THE INSURRECTION IN THE EAST RIDING
If the agitators of the Yorkshire and Lincolnshire risings had been
working together for a general rising at Michaelmas, their plans were
upset; for in the first place Yorkshire did not take up arms till a week
after the appointed day; and secondly the Lincolnshire movement
collapsed with such incredible swiftness. It began on Sunday 1 October,
and by Wednesday the 18th it was over. But when Yorkshire did rise,
events moved so fast that before the insurgents south of Trent had laid
down their arms, the commons of the East Riding had entered York in
triumph, and so widespread was the sympathy felt for their cause that
they might almost be described as masters of the six northern counties.
We will now return to the beginning of the month and trace the course of
the rising of Yorkshire.
When the hunting-party at William Ellerker’s house in Yorkswold broke up
on 3 October, 1536[705], John and Christopher Aske rode to join Sir
Ralph Ellerker the younger, who was with the King’s commissioners of the
subsidy at Hemingborough[706]. Robert Aske and several of his nephews,
law students, turned south and crossed the Humber into Lincolnshire,
ostensibly with no other purpose than returning straight to London for
the term[707]. How they were “taken” and sworn by the commons has
already been related. On Friday, 6 October, the day after his meeting
with Moigne at Hambleton Hill, Robert Aske left his Lincolnshire company
and crossed the Trent into Marshland. Here, and in Howdenshire, north of
the Ouse, where Aughton lay, Aske was in his own country, among men
ready and anxious to rise at his word. He was eagerly welcomed as a
bearer of news from Lincolnshire, and at the mere sight of him the bells
would have been rung, had he not prevented it. All through the
insurrection the ringing of bells was the special sign of the rebels—the
call to arms against the Government. To sound the alarm, generally by
ringing the peal backwards, was to proclaim to all the surrounding
country that the parish had risen. Aske advised the men of Marshland not
to be the first to stir, but to wait till they heard the bells of
Howdenshire. He then crossed the Ouse into Howden and bade the people
there listen for the bells of Marshland before ringing their own; and so
assured himself, in the simplest way, that the alarm would not be given
without his own orders. His motive for this expedition was highly
characteristic. He was determined to delay the Yorkshire rising till the
answer to the Lincolnshire petitions was known[708]. The King might be
inclined to make concessions after all, and Aske regarded rebellion as
the last expedient, to be resorted to when everything else failed. But
this delay, though doubtless it seemed best at the time, when the
commons once let loose might have plunged into any excess, was certainly
a mistake. As the two counties had failed to rise together, the sooner
Yorkshire gave its full support to Lincolnshire the better. On the other
hand, as confusion reigned in the Lincolnshire host, perhaps that brief
pause on the brink of rebellion made little difference in the long run.
Aske rode on to Aughton, but finding his brothers were away with the
King’s commissioners, he turned back to Howden for the night. While he
slept certain honest men of the town came to his bedside to tell him
that Sir George Darcy “would take him if he tarried.” Next day, 7
October, he set out for Lincoln, as rumour said that the King’s answer
had arrived there. Reaching the town on Saturday evening he found
everything in confusion, owing to the mutual distrust of gentlemen and
commons. Both parties, he was told, regarded his journey into Yorkshire
as a desertion, and “if he tarried he should be slain either by the
gentlemen or by the commons.” On this warning he left the sign of the
Angel, where he had put up, and spent the night in hiding with the
host’s brother, a priest. Early in the morning he finally turned his
face northwards and rode to Burton-upon-Stather ferry. Trent was flooded
by the heavy rain on Saturday[709], and he was unable to cross for two
days. At length he crossed the Trent about midnight on Monday, 9
October. He had left Yorkshire on the verge of open revolt; before he
returned the plunge was taken. Exactly how far he was responsible for it
is one of the mysteries of the Pilgrimage.
At the first word of rising in Lincolnshire the anxiety of everyone
responsible for the peace of Yorkshire became painful. Those who were
honestly loyal to the King feared for their property and lives; a far
larger number secretly sympathised with the rebels, but were too
cautious to break with the Government until they were certain of being
on the winning side; even those who entirely approved and who had (we
suspect) been working for an outbreak, generally made an effort to
preserve some appearance of loyalty at the last. The Archbishop of York,
who in spite of all his protestations seems to have belonged to the
waverers, heard the news at Cawood, his favourite residence[710].
Fearing that some of the “light heads in Yorkshire might be encouraged
to do likewise,” he wrote to Darcy at Templehurst, to Dr Magnus (a
member of the King’s Council), Sir George Lawson and the lord mayor of
York; to Robert Crake and Sir Ralph Ellerker the younger, to “keep an
eye on Beverley where there were some light heads”; he sent besides to
Ripon, that in all these places the news might be published that the
Earl of Shrewsbury had set forth against the insurgents[711]. Needless
to point out, he was also spreading the news of revolt. Sir Ralph
Ellerker already knew of the rising[712]; all the north bank of the
Humber had been stirred by beacons lighted on the Lincolnshire side on
Wednesday 4 October, the very night that Aske had been raising the river
side[713], and Sir Ralph had reported the fact to Darcy next day.
Darcy despatched his son, Sir Arthur, to the King with news of the
risings in Northumberland, Dent, Sedbergh and Wensleydale and the
warning that “greater rebellions were to be feared.”[714] He then left
Templehurst, his family seat, for Pontefract Castle, as it was customary
for the King’s steward to repair to his post in time of unrest. The
rumour, afterwards reported to the King, that he had fled there from the
commons with only twelve horsemen was quite unfounded; as a matter of
fact he was obliged to travel very slowly on account of his infirmity,
for he was nearly eighty years old; he had as many men as he wished with
him and every day more of the loyal gentlemen came in with their
followers[715]. Nevertheless his position was anything but secure. Out
of a garrison of 300 men hardly a hundred could be trusted if it came to
a general rising[716]. The town of Pontefract, indeed all the county,
favoured the rebels and hindered his efforts to buy provisions. York
itself would certainly welcome any rebel force, if the King could not
send troops to overawe the citizens[717]. Darcy had written to the King
as early as 6 October for guns and powder[718], as even if victualled
the castle was not in a state of defence. But the King had neither money
nor arms to spare, and, preoccupied with the affairs of Lincolnshire,
did not see fit to despatch either to Yorkshire. Moreover, Darcy’s
loyalty had long been under suspicion, and Henry probably thought that
if things came to the worst it would be better to lose a doubtful
supporter than to send arms to a possible rebel. The most single-hearted
commander might have been daunted by the prospect, and Darcy had
secretly avowed to the Imperial ambassador that his object in coming
north was to organize a rebellion. But whatever his motives were he now
strove to keep the country quiet. He believed (or at least professed to
believe) that the gentlemen were ready to serve the King[719]. He
postponed all “commissions, leets and other assemblies ... till the
King’s pleasure is further known”; he issued soothing messages and
proclamations, but in spite of the momentary success of these
endeavours, on Sunday 8 October the whole of the East Riding flamed up
like a pile of dried bracken, at the first spark of open sedition.
That spark was struck in Beverley. As John and Christopher Aske were
returning home from Hemingborough on Saturday 7 October, they found “the
people drawn out in the fields, awaiting the ringing of Howden great
bell to advance.” The brothers set out the same night and travelled
along the Derwent staying the people[720]; they probably spent the night
at Aughton and next day rode to Beverley and dined with Mr
Babthorpe[721]; long before they left, the town was in commotion and the
alarm bells ringing[722].
The special jurisdiction of Beverley had been abolished by the same act
that swept away the privileges of Durham[723]. This the people bitterly
resented; and they saw clearly that the days of their beloved St John
were numbered. When news first came to Beverley of the Lincolnshire
rising, the people in the market began to talk of going to London “to
have four docepyers (deceivers?) in the realm,” and of bringing home the
goods of Cheapside and the south. A gentleman was heard to say that the
rebels might be sure of Holderness, where he dwelt; and on Saturday two
canons arrived from Lincolnshire and put up at the Tabard Inn, where
they spoke treasonable words[724]. No one could cross the Humber without
a pass from the Lincolnshire rebels[725]. Either on Saturday or Sunday a
letter had come to Robert Raffells “one of the twelve men (i.e.
aldermen) of Beverley,” purporting to come from Robert Aske, bidding
every man of the town to swear to be true to God, the King and the
Commonwealth, and to maintain Holy Church[726]. Raffells had kept this
secret as long as he could[727], but on Sunday 8 October one Roger
Kitchen heard of it and said “he would that day ring the common bell or
die for it.” An attempt was made to stop him, but too late; the bell was
already calling the townsfolk to the market-place. Richard Wilson and
Richard Newdyke commanded the burgesses to assemble at the Town-Hall,
where surrounded by an armed company they read the letter in the name of
Robert Aske, and further proclaimed that every man was to take the oath
on pain of death[728]. No one demurred, and the whole town was sworn. It
was appointed that they should meet, fully armed, in the West Wood field
at four o’clock[729].
Among the throng was one William Breyar, a sanctuary man, who was
wandering about England in the Queen’s livery, to which he seems to have
had no special right; after being sworn with the rest he heard a man in
the crowd say that Robert Aske and another gentleman had been to dinner
at Mr Babthorpe’s house; the bailly Stuard replied, “I marvel what
Robert Aske doth with Mr Babthorpe, for he is a worshipful gentleman”;
rather an ambiguous remark[730]. It was really the two elder Askes who
were in Beverley; Robert was waiting with what patience he might at
Burton-upon-Stather till the evening fell and the beacons on the north
bank of Humber showed him that Yorkshire had not stayed for his coming.
Whether or no he wrote the proclamation that raised the country it is
hard to say, for he himself “utterly denied making or consenting to”
it[731]. On the whole, we incline to accept his word, but fortunately
the question, though interesting, is of little importance. Whoever wrote
this particular letter to Beverley, there is not the slightest doubt
that Aske was from the first the chief leader in the East Riding. If we
suppose this letter to have been “forged in his name” it proves him to
have been admittedly the man with most influence.
The commons of Beverley duly assembled at four o’clock on West Wood
Green, every man that was able with horse and harness; and a council was
held for sending letters to allies and making plans for future
movements[732]. William Woodmancy was despatched to Lincolnshire with
the letter to the commons there under the town seal[733]. A summons was
sent to York, probably at the same time, though the document is undated:
“my lord mayor and all the commons” were asked to send word “against
tomorrow night” to the White Lion at Newborough, whether they would
allow the commons of Beverley “to pass through this the King’s city with
your favour or not, in case we so require.”[734] The lord mayor, anxious
not to quarrel with anyone, seems to have prudently refrained from
sending any reply.
West Wood Green, where the commons met, was near the house of the Grey
friars[735], where some visitors were staying,—Christopher Stapleton of
Wighill, with his wife, his brother William, and his son Brian[736]. It
is William Stapleton’s long statement that gives many details of the
rising of Beverley and the only full account of the siege of Hull.
William had been about to go to London for the law term when the news of
the Lincolnshire rising prevented him. When disturbances broke out in
Beverley he felt that he could not leave Christopher “ever thinking that
it should be slanderous to him to leave his said brother in that
extremity, who for extreme fear, being so feeble and weak, neither able
to flee nor make resistance, was like without great help to fall in
sound (swoon), wherein the said William moved with natural pity, did
comfort him, promising not to flee from him, and therein he took great
comfort.” Orders were given that all the household were to stay indoors,
but as the crowds trooped past to West Wood Green, Mistress Stapleton
“went forth and stood in a close where great numbers came of the other
side of the hedge,” and cried to them, “God’s blessing have ye, and
speed you well in your good purpose.” They asked her why her husband and
his servants did not come out to them, to which she replied, “They be in
the Friars. Go pull them out by the heads.” Her behaviour increased the
“perplexity” of the unfortunate Christopher, who mildly remonstrated,
“What do ye mean except ye would have me, my son and heir, and my
brother cast away and mine heirs for ever disinherited?” The lady merely
retorted that it was God’s quarrel.
The commons now devoted themselves to revenging old grudges. An earnest
supporter of the Archbishop of York in his recent dispute with the town
was nearly killed; and “great quarrels were picked to Robert Raffells of
the same part.” After dark William Stapleton sent a servant to
Christopher Sanderson, advising him to stay the commons if possible, and
begging him in any case to show them that his brother was too impotent
to help them, and to persuade them to spare him and his household on
that account.
Next day, Monday the 9th, the commons assembled again at West Wood
Green, and sent to young Sir Ralph Ellerker to ask him to join them. He
offered to come and give them his advice if they would not require him
to take the oath, for he was, he said, sworn to the King already; but
they refused to exempt him. It then occurred to them that everyone in
the town had taken the oath except the Stapletons at the Friary. Brother
Bonaventure, the Observant friar[737], was among the people, and acted
as a messenger between the house and the Green. He told William that the
commons were threatening to burn the Friary and those in it if they
would not join them, and “was very busy going between the wife of the
said Christopher and the said wild people, oft laying scripture to
maintain their purpose, noting the same to be goodly and specially to
the said William.” In the end they sent one or two honest men to take
Christopher’s oath in the house, and to bring out William and Brian. As
soon as the commons saw them they rushed towards them crying, “with
terrible shouts”—“Captains! Captains!” And when they had taken the oath
the people cried, “Master William Stapleton shall be our captain,”
“which [he] thinketh came by reason of the said Observant in setting him
forth with some praises to the said people or else they would never have
been so earnest of him whom they did not know.” Seeing how wild and
dangerous the mob was, Stapleton thought the wisest thing he could do
was to accept the leadership, and they made a bargain that if he would
be their captain they would obey his orders in everything not contrary
to their oath. He then stayed old grudges and moved them to proceed in
this quarrel as brothers and not make spoil of any man’s goods; and sent
them home for the night. Mistress Stapleton and Brother Bonaventure were
very much pleased with the way things were going, and the friar went
himself in harness with the commons. As the host was breaking up, Roger
Kitchen “came riding forth of town like a man distraught,” crying, “As
many as be true unto the commons follow me,” and led out a party to
raise the neighbouring country[738]. They went to fire Hunsley Beacon,
but it was lying on the ground; however, they made fires of hedges and
haystacks to spread the alarm[739].
The beacons set all the country in a “floughter” as far as they could be
seen. Aske saw them as he crossed the Trent at midnight, after all his
weary hours of waiting. He was in Marshland on the morning of Tuesday,
10 October, and there he found that the gentlemen had received orders
from Sir Brian Hastings, the sheriff, to raise men for the King and join
him at Nottingham. Thereupon they called a meeting of the commons in the
parish church, but suddenly the bells were rung backward there and in
every church in Marshland. Following Aske’s former advice, the bells of
Howdenshire answered from their steeples across the Ouse; by nightfall
the whole countryside had taken up arms[740]. Aske now wrote and
published his first proclamation—the first, that is, which he
acknowledged as his own, and the earliest extant. It is undated, but
there is little doubt that it was published during the rising of
Marshland on 10 October[741]:—
“Masters, all men to be redie to morow and this nighte and in the
mornyng to ryng yo^r bellis in every towne and to assemble your selfs
upon Skypwithe moure and thare apoynte your captayns Master Hussye,
Master Babthorp and Master Gascoygne and other gentilmen, and to yeff
(_give_) warnyng to all be yonde the watter to be redy upon payn of
dethe for the comen Walthe; and make your proclymacion every man to be
trewe to the kyngs issue, and the noble blode, and preserve the
churche of god frome spolyng; and to be trewe to the comens and ther
welthis; and ye shall have to morowe the statutes and causis of your
assemble and peticion to the kyng, and place of oure meting and all
other of pour (? _word illegible_) and comen welthe in haste; By me
Robt. ask cheiff captayn of Marches lande, th’ ile and howden shyre
Thomas Methm Robt aske yonger. Thomas Saltmerche Wyllm Monketon Master
ffranke Master cawood captayns of the same.”
This was Robert Aske’s first assumption of authority; it is interesting
to note his title. The Isle is the Isle of Axholme, between the Trent
and the Don (as it then was). Marshland, Yorks., was the triangle of
country between the Don and the Ouse which formed part of the West
Riding. The county boundary still more or less follows the course of the
river now removed. So Aske was first made captain of three wapentakes,
one in Lincolnshire, one in the West Riding, one in the East, each
separated from its neighbour by a great river. As to the other captains,
Robert Aske the younger was doubtless Robert’s nephew, John’s son and
heir, a wild young law student. William Monketon, his brother-in-law,
was his constant companion all through the stirring months that
followed. Saltmarsh and Franke will both reappear hereafter.
At nightfall Aske went to a poor man’s house to hide from his followers
and get a little sleep, but his place of retreat was discovered and a
bodyguard of enthusiastic volunteers burst in and escorted him over the
water into Howdenshire, where the commons were clamouring for his
presence. No one was thinking of sleep here; a large company of commons
were at the house of Sir Thomas Metham, knight, whom they had taken out
of his bed the night before to be their captain. Not being in sympathy
with the rebels he had fled at the first opportunity, and they were now
threatening to burn down his house. Aske exerted his influence to save
it, and soon persuaded them to return quietly to their beds for what
remained of the night. There was to be a general muster of the
Howdenshire men at Ringstanhirst next morning, corresponding to that of
the commons of Marshland on Skipwith Moor. Sir Thomas Metham’s son and
heir became one of Aske’s petty captains, perhaps out of gratitude for
the saving of his inheritance[742].
Others of high rank were also threatened. The commons of Wressell had
risen with the rest of the countryside and cried at the gates of the
Earl of Northumberland’s Castle, “Thousands for a Percy!”[743] The
Earl’s health had been failing ever since the execution of Anne Boleyn,
and his last illness was already upon him. He had good reason to believe
in the King’s power, and he was little inclined to take the part of his
tenants, who hated him heartily enough, but cared little what he did,
once they were convinced he was powerless to act against them. Judging
from their cry, they hoped one of his brothers was with him; but Sir
Thomas was at Seamer in the North Riding, the home of the Dowager
Countess, and Sir Ingram was in Northumberland. After the first general
excitement the invalid Earl was left in comparative peace for a while,
though a watch was kept on his movements and correspondence.
John and Christopher Aske had stolen away from Beverley on Sunday 8 Oct.
without taking the oath, for Christopher afterwards declared that they
were prepared to be “hewn into gobbets” rather than “distain” their
allegiance. On Monday they were at Aughton in “great heaviness,” for
Christopher was in charge of over £100 of the Earl of Cumberland’s
revenues. The danger of having so large a sum while the country was in
such commotion was obvious. After being twice roused from their beds by
false alarms on Monday night, the brothers resolved to risk their trust
on the road rather than in the heart of the disturbance. They set out at
once for Skipton Castle in Craven, forty miles away, where their cousin
the Earl was then lying. They rode separately, and Christopher, going
first, arrived safely at Skipton in due course[744]. He fell in with
Breyar, the sanctuary man, at Tadcaster. This shady individual had also
“stolen away” from Beverley, and was now on his way to Cawood. Once
there, he hastened to the Archbishop’s palace, and, passing himself off
as a servant of the King as was his wont, he informed Lee of the events
at Beverley[745]. The Archbishop had already been disturbed by rumours
of stirrings in the East Riding[746]; Breyar told him that the men of
Beverley, particularly the leaders, Wilson and Kitchen, were threatening
to march on Cawood and kill him; Lee answered resignedly that he knew it
and intended to flee to Lord Darcy at Pontefract, for he was afraid of
his own neighbours and tenants. He gave the “pretended King’s servant” a
horse and twenty shillings to carry a letter to the King[747]. But no
sooner was one messenger despatched than another hastened in with the
news that the commons of Marshland said they were coming to take the
Archbishop for their captain. This seems to have alarmed him even more
than the first report. Robert Crake, Mr Babthorpe and other loyalists
also arrived from Beverley; and, fearing to be surprised at any moment,
the Archbishop determined to set out at once for some place of safety.
Pontefract Castle was hardly ten miles off; Lord Darcy was there, and Dr
Magnus from York had taken refuge with him. Scarborough, the only
alternative, was three times as far off and the country between was
rising if not already up. It was natural that Lee and his companions
should choose the former place. Darcy allowed the Archbishop thirty
servants and with these he took up his abode at Pontefract on Tuesday
the 10th, charging those he left behind to “keep out of the commons
hands.”[748] His tenants rose the same day and captured John Aske,
together with Sir Thomas Metham and Portington of Lincolnshire, at
Cawood ferry; but John Aske “escaped strangely and took him unto the
woods,”[749] being delivered with the other two by Lee’s steward and
helped by him to pass “over the water out of danger.” Next day this man
was himself taken by the commons of Selby, Wistow, and Cawood, but he
had little difficulty in redeeming himself with money[750].
In Beverley the chief business on Tuesday the 10th was bringing in the
neighbouring districts. During the usual muster on West Wood Green
messengers came from Newbald and Cottingham, which had been roused by
the beacons, saying these villages were willing to follow Beverley’s
lead and advance with it. The commons were anxious to go forward at
once, but Stapleton and the other captains thought it better to wait for
the answer to their message to Lincolnshire, which was eagerly expected.
William Stapleton chose for his petty captains his nephew Brian, Richard
Wharton and the bailiff; the commons agreed to “proceed to no act”
without consent of one of these; he made every effort to prevent
“spoilings,” “for he would never have the name of a captain of thieves.”
Christopher Sanderson was sent to ask old Sir Ralph Ellerker to come
next day and use his influence in the town to prevent outrage[751]. On
this day a certain friar and limitor of St Robert’s of Knaresborough
first makes his appearance. His name was Robert Esch or Ashton, and he
had lived at Beverley for some time[752]. Zealous in the cause of the
monasteries and popular among the people from whom he begged, he
appointed himself, as did other brethren of the same house, a kind of
general secretary to the insurgents, attaching himself to no particular
chief, but spreading the rumours and the rebels’ proclamations up and
down the country[753]. At his request Stapleton gave him a “passport” to
travel North, where he promised to “raise all Rydale and Pickering
Lythe.”[754]
On Wednesday, the 11th, after the usual muster, the gentlemen
breakfasted at Sanderson’s house and held a private council with old Sir
Ralph Ellerker, Sir John Milner, and others, who had not taken the oath.
While they were at table a letter came from North Cave wishing to know
when they should go forward. The gentlemen would not consent to move
until news came from Lincolnshire. If we are to believe Stapleton this
was a mere excuse to keep the host quiet. After “long persuasions” they
carried their point, and orders were sent to the surrounding villages
that no advance was to be made until special orders were issued under
the Beverley town seal. But at length William Woodmancy was seen riding
hard for the town, with the welcome news that messengers from the
Lincolnshire host were close at hand, “by whom they had sent their whole
mind.” Guy Kyme, Antony Curtis and Thomas Donne were these long-expected
messengers and were brought before the company assembled on the Green.
Sir Ralph advised the gentlemen to hear the letters and credence apart,
but the commons insisted that all should be done openly. They hardly
wronged their leaders by their suspicion, for “some honest men” had been
secretly sent to Hessle to intercept the message “so as to amend it if
necessary in opening it to the commons,” though they started too late to
carry out their intention. Kyme delivered a letter to Sir Ralph[755];
its brief contents and his lengthy credence have already been
described[756]. Such cheerful tidings naturally raised the enthusiasm of
the people to the highest point. They “counted themselves half ashamed
to be so far behind them” of Lincolnshire. The gentlemen were obliged to
resign all hopes of further stay. Stapleton allowed old Sir Ralph to
depart unsworn to his home, though the commons wanted to keep him by
force.
This day John Hallam rode in from Yorkswold seeking news[757]. He was
only a yeoman, the owner of the Calkhill farm not far from Watton
Priory, but his influence among his neighbours was as great as that of
any gentleman. The respect in which he was held seems rather to have
been owing to his own fearless and determined character than to any
superiority in riches. The general disaffection had already shown itself
in his countryside. On Sunday the parish priest of Watton did not
announce St Wilfrid’s Day, 12 October, and Hallam demanded, before all
the congregation, why it was left out, “for it was wont always to be a
holyday here.” The priest replied that the king had forbidden the
keeping of that and other feasts. When mass was over the whole parish
was talking of nothing else; they declared they would never give up
their holydays, and the passing over of St Wilfrid, a north-country
saint and an archbishop, was probably regarded as a special slight on
Yorkshire. Later in the day the country was further disturbed by the
news of the rising in Beverley. Hallam came to the town on Wednesday,
and went to the house of John Crow. Here he found a great number of
people drinking and discussing the rebellion, with Guy Kyme, Thomas
Donne and Woodmancy in the midst of them. The Lincolnshire men described
the two hosts of Horncastle and Louth “with six knights in each,” and
repeated all the rumours concerning the taking away of church jewels and
the throwing of five parishes into one. Nobody disbelieved them, for
these things seemed hardly more monstrous than the suppression of the
abbeys. The Lincolnshire articles were passing from hand to hand,
everyone being anxious to see them and secure a copy[758]. Kyme was
asked what they did with suppressed monasteries; he answered “nothing”;
and how their men were provided for, to which he answered that those who
could afford it went at their own cost and poor men were helped[759].
Kyme suggested that the men of Beverley should go and aid the
Lincolnshire hosts against the King’s troops. Hallam was sworn by one of
the leaders; and he was given a bill summoning the men of Watton to
appear at Hunsley on St Wilfrid’s Day and take the same part as the men
of Lincolnshire. Hallam carried it home, but found his neighbours
already warned and willing to attend the muster. Copies of this bill
were sent to Cottingham, Hessle and all the townships round; every man
was to be at Hunsley Beacon at nine next morning with horse and harness;
and that night the beacons were fired at Hunsley and Tranby on Humber
side, so that all the country might understand. The summonses were
written out by a friar of St Robert’s of Knaresborough; as Robert Ashton
had left for Rydale this must have been another of this zealous
community. They had all the effect that was intended. “From that time
forward no man could keep his servant at plough, but every man that
could bear a staff went forward towards Hunsley.”[760] Antony Curtis
dined with Stapleton, and after the meal said he must go on into
Holderness (the region, roughly speaking, between Hull and the sea)
which was not yet up[761].
The whole country met at Hunsley Beacon on the morning of Thursday, 12
October, St Wilfrid’s Day. The Lincolnshire articles were read again for
the sake of the outlying villages which had now come in for the first
time. Guy Kyme estimated the men gathered there at about three thousand.
Certain persons were sent to take Smythely, “a man of law dwelling at
Brantingham,” and among them was his great enemy, Hugh Clitheroe by
name. They found Smythely sick in bed, and contented themselves with
taking his oath; he sent back with them his clerk, “horsed and
harnessed, with many fair words.” Some thought that his illness and
goodwill were equally feigned, and when Guy Kyme related how Master
Skipwith, serjeant-at-arms, was carried in a cart with the Lincolnshire
host, they proposed to bring the unfortunate Smythely in the same way.
Stapleton dissuaded them from this barbarity. A curious incident now
occurred. Stapleton was informed that a great treasure of the King’s,
the spoils of the monasteries of Ferriby and Haltemprice lay in
Beckwith’s house at South Cave. “To please the people and save the
goods” Stapleton selected certain honest persons, keeping light persons
away as much as possible, and rode to the house. He found it in charge
of a woman, apparently alone. But after some parleying she admitted that
the priest who had the chests in his keeping was hidden in the house.
Some swashbucklers had just been there, threatening to spoil the goods
and slay the priest, and he wanted no more visitors of the same kidney.
But finding Stapleton’s party did no active damage he came forth
“quivering and shaking for fear.” The captain asked him “what treasure
was in the two great iron chests”; he replied, “Nothing but evidences.”
Stapleton remarked to his companions “that it was like to be so, yet it
was like to have been plate,” and turning again to the priest “bade him
be merry, for he should have no harm, and set forth meat if he had any.”
The priest made them what cheer he could, and begged that they would
protect him. Stapleton gave orders that proclamation should be made “at
the church style, that no man should meddle with any goods there on pain
of death”; anyone who did so was to be brought before him. The grateful
priest thereupon produced a letter showing that the chests contained
only papers. We cannot help wishing that Stapleton’s curiosity had led
him to investigate a little further[762].
While he was away on this mission important news had arrived from Aske.
He was now at the head of the full forces of Howdenshire, and marching
that night to Wighton on the direct road to York. He suggested that the
men of Beverley and the surrounding country should muster “in the
morning at Wighton Hill that he might see us and he would muster on
another hill of the other hand of Wighton that we might see him and his
company.” Guy Kyme and Thomas Donne “much rejoicing thereat, saying they
would not unto Lincolnshire with their finger in their mouths, but they
would tarry and see our musters and the raising of the countries so that
they might be able to declare the same to their host by their own sight
and not by hearsay; for they supposed that Antony Curtis had gone over
to show their host how far they had gone.” They were probably mistaken
in this last opinion, and the news which arrived immediately afterwards
that “all Holderness was up to the sea side” was a better guide to his
real whereabouts[763]. The bells were rung and the countryfolk assembled
at Nuttles on this day; the vicar of Preston helped to administer the
oath. Holderness was a very large wapentake, and each of the three
divisions chose its own head captain—the Middle bailiwick chose Ric.
Tenant, the North bailiwick Wm. Barker, and the South bailiwick Wm.
Ombler[764]. But though they had their own captains they were not slack
in bringing in the gentlemen. They took Sir Christopher Hilliard, one
Grinston, one Clifton, a lawyer of Gray’s Inn “whom they hurt in the
taking,” Ralph Constable, John Wright and others. Many gentlemen of
Holderness and the surrounding country had fled to Hull, the principal
being Sir John Constable and his son, Sir William Constable, young Sir
Ralph Ellerker, Edward Roos, Walter Clifton, son of the wounded man,
Philip Miffin and John Hedge, the King’s servant. They were preparing to
defend the town for the King, but, as many thought, against the will of
the mayor and citizens.
Evening was falling when these tidings reached Beverley, but four
messengers, including Richard Wharton and Wilson, were despatched at
once “to know of the mayor and aldermen of Hull if they would do as we
did or be against us”; their answer was to be sent next day to Wighton
Hill. After holding a council the mayor sent word that he would appoint
as the men of Beverley did, but would send a fuller answer next
day[765].
Before relating the circumstances of the great muster on Friday, it will
be as well to go back and examine the incidents of the rising in
Marshland. After the busy night of Tuesday, Robert Aske found an equally
busy day before him on Wednesday, 11 Oct. He first attended the muster
of Howdenshire at Ringstanhirst as he was on the north bank of the Ouse,
and while he was there messengers arrived from Marshland requesting his
presence at their muster on Hooke Moor, near Whitgift[766]. He crossed
to that town, and there encountered two serving-men who had just brought
the Lincolnshire articles to the house of one Walkington, and were
reading them to the people. One of these men was in a popinjay green
coat, and as this was Lord Darcy’s colour Aske assumed that he
“belonged” to that nobleman; there is no further evidence that he did.
The other was dressed in orange-tawny colour; and they were both
describing the musters in Lincolnshire and the numbers of the host[767].
The articles were taken up to the Moor and read to the assembly. Four of
them were:
(1) For redress of Abbeys suppressed.
(2) Repeal of the Statute of Uses.
(3) Punishment of divers bishops, especially the bishop of Lincoln.
(4) Release of quindene or tax.
There was another, probably for the putting down of base blood in the
King’s Council. Aske had not before seen the articles actually written;
they were sent “under the hands of divers worshipful men of Lincolnshire
into Yorkshire.”[768] The messengers could not have been those who
appeared at Beverley the same day, for even if Aske did not know Kyme or
Donne, and his “cousin” Antony Curtis had not yet joined them, they
would have been sure to tell him their mission and he could not have
mistaken one of them for a servant of Darcy.
On Thursday 12 Oct. the whole countryside mustered at Howden, and, with
the church cross borne before them like a banner, began their march to
York. Before starting they sent the messengers to Beverley to arrange
the meeting of the two hosts. Wighton was their halting place for the
night[769].
Accordingly, on Friday 13 Oct., Beverley marched to meet their
neighbours at Wighton Hill. The mayor of Hull had sent the promised
messengers, Brown and Harrison who had been sheriffs, Kensey and one
Sawl. According to their promise they “made offer of their town by
commandment of the mayor and aldermen of the same, with as gentle words
as they could speak.” But there were some doubts as to the good faith of
this friendliness, and Guy Kyme significantly described “the extremities
they of Lincolnshire showed towards those who fled from them in spoiling
their goods.” All the East Riding was moving towards Wighton; among
others came Robt. Hotham (who brought in a company from his master the
Earl of Westmorland’s lands in Yorkswold), James Constable of the
Cliffe, Philip Waldeby, “Lygerd of Hullshire,”[770] and John Hallam, who
had not been idle but had “stirred up all Watton, Hutton Cranswick and
the country between that and Driffield and was ringleader of them
all.”[771] George Bawne, who seems to have been a leader from the North
Riding, brought word that Sir George Conyers, Ralph Evers, Tristram
Teshe, Copindale and others had fled to Scarborough; Sir Ralph Evers,
the younger, was the keeper of the castle and was expected to hold out
for the King; Bawne declared his determination to win it “or hasard his
life.”[772] When the muster was complete and the whole host stood in
array on the hill above Wighton, Aske gives their numbers as nine
thousand horse and foot, but then he calls them “Holderness and
Yorkswold”; the main body of Holderness had not yet come up, so this was
probably a good deal above the mark[773].
Stapleton with a party of gentlemen, his petty captains and the
messengers from Lincolnshire and Hull, set forward down the hill towards
Wighton to carry their tidings to the host of Howdenshire. Before they
reached the town they met Aske with the two Rudstons and young Metham
coming to speak with them[774]. The two captains had last seen each
other in London the term before[775]. Aske told Stapleton how he had
been taken by the commons in Lincolnshire, and listened eagerly to the
news from Beverley and Hull[776]. He asked Kyme and Donne if they had
brought any letter for him, but their only message was to Beverley, and
he was disappointed to find that they knew no more of the progress of
events in Lincolnshire than he did himself. They then asked leave to
depart, intending to cross the Humber that night at the tide. Aske “bade
them God be with them, saying they were pilgrims and had a pilgrimage
gate to go.” This is the first reference to the beautiful name, “the
Pilgrimage of Grace,” given by the insurgents to their protest in favour
of the old religion[777].
At Aske’s request the two Stapletons, Philip Waldeby and Robt. Hotham
were elected by the Beverley leaders to represent their company and form
with Aske’s little party a head council. The friendly messages from Hull
were regarded with the greatest suspicion, and in case they proved a
mere blind it was determined that Aske’s host should advance alone on
York, while Stapleton himself, with Robert Hotham to represent the men
of Yorkswold, and young Metham and Nicholas Rudston for Howden, should
ride down to Hull at once, and make arrangements with the mayor for its
formal occupation. The Beverley host was to muster again next morning at
Wighton Hill, and be ready either to advance on York or turn back and
lay siege to Hull; in either case word was to be sent on immediately to
Aske. Once the plan of campaign was settled there was no delay. The men
of Howden turned their faces towards York, and lay that night at
Shipton. Three of the messengers from Hull were kept as pledges for the
safe return of Stapleton’s party, who took the fourth, Sawl, with them.
This precaution shows they had little hope of a favourable reception.
On arriving in Hull they sent Sawl to the mayor to demand an interview.
He returned with the answer that the mayor could not speak with them
that night, though he had consulted with the aldermen before sending
this reply; “which we liked not,” adds Stapleton. Early next morning
they were asked to go to speak with “the gentlemen that were fled” in
the church. Here the situation was discussed with no little heat[778].
Rudston, Aske’s petty captain, who is distinguished from his numerous
relations by the epithet “with a perle in his eye,”[779] was chief
spokesman for the Pilgrims. He tried to persuade the loyalists to come
over to the popular cause. But his efforts were vain, and after a long
argument old Sir John Constable declared he would rather die than join
them, saying “he had rather die with honesty than live with shame.”
Apparently no one could cap this beautiful sentiment, and “after long
communication,” all withdrew to breakfast[780]. After this the
messengers were requested to return to the church, where they were
formally received by the mayor and aldermen, though the loyal gentlemen
were also there. They demanded that the men of the town should be sworn
and join the host “with harness, money or ordnance,” as the messengers
sent from Hull to Wighton had promised in the mayor’s name[781]. The
mayor and aldermen denied any responsibility for the message; “they
would keep their town as the King’s town,” they said. They would allow
all who wished to join the rebels full liberty to depart, but such a
person should have neither horse, harness, meat nor money provided for
him. Young Sir Ralph Ellerker further offered to carry any articles they
wished to send to the King, “and either he would do our message truly or
else (we might) strike off the heads of Ralph, his son and heir, and
Thomas his brother whom we had amongst us, but in no wise he would agree
to come in to us.” The rest of his party were of the same mind[782].
Stapleton and his companions were in haste to go back to Wighton, but
considerable delay was caused by the mayor’s anxiety for his “untrue
messengers.” He refused to let the Beverley captains go without ample
security for the safe return of these men, who were indeed in some
danger. At length Stapleton and his companions were obliged to swear
that they would return to the town and give themselves up if the
messengers did not reach home safely before nightfall. When at last they
arrived at Wighton “all the country was looking for” them. So great was
the excitement that they hastily despatched the false messengers back to
Hull “and made them good countenance” before daring to announce that
their protestations of friendship had been merely lies to gain time, and
that Hull was prepared to hold out. Young Metham was sent forward to
carry the news to Aske. We can imagine with what a mixture of
indignation and fierce pleasure the men of Beverley heard that their
neighbouring enemies were determined to resist them.
The next news that reached Wighton was that the men of Holderness had
come to Beverley, and their captains, chief of whom was Sir Christopher
Hilliard, had advanced as far as Bishop Burton, where they waited to
take council with the Beverley captains. Stapleton with his friends left
the company drawn up in array to wait his return, while he arranged with
the Holderness leaders how to dispose their men about Hull. They decided
to hold a general muster at Wynd Oak near Cottingham at nine o’clock
next morning. Rudston returned to the Beverley men at Wighton Hill to
give out these orders; he was greeted with general indignation. The
commons, weary and irritated with standing to arms all day on the same
spot, wanted to know why Stapleton sent and did not come himself?
Rudston was a Howden man; where were their own captains? The old
suspicions broke out. “The gentlemen,” they muttered, “counselled too
much and would betray them.” So they dispersed grumbling.
Stapleton and his companions had meanwhile ridden straight to Beverley,
where they found three hundred Holderness men mustering on West Wood
Green under their three captains, Barker, Tenant and Ombler. They were
probably obliged to camp there for the night.
As the Beverley men were on the way to Wynd Oak next morning, Stapleton
called them together and reproached them with their “unkindness” and
suspicions of the night before. They had been pleased to choose him to
command them, he said, though he was only a stranger; he thanked them
for that, and he had worked harder than any man among them; but now, as
they were dissatisfied let them make another captain, and whoever it was
he would obey him willingly. The commons had slept off their ill-humour,
and this appeal had the natural effect. “We will have none other
captain,” they cried, “and whosoever after speak against the captain,
the rest to strike him down.” Nor would they hear of anyone else for all
Stapleton could say. Seeing his authority much strengthened for the
moment, he gave orders “for every man to pay honestly” for what he took.
They then advanced to the trysting-place near Cottingham, a village
about two miles north-west of Hull. It was agreed that part of the host
should follow Aske to York, while the rest besieged Hull. The Stapletons
wanted to go with the former, because, as they explained, neither they
nor their servants had any defensive armour with them; all their harness
was at Wighill beyond York. But the Beverley men would by no means
consent to this; if their captains went they would go too. So it was
finally agreed that Rudston should follow Aske with the men of
Yorkswold, reported to be two thousand strong, and Stapleton should stay
and direct the siege, unharnessed as he was. When Rudston had marched,
two wapentakes, one being Holderness and the other Hullshire with
Beverley and Cottingham, which were all in the same wapentake, though
mustered separately under different commanders, remained to surround
Hull.
Barker and Tenant with their two hundred horse and all the Holderness
footmen were stationed on the east, from the Humber along Hull water;
Stapleton with the men of Beverley was on the other side of the water,
at Sculcotes on the north of the town; next him on the west was Thomas
Ellerker with the company from Cottingham, and “at Hull Armitage by
Humber side” lay Sir Christopher Hilliard and all Hullshire, and with
him Ombler and one hundred Holderness horse. The city was thus
completely beleaguered on three sides, the fourth being defended by the
wide expanse of the Humber, over which the usual traffic had ceased to
ply for some days past. Feeling ran high in the Pilgrims’ camp; for
Hull, comparatively an upstart town, had monopolised Beverley’s ancient
trade and claimed the sole right to navigate Hull river. Now it seemed a
day of vengeance had come. The shipping, the pride and wealth of the
town, offered a particularly tempting mark. It was said that a single
barrel of burning tar floated down the river on the ebb tide would
destroy every ship lying there. Even surer ways might be found. “Certain
men of the ... water towns” came to Stapleton and offered “to burn all
the ships in Hull haven and thereby to burn all that part of the town.”
He “warned them in any wise seeing it was a high policy not to disclose
the same, for if they did, the same should be prevented by policy, but
the truth was if it had been opened it had not lain with him to have
saved the town.” Some windmills stood without the walls near the
Beverley gate and Stapleton was at no little pains to save them. He
protested that “notwithstanding this great business he trusted both we
should have our reasonable requests and the King’s highness retake us to
his mercy”; and if all went well there was bound to come a day of
reckoning for property destroyed.
Stapleton’s list of the spoils that did occur is quaint reading. His
headquarters at Sculcotes were a house belonging to the mayor of Hull,
and here his men made free with some hay and grass for their horses.
They also discovered and devoted to their own use a crane, a peacock, a
“cade lame” (whatever that may be) and several young swine. The mayor
evidently kept a good larder, unless the crane and the peacock were
family pets. The commons captured, besides, seventy-five head of oxen,
belonging to the Archbishop’s brother, which seem to have been
considered fair game for some forgotten reason; and Stapleton took ten
or eleven wethers which were being driven in to the besieged, but
returned them to the owner on the capitulation. It was for everyone’s
good that stealing should be put down. Some “honest men” told Stapleton
that his orders were being disobeyed and begged that the offenders might
be punished, “else they should be robbed themselves.” Watch was set and
two men were taken red-handed, one of whom “had been put in trust to
keep their victuals,” while the other was “a naughty fellow, a sanctuary
man of Beverley and a common picker. Whereupon the whole company made
exclamation” and Stapleton caused the two to be taken, and made them
believe they should die. A friar was sent to confess them, and they were
brought out before all men to the waterside. “The sanctuary man was tied
by the middle with a rope to the end of the boat and so hauled over the
water, and several times put down with an oar over the head.” The other
man was a householder of more respectable character, and at the
intercession of his friends was reprieved from his ducking; but both
were banished from the host. This example put an end to “privy
pickings.”
Several people offered Stapleton money, but he always refused it; and
lacking further evidence we must suppose that here, as in other places,
the Pilgrims were provided with ready money by a voluntary tax levied in
each township. Wealthy people sometimes gave money and food, and
unpopular people ransomed themselves. The Prior of Ferriby distributed
twenty nobles among the commons, who wanted him to go with them, as the
price of being left in peace. The Priory of Ferriby seems to have been
the only suppressed house with which Stapleton interfered, and it was an
especially hard case. It was farmed from the King by Sir William
Fairfax, though he had not yet removed the goods from it. He was “a man
of fair possessions,” but of miserly nature, and incurred the anger and
disgust of all his neighbours, rich and poor; for he neither took up his
residence in the priory nor made any attempt to carry on its ancient
hospitality. The men of Swanland, in Ferriby parish, asked Stapleton to
protect the valuables of the deserted house from their present owner,
and he “bade them put two brothers of the same house to lie within it
and to see nothing wasted ... till ... some way was taken with all the
houses.”[783]
On Tuesday, 17 October, Horncliff of Grimsby came from Lincolnshire with
a letter and the news that the insurgents were dispersing. The commons
cried that the letter was a forgery and the man a liar. He was seized
and imprisoned. There is reason to believe that Antony Curtis, who had
been so active in the first days of the rising, was with Horncliff. At
any rate he suffered with him from the unjust if natural anger against
bearers of ill-tidings[784]. The host despatched a letter to
Lincolnshire by William Woodmancy, their first messenger, “wherein ...
was contained the unkindness of Lincolnshire to them who rose by their
motions” in sending them no news. On their side they had plenty to tell,
for posts had come in from other parts of Yorkshire. Aske sent word that
he had taken York without fighting, and from the north came the news
that Sir Thomas Percy had been taken. Shortly afterwards a servant of
Percy’s came with a message from his master to Sir Ralph Ellerker, “who
would be much advised by him” and perhaps induced to join the
Pilgrimage. Stapleton reluctantly let him through to Hull, for he came
“without letter or passport”; and eventually sent him back to Sir Thomas
with a remonstrance against his carelessness “in such extreme business.”
It does not appear if this man, who gave his name as James Aslaby, was a
royal spy or not. Robert Ashton, the friar, returned from the
north-west, saying that he had been at the rising of all Malton; that
Richmondshire was in arms and Lord Latimer taken; and that he intended
to go to the Forest of Knaresborough, but his money was all gone, and
the horse he rode was borrowed from the Prior of Malton, for his own had
been tired out[785]. He was provided with twenty shillings, and
indefatigably set out again.
John Wright, a petty captain of Holderness under Ombler, had been to
Hull to negotiate with Sir Ralph Ellerker, and brought word from him to
Stapleton that he and Sir William Constable were willing to make terms
for themselves. A meeting was arranged at nine o’clock on Wednesday
morning at the Charterhouse without the town walls. Only a few of the
Pilgrimage captains knew of the appointment and these chose Stapleton,
one of the Holderness captains, and at Stapleton’s desire, Marmaduke,
one of Sir William Constable’s own sons, to receive the two knights from
Hull. On the morning of Wednesday, 18 October, the meeting in the
Charterhouse took place. Sir Ralph Ellerker and Sir William Constable
professed themselves willing to come in to the Pilgrims and “do as they
did” provided they were neither obliged to take the oath nor to become
captains. They intimated that many would come in from Hull on these
terms. Stapleton and his fellows readily agreed to this proposal; but
they were very doubtful as to how the commons would take it; the men of
Holderness were particularly unruly and might refuse consent to anything
but an unconditional surrender. The captains were summoned and sent to
announce to their companies that anyone coming from the town was to be
received peaceably and allowed to join their ranks unsworn. To
Stapleton’s relief the commons were “well pleased” with the arrangement.
Next day, Thursday, 19 October, Sir Ralph again met Stapleton and told
him that if Sir John Constable left the town, the mayor and aldermen
would certainly yield; let the captain allow Constable to pass secretly
through the rebel lines and make his escape, and the town would soon be
his. Stapleton was too much a man of honour to listen to this insidious
proposal. He replied that he was stationed there to force the gentlemen
in the town to join the Pilgrimage and no one should escape with his
aid; though if Sir John could get through by himself “God be with him.”
At this point of their deliberations something chanced which hastened
the fall of the town.
On receiving news of Aske’s unopposed entry into York, Stapleton had
written to him for reinforcements, and in answer to this Rudston now
made his appearance on the west of Beverley, near the Hermitage, with
four or five hundred men in battle array about to make an attack. His
appearance surprised everyone. Sir Ralph Ellerker asked Stapleton “if he
knew and could stay them?” Stapleton thought he could and rode off to
speak to the leaders. But the threatened assault had ended the burghers’
indecision. Eland and Knolles, two of the aldermen, were sent to yield
the town to the Pilgrims. Rudston, meeting no resistance, and no doubt
seeing the royal colours flutter down, “lodged his men about and came
himself to the Charterhouse to hear the offer of the men of Hull.” When
he and Stapleton reached the hall they found Sir John Constable and the
other loyal gentlemen there before them. The single condition of the
surrender was that no one in the town was to be forced to take the
Pilgrims’ oath. It was mutually agreed that no troops should enter the
town till next day because at such a late hour it would be difficult to
prevent spoiling. “And that night Sir Ralph Ellerker and Rudston lay
together at the Charterhouse.”[786]
It chanced on that very day Richard Cromwell in Lincoln was writing to
his uncle about the defence of Hull. The letter is so full of details
about the state of Lincolnshire, and the sympathy shown there for the
insurgents beyond the Humber, that we give it in full:—
“Master Richard Cromwell to My Lord (Privy Seal)
“Please it your Lordship to be advertised that this daye we
have newes that ther is up aboute hull in nomber aboute VI thousand
persons intending to wynne the same which if they cannot do woll set
fire of it. In which town Sir Rauf Ellerker doth lye to defend the
same. And he and his company be nere hand famyshed how be it my
lorde’s grace hath sent oon of Mr Tyrwitte’s sonnes with vitayle gunne
powder and such other necessarys (?) as they nede to defende them
selfe unto such tyme as they shall have better socore. And these
traytors have sent hither into dyvers places within this shyre for
ayde desyring them to come and they woll so provyde(?) that they shall
have thar own desyres of any gentlemen or other what so ever he be
within this shyre. But as yet we here of none in these partes that do
assemble but all still. And the moost part of the gentlemen here be
come in and do come in hourely and many of them sworne promysing [to]
take those that have begon this busyness and treason. And where as the
kinge’s highness perchaunse thinketh some slakness in my lorde’s grace
and other how for that they procede not with no greater force against
thyse Rebells here, In my poore opynyon if his grace with other of his
moost honourable counsail were present here [he] wold do non other
then is done considering how busy they are in other parts and also
fynding the people here so holow which had rather in manner dye then
one to utter another. And how glad they wold be if they might to go to
thother Rebells in yorkshire. So that as yet no cruelty may be showed
but all wrought with wysdom and delibrate policye. And though it hath
pleased his hyhness to say that they were afrayde of their shadows. In
faith to advertise your lordship of the treuth I never sawe gentlemen
forwarder then they have been and is in this mater nor take greter
paynes day and night than they do to devise and Imagyn which way they
may best wynne and come by these malefactors and the originalls
thereof for surely if they shuld take but ii of them cruelly all the
rest (ad id affisand) be so hollowe that they wold to them in
yorkshire straight. Ther is but a water betwen and they may in on
night go a thousand or more. So that they may niether take their
harness away from them nor yet hinder them any thing roughly. But
furst wynne them and after knowe the originalles and fynally use them
according to their deserts. And doubt ye not but your lordship shall
hereafter right well perceyve and knowe that the surmyse that hath
been put in his grace’s hed is not true. And for that I perceyve my
lord’s grace and thother of his highness counsoul here be somwhat
amased for bicause his highness shuld upon any synyster and untrue
report judge that they have not done their duety in this case as I
take god to record they have to my poore Judgement, as much as
possible is for men. I most humbly besech your good lordship to
obtayne the king’s moost honorable letters unto them with some
comfortable and loving words to encourage them agayn and to avoyde
their dolour. Not doubting but herafter his highness shall right well
perceyve and prove that they have done thair duetyes and have not been
negligent in no case or else let me dye for it. Please it you to be
advertised that this day your servants mylysent and bellowe be comen
hither unto me who saith that your servant mamby’s father was one of
the procurers of this treason, wherefor it shall be well don that ye
detayne your said servant ther with you not suffering hym to depart as
yet in to these parts and thus I besech almighty god long to preserve
your lordship in honour. At Lincolne this thursday at VI of the clock
in the after noon.
“Yo^r humble nephew most bounden
“(signed) Rch. Crumwell.”[787]
The King’s displeasure with Suffolk and his council was merely his usual
method of getting the greatest possible service out of his servants by
mingling suspicion and threats with favour and fair promises. The guns
and provisions which Suffolk sent to Hull must have fallen into the
Pilgrims’ hands. As to the hollowness of the people and their sympathy
with the Yorkshire rebels, that was only to be expected. Among the
Pilgrims, on the contrary, prevailed a feeling of anger and contempt
against Lincolnshire. After so much talk it seemed ridiculous that the
earlier rising should be ignominiously ended and that without other
agency than the threats of a blazon-coated herald and the blare of his
trumpet; surely there had never been such a fall since the days of
Jericho. And it made a very material difference in the chances of the
rising. Lincolnshire in arms might easily have encouraged the other
midland counties to rise. The royal forces might have been cut off from
their base, surrounded and crushed. But with the example of Lincolnshire
before them and a royal army in their midst the midlands would hardly
venture to show their feelings unless a decisive victory was won. In
fact the northern counties were obliged to depend on themselves alone;
there was no longer the slightest hope of the movement spreading from
shire to shire through all the land. Tremendous as this idea seems to
be, it was certainly what the Pilgrims expected at first, and, what is
more to the point, it was what the King feared. Strong and cunning as
Henry was, even he might have failed if the men of Lincolnshire had
stood by the men of the north.
On Friday, 20 October, Eland, Knolles and John Thorneton opened the
gates of Hull to the captains of the Pilgrimage, the terms of the treaty
being duly observed on both sides. A council was held at Hunsley Beacon,
the two aldermen representing Hull. There was no longer any doubt about
the dispersal of the Lincolnshire rebels and the advance of Suffolk to
Lincoln. The council at Hunsley decided to draw up their articles and
send them to the Duke by the hands of four captains, one from each
company. But before they were fairly written out, a post rode in from
Pontefract with word from Aske that the “Lord Steward was about to give
him battle.” This message must have been despatched on the receipt of
some false intelligence, for Shrewsbury was, as a matter of fact, in no
position to encounter the Pilgrims; but it checked Stapleton’s more
peaceful plans. He considered it impossible for any men from Hull to
reach Pontefract in time to help Aske. But he ordered all his host to
muster at Hunsley at seven o’clock next day to follow up Aske’s advance,
and he quartered a garrison of two hundred Holderness men in Hull. Sir
Ralph Ellerker kept the beacon for that night, though he was only to
fire it in case of urgent need[788]. The irony of events, so triumphant
when news travelled slowly, decreed that the King should write thanking
Sir Ralph Ellerker for his gallant defence of Hull on the day after it
was occupied by the Pilgrims[789].