade to here it. for before they were in great dowght

thereof.

The herauld sir my lord of Suffolks Grace understondeth that a lettre

that he wrotte to the lord of cumberland in comfortyng hym to kepe hym

self agenst the rebellyous[1404], for the whych name sum be angrye

therwith, he trusteth that yowr lordship: whych he hath hard ever

speke of so muche honor, ne no other man of nobillitie substance or

honest reputacion: will take hym self, in the lien of that name, but

they that be other and taketh them self for rebellyous his grace

thinkith he can not gyve them a fayrer name.

The lord Darcy my felowe of truyth suche a letter came to our

cappteynes handes, and as toychyng rebellyous if ther be any suche I

wold to god, they were with my lord of Suffolk at lyncoln, and as for

me I trust to declare my self for non of them but for the Kynges true

servante, and I have don hym good servyce, I wyll shewe yow howe. Sir

at the first tyme that Aske reysed the peple here abowghtes [_noted in

margin_] I sayd to my ffryndes and servantz sirs wee can not do the

Kyng a hygher servyce, than take this felowe, and I layd suche wayte

for hym, that if he had kept the appoyntmentz that he made with

gentelmen to come and lye with them at ther howses at iii or iiii

nyghtes one after the other I had taken hym, but whan he appoynted to

be with ony of them at one nyght he wold not come in ii or iii nyghts

after, and whan I sawe I could not gett hym, and that the peple ded

aryse on every parte, ye and fother that I myghte not trust my own

tenantz, than I wente with as monye as I myght gett to the kynges

castell of pomifrytte to kepe and defende the same and I had with me

xiii^{xx} men at my own coste xiiii days, and put the kyng not to one

halfpenye of charge, and thyther came to me the archibussop of Yorke,

and master magnus thinkyng by cause I was an old man of warre, that by

my polycie they might have escaped. they can bere me record of all

this that I shew yow, and thair I sent lettres to the Kyng for yede

what answer I had from hys hyghnes I have redy to shewe, and also I

sent lettres to our lord lieu tenante and his answere I have in lyke

case to shewe, and every day the cappteyn wrytt letters charging me

apon payne of my lyff, that I shuld yeld the castell and do as they

wold do, and if I wold not, if they myght take me by fforce they wold

slee me, and all they that was with me, and ferther they wold born my

howses, and kylle my sons childern, than I beyng in this myschif seyng

no other remyde wold have made with them compossion, and this was on

the fryday at nyght, and I bade them xx li to spare me tell the morowe

ix of the cloke, and for all that I could doo with all the fryndes I

could make, they wold not respyte me but tell vii of the cloke, than

could I not hyere ne see no sucker come and I had not in the castell

so muche gowne-powdre as wold fylle a whalnot shell no nor I had not

so muche fuell as to dresse our supper, and ferther my vytalles that

shuld have come to me was eten and dronkyn in the strete beffore my

face, I than beyng an old man of warre and knowyng the feates therof,

perseyvyng my self in that danger and could escappe no otherwyse with

my lyff, for savegard of the same ded yelde my self, and I promysse

yow if I had not wrought politykly, it had cost me my lyff.

The herauld my lord I think well that this is true that yow say, and

at that tyme ye could not have esscapped with yowr lyff no otherwyse

than ye dede, but whan yow were at the entreatie with the lordes

beffore dancastre, I am sure ye were a great dystance from the hoste,

I mervell than that yowr lordship had not gone from them with the

lordes for ye myght have esscapped ther handes at that tyme if it had

plesed yowr lordship.

The lord Darcy my felowe I wyll shewe yow a taylle for that whan

Thomas fitz Garrard ded rebelle in Irelande he sente word to the duc

of Rychemonde howse [_whose_] sole god pardon that if he wold reseyve

hym he wold yeld hym to hym, and the duc answered full wysely and sayd

by my fethe if I were sure to gett hym his pardon, I wold be glade to

reseyve hym, but he that wyll ley his hed on the bloke, may haue it

sone stryken of [_note in the margin_: What he menyth by this and how

he knew that fizgarrard offred himself to my lorde of Rychmond].

and my felow I spake to my lord of Shryesbury with thes wordes Talbot

hold up thy longe clee and promyse me that I shall have the Kynges

favor and shalbe Indeferently hard, and I wyll come to dancastre to

yow, and th’ erll of Shryesbury sayd to me well lord Darcy, than ye

shall not come it [_sic_], and ferther if I had thought any treason I

myght have foughten with the duc of norfolk and th’ erll of

Shryesbury, on the othersyde of dancastre with ther own men and

brought never a man of our hoste with me.

[_Note in margin_: how he knew that the duke of Norfolkes men woold

have fought agaynst hym.]

The herauld my lord I think that muche that yow say is true but sir

were yow say that ye myght have foughten with the duc of Norfolk and

th’ erll of Shreysbury with ther own men by my truyth I thinke if ther

men ded promyse to tak your parte if ye wold come and fyght with them

they ded it to dysseve yow to the entent to haue gotten therby sum

pyllage or other profith, for they had not a subtillier meane to

dysseve ther enymys than to promyse them to fyght with them, and whan

it cometh to the poynt to fight agenst them, and so I think they wold

have proved yow and if you had proved them, and one thing I am sure of

that ther was never men more desyros to fyght with men than our men be

to fyght with yow and if it pleased the Kyng to suffre them.

The lord Darcy well I pray god they be all as true as yow think they

be, but let that passe. if it please the Kynges highnes to send me my

pardon, although I have no nede of it if I myght be Indeferently hard,

onles they wyll say it is treason that I was amonges them, whych was

for savegard of my lyfe, as I have sayd, I wyll come to his highnes

were it will pleas hys grace to have me, and I hyere say that manye

persuacions be made by Cromwell and other to the gentillmen here to

come from hence to the kyng whome I pray god longe to preserve in

proprius helth hys highnes may well have them so that he pardon them,

but it is not so muche suerty for his own person to have them with hym

in brydwell as to have them here; for I can prove that wee have done

his highness as good servyce as though wee had byn in hys pryvye

chamber and as for my part I have byn and ever wylbe true both to kyng

henry the vii and to the kyng our soverayn lord and I defye hym that

wyll say the contrary, for as I have ever sayd one god one feth and

one kyng.

The herauld. my lord ye say truyth wee can have but one god one feth

and one kyng, and my lord ye say that ye were true servant to kyng

henry vii and to the kyng our soverayn lord sir I think ye were true

to the kyng hys father and to his grace at ther coronacons whan yow

did your homage and fealty, my lord I pray yow pardon me that I am so

playn with your lordshipe, for ye I thinke may well say that ye were

ever true to kyng henry the vii, and by my feth I never hard the

contrary but my lord as to the kyng: howe can yow say that yow have

byn ever true to hym: seyng that yow have borne harnys agenst his lieu

tenante whych represented his own person for that tyme.

The lord Darcy that that I ded was by constraynte for to save my lyf,

and that myght welbe perseyved whan we were at the entreatie at

dancastre, for by cause the lordes and wee tarried a whyll abowght the

entreatie our own hoste wold have ronned apon us to have kylled us

sayng that wee wold bytray them.

The herauld well my lord of truyth in tymes paste whan I have byn

with your lordship at mortlake and at Westmynster I have hard yow

always speke of so muche honor truthe and fethfulnes, that if yow

shuld be falty in any of them ye were worthye beffore all other to

suffre for it. I trust yowr lordship will not be angrye with me that I

shewe yow as my hert thinkes.

The lord Darcy no my felowe for yow say truth for I had rather have

my hed stryken of than I wold defyle my cote armor, for it shall never

be sayd that old Thome shall have one treators tothe in his hed, but

the King nor no other alyve: shall make me do any unlaufull acte, as

to stryke of your hed, and to send it hym in a sake, whych thing myght

be a rebuke to me and to my heyres for ever. [_Note in margin_ no.

the strykyng off the hede]

The herauld my lord yow speke this as though sum mocyon hath byn made

to yow, to take your capptayn, and send hym to the Kyng, thinke yow my

lord that it were a unlaufull acte, to tak or kylle hym and send hym

to the Kyng, if he be a rebellyon as sum do take hym.

The lord Darcy my felowe peraventure it were lawfull for yow and not

for me, for he that promysseth to be true to one, and deseyveth hym,

may be called a treator: whych shall never be seyd in me [_note in

margin_: no. the promise of the lord Darcy] for what is a man but is

[_his_] promysse, but for all laufull thinges whych is not agenst our

feth, he is not lyving that shalbe more redy to do his grace

comandement than I, for if his highness would comand me to go with yow

his herauld to defie the great Turk, by the fethe that I owe to god

and hym I wold do it with a good wyll as old as I am.

The herauld my lord by cause ye speke of our feth howe say yow to the

excludyng of bushope [_sic_] of Rome, and his auctorytie, do yow

thinke that that is agenst our feth.

The lord Darcy by my truth I think that is not agenst our feth, and

what I spake therin to Cromwell, he knoweth hym self well Inough.

The herauld my lord I pray yow gyve me leve to aske other questyones

of yowr lordship. sir hyere yow that any other be upe ferther north.

The lord Darcy my felowe is [_sic_] I hyer say that ther is a huge

nomber upe in Westmorland comberland and lancashyre, and have

mustered, and abowght the bushoppryche of Durem they begyn to spoylle,

and by cause yow shall hyere the truyth, ye shall hyere one of my

seruantz an honest hardy man, I wold the kyng had x m suche, and he

hath byn amongst them, and sawe ther musters, and than his seruante

whas called upe, and when he came, the lord Darcy commanded hym to

shewe the herauld what he had seen in Westmerland comberland and

lancashyre, than sayd his seruante that he had byn amongst them and

that he had seen them mustering and by ther report they were to the

nomber of vii{^xx} thowsand [140,000] men.

The herauld I mervell not muche to hyre of that grete nomber that

yowr servante speketh of for I thinke well ther may be so many tage

and rage but truly of chosyn men of warre ther be not so many as I

think in al the north and half Scotland.

The lord Darcy sir ye knowe not this countrey, for it is a countrey

greatly pepled Well I wyll speke no more thereof, but by my fethe

[_word obliterated_] letter that cometh nowe to my remembrance that

was sente to our cappteyn causeth my hert to blede, for it was wrytten

to hym out of thos parties that he shuld not shrynk in this busynes

and they wold send hym xxx, m men with a moneth wages in ther pursses

and ever that were don they wold send an other moneth wages and the

therd if nede shuld be, and besydes this they have xxx m men moo to

defend agenst the Scotts if they wylbe busie, for they have mustered,

and shewed ther selfes aginst the coste and all this is besydes our

companye.

The herauld my lord if it be so it [_yet_] thanked be god the kyng

hath men Inough to meat with them all and one thing wee be sure of,

wee have the ryght if god be god, for I knowe that it is agenst the

lawe of god to be periured and ther is non that can fyght agenst the

King ther naturall soverayn lord ne agenst anie of his true subiectes

what quarell so ever it be with owt his grace comyssion, that can

excuse ther selves from periury.

The lord Darcy ye say true if they were resonable men, but I wold to

Christ the King knowe the Jeobardy that is in it for as ferre as I can

perseyve by any thing that I can hyre the kyng is so encensed, that he

knoweth not the truyth, therefore I wold I myght speke with my son

bryan or my son Russell for I knowe that they dare and wyll speke to

the King the truyth I pray god all may be well, now my felowe by cause

it is cold, I pray yow take the payne to go with my servante ther, and

he shall brynge yow to a fyer to ese your self.

And his servante brought hym into a fayre parlor were was a good fyer,

and brought hym a pasty of veneson brede wyne and bere, and made hym

good chere and after he had well esed hym self, the lord sent for hym

agen, and sayd My felowe have yow any thing els to say to me from my

lord of Suffolk.

The herauld Sir ye, my lordes grace understondeth that it is comenly

noyssed here amonge yow, that our armye shuld Robe spoylle and vyolate

euery manes wyf doughter and servante and that ther shuld be put to

execution manye of the comons that hath submytted ther selfes, sir,

the truyth is that ther was never no suche actz comytted amongest us

except one Robyrie that was don on a preste for the whych one of our

own armye sir frances bryan servante was putt to execucion.

The lord Darcy Sir shewe my lordes grace that wee hyre full well that

he doth good Justice, and specyally at Stamford by hym that cryed a

newe kyng[1405], for if he had byn amongest us in all our Rage he

shuld never have come to execusion, but wee wold have hewen hym in a

thowsande pees, wee love so our kyng, therefor it I say agen I wold he

were hanged by the neck that wyll refuce his pardon, for if his grace

wyll send it me not with stondyng I have no nede to have it if I myght

be Indeferently hard I wyll come to his grace let them burn this

house, and kyll my sons chyldern yf they wyll, so that I myght scappe

with my lyff from them, let this passe, sir I have reseyved a lettre

syns yow were here, I pray yow rede this artycle in it and the herauld

ded rede it, were in was wryten by hym that sent it after this maner,

My Lord I hard the Lord Cromwell say that yow were a notaryus treator,

and I answered that he was a false knave and yowr lordship shuld prove

your self a true man to the kyng, then sayd the lord Darcy, I beshrewe

hym for his labor, for I knowe I spak folyshe wordes of hym my self at

dancastre the whych nowe I am sorye for, for to say truth every man

had a begynyng and he that the kyng will have honored wee must all

honor and god forbyde that any subiect shuld goo abought to rule the

kyng in his owne realme or be agenst his plesure in any lawfull thing,

and my felow ther was sent me a ryme owt of Westmerland lancashyre and

comberland that makith me to lawgh, for by my truth I mervell how they

can make it, and yow shall have it with yow[1406], and he toke it to

the herauld whych brought it to the kyng, and ferther he sayd to the

herauld

shewe my lord of Suffolk that the comens have beseged carlyell, and

the mayer hath proffered to be sorne [_sworn_] to them, and they wyll

not reseyve hym, but that they wyll have the towne, and the castell at

ther plesures, and also shew hym that my lord of comberland is in

great parell of his lyf for if the comens myght gette hym, they would

kylle hym for he is the worst beloved that ever I hard of, and

specially with his own tenants, and if ther be no remyde founde I

thinke he can not escappe, it the cappteyn [‘is his’ _crossed out_]

and he be come of ii sustres [_written in_] [son _crossed out_] and he

hath wrytten dyvers lettres for hym, I feth I wold he were in this

howse, than I wold trust to ryde hym out of ther haundes.

The herauld my lord I pray you what means suld be founde to helpe

hym.

The lord Darcy well my lord of Suffolk is wyse Inough and can devyse a

meane for hym full well, I pray yow have me humble recomended onto his

grace, and shewe hym that I pray god the kyng have not as muche nede

to tak side nerar home as here for and he sawe the lettres that cometh

dayly to our capteyn from all parties of this realme he wold mervell.

I pray god save the kyng. [_Note in margin_: An Interogatory upon

this.]

and than the lord Darcy tok hym by the hand and gave hym a dowble

duket and to barwyk persyvante an angell and so wee tok our leve of

his lordship.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XII

Note A. The date at which Sir Ingram Percy came to York is not known

with certainty, but his visit appears to have taken place about this

time.

Note B. Sir Brian Hastings misrepresented the summons in his letter of

13 November. “The rebels intended to have had a general council or

parliament at York on Saturday last but the posts from my Lord of

Norfolk, Sir Ralph Ellerker and Mr Bowes stayed them.”[1407] As a matter

of fact it was the posts which caused the Council to be summoned.

Hastings’ information was often inaccurate.

Note C. It seems that Ratcliff was either going to or returning from

Lancashire when he was captured, for otherwise he had no reason to go

near Wakefield, and as he was carrying letters to the Lord Admiral

[Fitzwilliam] it was probably his return journey. The letter containing

the news of his capture was written by Gervis Clyfton to Mr Bankes.

Robert Bankes gave evidence against the rebels before the Earl of Derby

on 2 December[1408]. He may have been the person to whom the letter is

addressed.

Note D. Thomas Treheyron, Somerset Herald, was murdered in Scotland by

two of the Lincolnshire refugees in November 1542[1409].

Note E. The only other reference to this incident, which seems to have

been the appearance of the usual Yorkist pretender, is made by Wilfred

Holme, who says that

... “the commons before Doncaster

Ascribed a Carter to a king coequal in degree.”[1410]

Note F. There were a great many rhymes flying about and it is impossible

to identify this one. Many of the rebel manifestoes were roughly

metrical. The following is part of one which circulated in Westmorland

and Lancashire:

“Gentle commons, have this in your mind,

Every man take his lands’ lord and ye have need,

As we did in Kendalland

Then shall ye speed.

Make your writings, command

Them to seal to grant you your petitions as your desire.

Lords spiritual and temporal, have it in your mind,

The world as it waveth,

And to your tenants be ye kind,

Then may you go on pilgrimage

Nothing you withstand,

And commons to you be true through all Christen land,

To maintain the faith of Holy Church

As ye have take on hand.

Adieu, gentle commons, thus I make an end.

Maker of this letter, pray Jesu be his speed,

He shall be your captain

When that ye have need.”

This proclamation is printed twice in the Letters and Papers, vol. XI,

892 (3) and vol. XII (1), 163 (2).

There was a song against Cromwell called Crummock, which was sung in

Westmorland in the time of the rebellion. It may have contained some

local allusion to Crummock Water[1411], but the commons of Yorkshire

also sang

“Cosh, Crummock, cosh, I would we had thee here,”[1412]

which must have likened the Lord Privy Seal to a bad-tempered cow.

In the summer of 1538 Isaac Dickson commanded a minstrel who was singing

in an ale-house by Windermere to give the song called Crummock which he

had sung at Crossthwaite during the rebellion. The minstrel, who had to

adapt his wares to the party in power, did not dare to sing the song.

Dickson passed from threats to blows, but still the minstrel refused,

fearing the halter more than Dickson’s dagger. There was a brawl, and

both Dickson and the minstrel were arrested[1413].

In connection with Friar Pickering’s poem comparing Cromwell to Haman,

it may be noted that in the anonymous play of “Godly Queen Hester,”

which is attributed to Skelton, a similar parallel is drawn between

Haman and Wolsey, the suppression of monasteries by the latter being

likened to Haman’s persecution of the Jews. See “The Library” October

1913 “Early Political Plays” by M. H. Dodds.