THE MUSTERS AT PONTEFRACT
It was a strange kind of warfare in which the garrison of a surrendered
castle immediately went over to the enemy—joined in their counsels and
became their leaders. When all the gentlemen at Pontefract had taken the
oath Aske “would have yielded up his white rod and name of captain to
the nobility there, which refused, but willed him to continue as captain
because otherwise amongst the nobility there were parte [likely] to be
disdain, if any of them would have taken this office upon them.” A
council was held at once[1070]. Every man was willing and earnest,
excepting the Archbishop and his friend Dr Magnus, who did not attend
the councils[1071]. Darcy and Sir Robert Constable became acknowledged
heads of the Pilgrimage. Constable and Aske had some time before been
“in displeasure” with one another, but, true to their oath, they set
aside all private disputes[1072]. They worked loyally together to muster
and drill the bands of Pilgrims which marched in every hour. At the
councils all the worshipful men “commoned” together “for the setting
forth of the battles and company towards Doncaster, for the preparation
for victuals, scoutwatches and for the orders of the field, and who
should be in the vanward and middleward, and for the answers of the
heralds, and good espials, and search the fords of Don for passage with
the host.” Copies of the oath and Aske’s proclamations were sent out
with the messengers who carried orders and advice to companies on
Pilgrimage in all parts of Yorkshire, in Durham, and in all the north.
Darcy had received trustworthy information from Lancashire, that the
people were about to rise though the Earl of Derby was obstinate in
loyalty[1073]. Aske still had hopes of the young nobleman, and he sent
the servant who brought the news back again, with a letter to the Earl,
and a copy of the oath to be “spread abroad” on his way through the
country[1074].
While the leaders of the Pilgrimage were holding counsel, word was
brought to them that a herald in the King’s coat of arms was riding into
the town. This was Thomas Miller, Lancaster Herald, sent from Scrooby by
the Earl of Shrewsbury to read to the Pilgrims the same proclamation
which had dispersed the men of Lincolnshire. He was a man of parts and
conduct, as became the honourable bearer of the messages of a King. As
he approached Pontefract, he fell in with troops of countrymen on their
way to the musters. They treated him respectfully and listened to his
assurances that the King had never even thought of levying taxes on
burials, christenings, etc. Several hundred, as he said, even promised
him to go home, though it does not appear that they turned back at once.
As he was making his way to the market cross to read his proclamation in
due form, he was stopped and told that the captain of the host, Robert
Aske, had sent for him. He was taken up to the castle, and passed
through the three wards; at the gate of every ward was a porter with a
white rod and “many in harness of very cruel fellows.” He was brought
into a hall full of people and told to wait till the captain’s pleasure
was known. Unappalled by this show of strength and order, the herald
made his way to the high table and boldly began to declare the King’s
will. He was interrupted by a summons to the castle chamber. Here he
found himself before the Archbishop, Darcy, Sir Robert Constable, Sir
Christopher Danby, with other knights and gentlemen. In the midst was
Aske himself, “keeping his port and countenance as though he had been a
great prince with great rigour and like a tyrant,” said Lancaster
afterwards, shocked at such assurance in a traitor. Not deigning to
address a mere gentleman when lords spiritual and temporal were present,
the herald, with due regard for precedence, first offered to deliver his
message to the Archbishop and then to Darcy. Both bade him give it to
the captain, who “with an inestimable proud countenance, stretched
himself and took a hearing of my tale.” On understanding his mission the
captain asked to see the proclamation. The herald drew it from his purse
and Aske “read it openly without reverence to any person[1075], and
said ... he would of his own wit give me the answer. He, standing up in
the highest place of the chamber, taking the high estate upon him, said:
Herald, as a messenger you are welcome to me and all my company,
intending as I do; and as for this proclamation sent from the lords,
from whence ye come, it shall not be read at the Market Cross nor in no
place amongst my people, which be all under my guiding, nor for fear of
loss of lands, life or goods, nor for the power which is against us doth
not enter into our hearts with fear; but are all of one accord with the
points of our articles, clearly intending to see a reformation or else
to die in those causes.” Miller asked what the articles might be; the
captain answered that they were going “to London, upon pilgrimage to the
King’s Highness” to petition him for “full restitution of Christ’s
Church of all wrongs done to it” and the putting down of vile blood from
the Council. At Miller’s request, Aske gave him a copy of the oath and
offered to sign it. The herald “prayed him to put his hand to the said
bill and so he did, and with a proud voice said: This is mine act who so
ever says to the contrary.” The herald again begged that he might read
the proclamation to the commons, and even fell on his knees in his
anxiety to do his errand truly. But Aske was determined. “He clearly
answered me that of my life I should not, for he would have nothing put
in his people’s heads that should sound contrary to his intent.” He
dared not let Lancaster proclaim openly that the Lincolnshire Rebellion
was over. It was already rumoured in the Pilgrims’ host, and roused such
fury among the commons that Aske doubted whether he could save the
herald’s life if he declared the news to be true[1076]. The Pilgrimage
must not be stained with the murder of a messenger. Moreover the
proclamation itself was unsatisfactory, containing no offer of pardon,
nor as much as demanding the Pilgrims’ reasons for rising in arms. These
the King persisted in assuming that he knew—they were the false rumours
of new taxes[1077]. Indeed the proclamation, though couched in the most
sonorous English, contained so little to the point that it was no wonder
a serious leader of the Pilgrimage should treat it with scorn.
Miller naturally thought that had he been allowed to accomplish his
mission the effect would have been great. All the ploughmen and farm
hands, he believed, “would have gone home, ... for they say that they be
weary of that life they lead, and if (any) say to the contrary of the
captain’s will he shall die.” He must have heard the commons grumbling
at the strict orders against spoils.
Aske ended the interview by promising Lancaster perfect safety whenever
he brought messages in the King’s coat, and “if my Lord Shrewsbury or
other lords of the King’s army would come and speak with him, they
should have of him their safe conduct to come safe and go safe. And also
said: Herald, commend me to the lords from whence you come, and say to
them, it were meet they were with me, for it is for all their wealths I
do.... Then he commanded Lord Darcy to give me two crowns of five
shillings to reward whether I would or no, then took me by the arm and
brought me forth of the castle and there made a proclamation that I
should go safe and come safe wearing the King’s coat, on pain of death;
and so took his leave of me and returned into the castle, in high honour
of the people as a traitor may. And I missed my horse, and I called to
him again for to have my horse, and then he made a proclamation that
whoso held my horse and brought him not again immediately, bade kill him
without mercy. And then both my horse was delivered unto me; and then he
commanded that twenty or forty men should bring me out of the town,
where I should least see his people.”[1078]
On this same Saturday 21 October 1536, Sir Thomas Percy arrived at
Pontefract at the head of nearly ten thousand men from the north-east.
To describe the raising of this company we must go back a week or more.
Sir Thomas was at Seamer in the North Riding, his mother’s house, when
the first news of trouble in Lincolnshire came. Three days later a
servant arrived from Wressell Castle, bringing venison for the Dowager
Countess from the Earl. He brought word that Aske had raised the commons
of Howdenshire, and the tenants of Wressell cried before the Earl’s
gates “Thousands for a Percy!” The country round was much disturbed, and
Sir Thomas grew anxious to return home to Prudhoe Castle in Tynedale
where his wife and children were. It must have been about 14 or 15
October that he attempted to go north secretly, disguised in one of his
servant’s coats, leading his own mail horse, and accompanied only by his
page and a couple of men. They presently fell in with two rebel leaders.
One of them “a man with a red face” was William Percehay of Ryton; he
seems to have recognised Sir Thomas or at least to have suspected who he
was. Seeing the Percy livery he asked where Sir Thomas might be. They
replied he was at Seamer. Percehay of Ryton told them the commons had
mustered at Malton and were determined to have Sir Thomas for their
captain. They had set watch to take him, and if he did not join them by
noon they would “leave my lady his mother never a penny or pennyworth of
goods.” Sir Thomas went back to Seamer and told the old Countess that he
could not make his way home “whereupon she wept and sore lamented.”
About two o’clock in the afternoon a large company of commons led by
several gentlemen came to summon him to join the Pilgrimage. The
captains entered the house without any resistance being offered and Sir
Thomas “came forth to them to the great chamber.” They told him they
were assembled for the weal of all; and Lord Latimer, Lord Neville,
Danby, Bowes and many more had already joined them. Sir Thomas willingly
took the Pilgrims’ oath and agreed to attend the muster next day “at the
Wold beyond Spittel.” He went with a dozen or more followers, but
“within a while” four or five thousand commons assembled there. Next day
they spoiled the house of Mr Chamley, who had refused to come in, crying
“Strike off his head,” when Sir Thomas protested. He returned that night
to Seamer to comfort his mother and assure her of his safety, staying
there two nights before leaving for a large muster at Malton. From there
he sent for Sir Nicholas Fairfax and together they took command of about
ten thousand men; they received orders from Aske to march to York, but
in a day or two they were countermanded to the siege of Hull, and, when
news came that Hull had surrendered, to Pontefract[1079].
They passed through York on the 20th and their entry was attended with
some pomp. Sir Oswald Wolsthrope had been raising the people west of the
city in the triangle of country between the rivers Ouse, Nidd and Wharf,
holding musters at Bilborough and Acomb. He joined forces with Percy and
made the Abbot of St Mary’s, much against his will, walk at the head of
the troops as they marched through York carrying his finest cross; “at
the town’s end” Sir Thomas allowed the abbot to steal away “leaving his
cross behind him.” He supposed “Sir Oswald had not been pleased with the
abbot” from whom they had all been getting money[1080]. Sir Thomas Percy
himself was especially splendid. He had sent for “a great trotting bay
gelding” from the sub-prior of Watton, who was under obligations to his
family[1081]; and he had bought in the city (not at his own cost, but at
that of the kindly Treasurer, Colins) four pounds worth of velvet[1082].
“Gorgeously he rode through the King’s highness’ city of York in
complete harness with feathers trimmed as well as he might deck himself
at that time.”[1083] His servants must have worn the Percy livery,
scarlet and black, with the silver crescent on the breast. He must have
looked a worthy son of the Magnificent Earl, and no wonder the commons
greeted him joyfully. They “showed such affection towards him as they
showed towards none other,” and called him “Lord Percy,”—for was he not
“the best of the Percys that were left next to my lord of
Northumberland?” The King could rob him of his inheritance, never of his
blood. But Sir Thomas was honourably loyal to his brother. “He lighted
off his horse and took off his cap and desired them that they would not
so say, for ... the same would turn him but to displeasure.”[1084]
At Sir George Lawson’s house Sir Thomas, Sir Nicholas Fairfax, Sir
Oswald Wolsthrope and the rest of his party met George Lumley, Lord
Lumley’s heir, who had ridden in from Thwing with his tenants. They
discussed the attitude of the religious from whom Percy had received
help in money, provisions and men. He especially praised the Prior of
Bridlington who had sent two brethren “the tallest men that he
saw.”[1085] The prior was a good friend to the Pilgrims though he had
troubles of his own. He was threatened by the commons recruiting for
Percy, but they were satisfied when, besides the two brethren, eleven
horsed tenants of his joined them. Later Aske gave him “a writing for
the assurance of his goods” and in return he contributed twenty nobles
to the Pilgrimage treasury. In spite of his paper he gave £4 to the men
of Holderness “not to drive away his cattle there.”[1086] But this last
may have been a voluntary gift, in spite of the saving clause. The
religious were being heavily taxed. Sir Nicholas Fairfax said that as it
was a spiritual matter “he thought meet that the priors and abbots and
other men of the Church should ... go forth in their own person.” He
went himself to the unfortunate Abbot of St Mary, who had already done
his best to satisfy Percy and Wolsthrope. Sir Thomas sent Lumley on a
round of religious houses, to St Saviour’s of Newburgh, Byland, Rievaux,
Whitby, Malton and Kirkham, while John Lambeth, his servant, went to
Mountgrace, Bridlington, and Guisborough: “to move the abbots or priors
and two monks of every of those houses with the best cross to come
forwards in their best array.” Byland, Newburgh and Whitby contributed
forty shillings each, but all had given Percy help before. The abbot of
Rievaux and the prior of Guisborough were ready to come in person, but
Aske countermanded Percy’s orders, bidding Lumley obtain such
“benevolence” as he could, but let the religious themselves tarry at
home[1087]. The money which the Pilgrims collected would be spent by the
captains on food and lodging for their men. Each of the commons “found”
by his township was given twenty shillings to begin with: the ordinary
rate of pay for soldiers was eight pence a day, so this would last at
least a month and with presents, spoils, etc. might be made to go
further, as the Pilgrims were on a kind of volunteer service. The
townships had taxed themselves to raise this money. Gentlemen went at
their own cost.
After Lancaster Herald had left Pontefract, Aske and Sir Robert
Constable held musters on St Thomas’ hill near Pontefract where they
“tried out the men.” “No man there but was willing to do his best and
prepare for battle.”[1088] News came that the Earl of Shrewsbury had
mustered his army on Blythe Law. As the lords and captains sat at supper
in the castle hall that night, a messenger came in with a letter for
Darcy. He read it through and dropped it on the board with a sigh[1089].
Aske, who was sitting opposite, reached across for the paper, which was
to this purpose: “Son Thomas, the Earl of Shrewsbury entendeth to take
you sleeper.” It was unsigned. The captain assured Darcy that there was
“scorage (scouts) enough out to give him warning.” Darcy advised that
Ferrybridge (now Wentbridge) should be watched for the night; and Aske
sent a company accordingly. Who was the spy in Shrewsbury’s ranks? If
Darcy ever revealed his name it was to Aske alone; and Aske never
betrayed him. The question was more interesting to Henry than to us, but
there can be no doubt that a considerable party in the royal army
secretly favoured the Pilgrims and were ready to desert if the latter
gained a victory.
Blythe, where Shrewsbury mustered, is close to Scrooby in
Nottinghamshire about twelve miles south of Doncaster and at least
twenty-five, as the crow flies, from Pontefract. There was not,
therefore, any immediate danger of surprise. Ferrybridge is on the Aire,
hardly two miles north of Pontefract on the direct road from York—an
essential joint in the Great North Road. But at that time this important
passage was called Ferrybridges, and Wentbridge, also on the main road,
but two miles south of Pontefract, was known as Ferrybridge[1090]. This
naturally causes some confusion on a first reading of the documents
concerned. It was Wentbridge that Darcy advised Aske to hold in case of
Shrewsbury’s sudden advance. The Went is a far smaller stream than the
Aire, but when the waters were swollen it would probably be
impracticable for an army to ford it. Ferrybridge on the Aire was also
guarded; but for different reasons. It was in the rear of the Pilgrims’
host and out of reach of attack. Nevertheless no one was allowed to
cross northwards without a passport from Aske: this served the double
purpose of checking spies or suspicious letters and preventing the
retreat of “those who were fainthearted.”[1091] An instance of the
keeping of Ferrybridge is given by the adventures of Harry Sais. He was
a servant of Christopher Askew, the gentleman of the King’s Chamber whom
Cromwell had sent to Lincolnshire[1092]. He came north early in October
to bring home three of his master’s horses which were “with one Mr
Knevet at grass.” By the time he reached his destination the country was
up, and he dared not take the horses lest they should be stolen. He set
out southwards without them, accompanied by a gentlewoman, Mrs Beckwith,
perhaps one of Leonard Beckwith’s family. When they came to Ferrybridge
they were stopped by the guards and told to swear to be true to God and
the King; Sais said he was willing. “And not to us?” asked another. “If
ye be true to the King, or else I would be loath to swear.” He was told:
“If ye do not swear thus, to be true to God and to the King and to the
commons, thou shalt lose thy head.” So he took the oath “upon a little
book that one of them brought forth of his sleeve.” He was taken to
Pontefract during the siege and saw the rebel host, which he thought was
about ten thousand, the most part horsed but without much harness. When
the castle was taken it was said the Pilgrims would go forward to
London. He was allowed to go southwards and at Wentbridge he found the
lady waiting; they continued their journey together and passed through
Shrewsbury’s host at Doncaster[1093].
On Sunday 22 October at nine o’clock in the morning William Stapleton
brought to Pontefract the host of Beverley which had been besieging
Hull. They had set out for York on Saturday morning, leaving a garrison
in Hull. Stapleton, Rudston and Sir Ralph Ellerker rode in advance, and
presently met a post from Aske with a letter announcing the surrender of
Pontefract Castle and the capture of the Earl of Northumberland by a
party of the commons. At York they heard the equally welcome news that
Sir Thomas Percy “had gone towards Pontefract with a goodly band the
same day.”[1094] Sir Ralph, two of the Rudstons and young Robert Aske
dined at Sir George Lawson’s where they heartily abused Cromwell, Sir
Ralph saying that he “was a traitor and he would prove it if the King
would hear him.”[1095]
After passing through York the companies parted, no doubt for
convenience in foraging. Sir Ralph and Rudston spent the night at
Shirburn, while the Stapletons rode home to Wighill, “and lodged their
folk a mile off at Tadcaster.” The night was full of flying rumours
carried from company to company by posts spurring through the muddy
lanes. One cried in passing that every man must go forward for Doncaster
Bridge was down; another came to Wighill from his master Sir James
Strangways, who lay at Wetherby with Lord Latimer, Lord Neville and
their northern host. About midnight, William and his nephew were roused
from their beds by a messenger from Shirburn, sent on by Ellerker with
orders for them to be at Pontefract by nine o’clock in the morning, and
there they arrived at the appointed hour on Sunday 22 October[1096].
Besides bands from different parts of the shire, all the country round
Pontefract was taking up arms. As soon as news of the surrender of
Pontefract Castle came to Wakefield no one there was in any doubt as to
which side he would take. Thomas Grice, Darcy’s steward, who put his
master first and his religion second, was overjoyed to find duty and
inclination point the same path. At Halifax the Tempests and their
faction declared for the Pilgrimage; it immediately appeared that Sir
Henry Saville was loyal. The old feud divided the district into two
violent parties. At first both sides hoped to turn the insurrection to
good account against their enemies. John Lacy, the bailiff of Halifax
under Sir Richard Tempest whose son-in-law he was, declared for the
Pilgrims “before any of those parts went to Aske.” He ordered the men of
the town to harness themselves and to take the church cross and carry it
before them into Lancashire where they would raise the commons; and this
he commanded in the name of Sir Richard Tempest. Henry Farrore, a
partisan of Saville’s, refused to go and the expedition seems to have
been given up. Lacy had made a political rhyme “touching the King very
sore.” The only verse preserved does not scan very well: “that as for
the King a nappyll and a fair wench to dally with all would please him
very well.” This embodies the popular conception of Henry at that time.
The people believed him a bluff jolly King Hal, who cared not who ruled
his kingdom as long as he had his pleasures. The rhyme was repeated to
the vicar, Holdsworth, by a yeoman named Middleton, and they went
together to Sir Henry Saville, who was sick in bed, and told him of the
matter. But Middleton was somewhat alarmed by the serious way it was
taken and said his wife had reminded him that the rhyme was not about
the King but about the “Bishop of Canterbury.” Holdsworth sent a servant
to “make good cheer” with Middleton and his wife and “spy a time” to get
to the bottom of the matter. He asked the woman if the rhyme were not
about the Bishop. “Nay, Marry!” said she, “it was made against the King
and my lord Privy Seal.” Her husband contradicted her, but she answered
“Marry! it is so, for it was so indeed against the King and my lord
Privy Seal, by God! without fail.” In this way the vicar and Saville
collected accusations against their enemies[1097].
Aske’s advance and the general success of the movement soon changed the
face of things. Sir Henry Saville, in spite of his sickness, found it
advisable to fly to Shrewsbury. Dr Holdsworth made his way to London, in
the happy belief that his gold was safely hidden[1098] and the rebels
would find in his vicarage only such goods as he did not mind losing.
The Lacys instantly seized his house and seem to have made it their
headquarters; they took all the locks off the doors, and divided
everything they could get amongst themselves. Thomas Lacy was given the
firewood that was stored under the stairs; he carried it off, and seeing
the earth below he remembered it was said that the vicar hid money in
the ground. “He took a piked staff and struck into the ground and at the
first stroke hit the pot.” He told nobody of his find but took the money
home in his sleeve, presumably by little and little. He stored it “in a
pepper poke of canvas which would hold a pound of pepper, but the gold
did not fill it by two fingers’ breadth.” He used some of it for himself
though he never counted the whole amount[1099].
Meanwhile most of the gentlemen of the countryside joined the
insurgents. Sir William Fairfax, the stingy farmer of Ferriby Priory was
an exception. As he was riding through the town of Wakefield about 22
October the commons demanded that he should take the oath. They received
no favourable answer, the knight putting spurs to his horse and riding
for home. Immediately the whole town assembled in arms, six hundred men
and more, led by Thomas Grice who was proclaimed their captain, a canon
of York, and the bailiff. They pursued the fugitive, who in the meantime
had reached Millthrop Hall and gone to bed. A party of commons rushed to
his room, tore him out of bed “and him evil entreated to the great fear
and danger of his life.” They haled him before Thomas Grice, “then
sitting on horseback in the street,” and he was compelled to swear
instantly; Grice gave him into the charge of the bailiff of Wakefield
and a guard of commons, commanding them to carry him to Aske. He was “in
most cruel manner conveyed ... to the said town of Wakefield as though
he had been a felon”; there they kept him all night, and at eight next
morning brought him before Captain Grice again. A guard of two hundred
men or more was told off to take him to Pontefract Castle. At length he
was carried before Aske, who was holding a great muster on St Thomas’
Hill, and “delivered to the said traitor Aske and other detestable
villains of his company as a prisoner taken by the said Grice.”[1100] As
usual, it is here at the most interesting place that Sir William’s
complaint ends. Once out of the hands of his private enemies he seems to
have submitted to fate and gone quietly forward with the Pilgrims[1101].
Next came in the band of the Bishopric of Durham, five thousand strong,
under the leadership of Lords Latimer, Lumley and Neville Westmorland’s
son and heir, Sir Robert Bowes of Barnard Castle and his sons, Sir John
and Sir William Bulmer[1102]. Part of Richmondshire was with them, and
the rest of it, with Wensleydale, Craven, and Ripon, was besieging
Skipton Castle under the Nortons and others. Orders had been despatched
for this second host to attend the Pontefract musters, and they were
about to obey, bringing Cumberland and Lord Scrope if they could catch
them[1103]. The Haliewer folk brought with them the famous banner of St
Cuthbert[1104], which was preserved in the monastery of Durham and only
brought forth on high feast days and in time of war. It was of white and
crimson velvet, richly embroidered in gold and silk, with St Cuthbert’s
cross in the midst. Often as it had been borne in the field against the
Scots it was “never carried or showed at any battle, but, by the
especial grace of God Almighty, and the mediation of holy St Cuthbert,
it brought home the victory.”[1105] The Bishopric host wore badges
embroidered with a black cross and with the insignia of the Five Wounds
of Christ[1106], a wounded Heart in the centre, from which drops of
blood are falling into a Chalice, two pierced Hands above, and two
pierced Feet below. They were the first to use this device as a badge;
it was blazoned on the Pilgrims’ banner[1107].
When they marched into Pontefract Lord Darcy was at dinner[1108],—a meal
which began at eleven and commonly lasted two hours, though in “busy
times” it must often have been cut short. Aske brought in the lords and
gentlemen of the county Palatine and presented them to Darcy in the
castle chamber. The two chiefs called a select number aside into a deep
window. The three lords, Sir Robert Constable, Sir Thomas Percy, Sir
Ralph Ellerker, Rudston, Roger Lassells, Robert Bowes, Sir John Dawnye,
Sir William Fairfax, Sir Oswald Wolsthrope, Sir Robert Neville, Robert
Challoner, Thomas Grice and William Babthorpe were among the
councillors[1109]. It must have been a very large window.
Darcy gave them the latest news, that Shrewsbury, supported by Norfolk,
had reached Doncaster: it was determined to advance to the Don next day
and oppose his crossing[1110]. The formation of the army was then
discussed. The Bishopric men as the bearers of St Cuthbert’s sacred
banner[1111] must lead the vanguard in battle, and Darcy advised that
they should lie that night at Wentbridge where they might guard against
a night attack while at the same time they would be a couple of miles on
their way to Doncaster. But Robert Bowes objected to this arrangement;
his men and horses were in no fit state to go further that night.
Finally it was agreed that Sir Thomas Percy should command the vanguard,
until the host had re-mustered on the banks of the Don. He was to have
under him Sir Ralph Ellerker, Sir William Constable, Rudston and the
Stapletons with the whole of the East Riding, which having come in early
had rested through the day. The rest of the host was to follow next
day—the middle ward composed of the West Riding under Darcy and Sir
Richard Tempest, the rear ward of the Bishopric with their own leaders
and Aske[1112].
Darcy on seeing the badge of the Five Wounds worn by the Bishopric
gentlemen, was reminded that the same device had been used on his
Spanish Expedition against the Moors[1113]. Somewhere in the castle a
store of the badges was found, and promptly distributed among the
Pilgrims. Darcy himself gave one to Aske[1114] and through the whole
host it was gladly worn as the true symbol of their pilgrimage for the
Faith. Why Darcy had kept these old badges so long, and how there
chanced to be so many; whether they were really old, and if not, who had
made them, were questions which afterwards excited Henry’s curiosity.
But, if they were ever answered, the answers are lost.
Proclamation was made to the host “for every man of the east parts to
void the town on pain of death, and to draw to Wentbridge to wait upon”
Sir Thomas Percy. Stapleton and the other captains mustered the men and
marched them down to the Went, where they passed the night[1115].
To summarise the position of the Pilgrims—on the night of Sunday 22
October they had advanced as far as Wentbridge, which was occupied by a
strong force. The main body lay at Pontefract while a host of unknown
strength was expected from Mashamshire and the Dales, but had not yet
arrived. They had captured Hull, York, Pontefract, Barnard Castle,
Durham and Lancaster, but still had in their rear the loyal towns of
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Berwick and Carlisle (which, however, was not able
to offer much resistance), and also some isolated castles, Skipton,
Scarborough, Chillingham and Norham. At this point the fortunes of the
Pilgrims may be left for a time, in order to consider the forces with
which the King was preparing to oppose them.
NOTES TO CHAPTER X
Note A. The proper “reverence” on receiving a letter from the King was
to take off the hat, kneel down, and kiss the seal.
Note B. It is not clear which of two extant proclamations to the
rebels Lancaster Herald had with him on this occasion. The one
indicated in the “Letters and Papers” does contain an offer of pardon,
if the rebels will disperse and give up ten leaders. The other is very
similar but contains no promise of pardon, so this was probably the
one used[1116].
Note C. An abstract of Lancaster Herald’s account of his mission is
given in L. and P. XI, 826, but the account is printed in full in
“State Papers,” I, p. 485; in a Newcastle-upon-Tyne Tract by
Longstaff, “A Leaf from the Pilgrimage of Grace”; and in
“Archaeologia,” XVI, p. 331; Froude also makes considerable quotations
from it. Lancaster Herald represents himself as acting boldly and with
dignity, and Aske with considerably more dignity than the Herald
thought became a captain of rebels. In marked contrast with this
account is Archbishop Lee’s version of the same affair. According to
the Archbishop “Robert Aske so blustered and spake so terrible words
that the poor man fell down upon his knees for fear and said he was
but a messanger.” Lee raised him, saying, “it beseemed not that coat
armour to kneel before any man there.” This is hard to reconcile with
the earlier account. The Archbishop must have been good-naturedly
trying to befriend Miller, who was afterwards accused of shaming the
King’s coat by kneeling to a traitor. At the same time Lee’s little
perversion enabled him to exhibit himself in a nobly loyal attitude.
In Lee’s narrative Aske always appears as a ferocious captain of
banditti, but this portrait is not confirmed by the other evidence.
Note D. For a full discussion of this symbol see “The Western
Rebellion of 1549” by Frances Rose-Troup, Append. A, and “Notes and
Queries,” 11th ser., VIII, 107, 176, 217, 236, 258. A badge, said to
be that worn by Sir Robert Constable during the Pilgrimage, is
preserved at Everingham, Yorks. An excellent photograph of this badge
forms the frontispiece of “The Western Rebellion of 1549”; there is
another in “The Yorkshire Archaeological Journal,” pt. LXXXI, and a
sketch in “The Transactions of the East Riding Antiquarian Society,”
vi, 47.
Antonio Guaras, a Spaniard who lived in England under Edward VI and
wrote a chronicle of Henry VIII’s reign, says that the Pilgrims wore
as their badge “The Five Plagues of Egypt”! His mistake arose from the
similarity between the Spanish phrases “cinco plagas de Egipto,” the
five plagues of Egypt, and “cinco llagas de Cristo,” the Five Wounds
of Christ[1117]. But although this is some excuse, he might have known
that the Plagues of Egypt were not five but twelve.