HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

AN ANALYTICAL INQUIRY INTO THE MORE REMARKABLE CAUSES WHICH HAVE, IN

DIFFERENT AGES AND COUNTRIES, OPERATED IN PRODUCING THE

REVOLUTIONS THAT CHARACTERISE THE HISTORY OF MEDICINAL SUBSTANCES.

“_Historia quoquo modo scripta delectat._”

Before I proceed to discuss the particular views which I am prepared to

submit to the College, on the important but obscure subject of medicinal

combination, I propose to take a sweeping and rapid sketch of the

different moral and physical causes which have operated in producing the

extraordinary vicissitudes, so eminently characteristic of the history

of Materia Medica. Such an introduction is naturally suggested by the

first glance at the extensive and motly assemblage of substances with

which our cabinets[1] are overwhelmed. It is impossible to cast our eyes

over such multiplied groups, without being forcibly struck with the

palpable absurdity of some—the total want of activity in many—and the

uncertain and precarious reputation of all—or, without feeling an eager

curiosity to enquire, from the combination of what causes it can have

happened, that substances, at one period in the highest esteem, and of

generally acknowledged utility, have fallen into total neglect and

disrepute;—why others, of humble pretensions and little significance,

have maintained their ground for so many centuries; and on what account,

materials of no energy whatever, have received the indisputable sanction

and unqualified support of the best and wisest practitioners of the age.

That such fluctuations in opinion and versatility in practice should

have produced, even in the most candid and learned observers, an

unfavourable impression with regard to the general efficacy of

medicines, can hardly excite our astonishment, much less our

indignation; nor can we be surprised to find, that another portion of

mankind has at once arraigned Physic as a fallacious art, or derided it

as a composition of error and fraud.[2] They ask—and it must be

confessed that they ask with reason—what pledge can be afforded them,

that the boasted remedies of the present day will not, like their

predecessors, fall into disrepute, and in their turn serve only as

humiliating memorials of the credulity and infatuation of the physicians

who commended and prescribed them? There is surely no question connected

with our subject which can be more interesting and important, no one

which requires a more cool and dispassionate inquiry, and certainly not

any which can be more appropriate for a lecture, introductory to the

history of Materia Medica. I shall therefore proceed to examine with

some attention the revolutions which have thus taken place in the

opinions and belief of mankind, with regard to the efficacy and powers

of different medicinal agents; such an inquiry, by referring them to

causes capable of a philosophical investigation, is calculated to remove

many of the unjust prejudices which have been excited, to quiet the

doubts and alarms which have been so industriously propagated, and, at

the same time, to obviate the recurrence of several sources of error and

disappointment.

This moral view of events, without any regard to chronological minutiæ,

may be denominated the PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY, and should be carefully

distinguished from that technical and barren erudition, which consists

in a mere knowledge of _names_ and _dates_, and which is perused by the

medical student with as much apathy, and as little profit, as the monk

counts his bead-roll. It has been very justly observed, that there is a

certain maturity of the human mind, acquired from generation to

generation, in the _mass_, as there is in the different stages of life,

in the _individual_ man; what is history, when thus philosophically

studied, but the faithful record of this progress? pointing out for our

instruction the various causes which have retarded or accelerated it in

different ages and countries.

In tracing the history of the Materia Medica to its earliest periods, we

shall find that its progress towards its present advanced state, has

been very slow and unequal, very unlike the steady and successive

improvement which has attended other branches of natural knowledge; we

shall perceive even that its advancement has been continually arrested,

and often entirely subverted, by the caprices, prejudices,

superstitions, and knavery of mankind; unlike too the other branches of

science, it is incapable of successful generalization; in the progress

of the history of remedies, when are we able to produce a discovery or

improvement, which has been the result of that happy combination of

Observation, Analogy, and Experiment,[3] which has so eminently rewarded

the labours of modern science? Thus, OBSERVATION led Newton to discover

that the refractive power of transparent substances was, in general, in

the ratio of their density, but that, of substances of equal density,

those which possessed the refractive power in a higher degree were

inflammable.[4] ANALOGY induced him to conclude that, on this account,

water must contain an inflammable principle, and EXPERIMENT enabled

Cavendish and Lavoisier to demonstrate the surprising truth of Newton’s

induction, in their immortal discovery of the chemical composition of

that fluid.

The history of Astronomy furnishes another illustration equally

beautiful and instructive,—The Astronomer _observed_ certain

oscillations in the motions of Saturn and Jupiter; by _Analogy_ he

conjectured that this phenomenon was produced by the influence of a

planet still more remote: a supposition which was happily confirmed by a

telescopic _experiment_, in the discovery of Uranus, by Herschel.

But it is clear that such principles of research, and combination of

methods, can rarely be applied in the investigation of remedies, for

every problem which involves the phenomena of life is unavoidably

embarrassed by circumstances, so complicated in their nature, and

fluctuating in their operation, as to set at defiance every attempt to

appreciate their influence; thus an observation or experiment upon the

effects of a medicine is liable to a thousand fallacies, unless it be

carefully repeated under the various circumstances of health and

disease, in different climates, and on different constitutions. We all

know how very differently opium, or mercury, will act upon different

individuals, or even upon the same individual, at different times, or

under different circumstances; the effect of a stimulant upon the living

body is not in the ratio of the intensity of its impulse, but in

proportion to the degree of excitement, or vital susceptibility of the

individual, to whom it is applied. This is illustrated in a clear and

familiar manner, by the very different sensations of heat which the same

temperature will produce under different circumstances. In the road over

the Andes, at about half way between the foot and the summit, there is a

cottage in which the ascending and descending travellers meet; the

former, who have just quitted the sultry vallies at the base, are so

relaxed, that the sudden diminution of temperature produces in them the

feeling of intense cold, whilst the latter, who have left the frozen

summits of the mountain, are overcome by the distressing sensation of

extreme heat.

But we need not climb the Andes for an illustration; if we plunge one

hand into a basin of hot, and the other into one of cold water, and then

mix the contents of each vessel, and replace both hands in the mixture,

we shall experience the sensation of heat and cold, from one and the

same medium; the hand, that had been previously in the hot, will feel

cold, whilst that which had been immersed in the cold water, will

experience a sensation of heat. Upon the same principle, ardent spirits

will produce very opposite effects upon different constitutions and

temperaments, and we are thus enabled to reconcile the conflicting

testimonies respecting the powers of opium in the cure of fever:

aliments, also, which under ordinary circumstances would occasion but

little effect, may in certain conditions of the system, act as powerful

stimulants; a fact which is well exemplified by the history of persons

who have been enclosed in coal mines for several days without food, from

the accidental falling in of the surrounding strata, when they have been

as much intoxicated by a basin of broth, as a person, in common

circumstances, would have been by two or more bottles of wine.[5] Many

instances will suggest themselves to the practitioner in farther

illustration of these views, and I shall have occasion to recur to the

subject at a future period.

To such causes we must attribute the barren labours of the ancient

empirics, who saw without discerning, administered without

discriminating, and concluded without reasoning; nor should we be

surprised at the very imperfect state of the materia medica, as far as

it depends upon what is commonly called experience, complicated as this

subject is by its numberless relations with Physiology, Pathology, and

Chemistry. John Ray attempted to enumerate the virtues of plants from

_experience_, and the system serves only to commemorate his failure.

Vogel likewise professed to assign to substances, those powers which had

been learnt from accumulated experience; and he speaks of _roasted

toad_[6] as a specific for the pains of gout, and asserts that a person

may secure himself for the whole year from angina by eating a roasted

swallow! Such must ever be the case, when medicines derive their origin

from false experience, and their reputation from blind credulity.

ANALOGY has undoubtedly been a powerful instrument in the improvement,

extension, and correction of the materia medica, but it has been chiefly

confined to modern times; for in the earlier ages, Chemistry had not so

far unfolded the composition of bodies, as to furnish any just idea of

their relations to each other, nor had the science of Botany taught us

the value and importance of the natural affinities which exist in the

vegetable kingdom.

With respect to the fallacies to which such analogies are exposed, I

shall hereafter speak at some length, and examine the pretensions of

those _ultra_ chemists of the present day who have upon every occasion

arraigned, at their self-constituted tribunal, the propriety of our

medicinal combinations, and the validity of our national pharmacopœias.

In addition to the obstacles already enumerated, the progress of our

knowledge respecting the virtues of medicines has met with others of a

moral character, which have deprived us in a great degree of another

obvious method of research, and rendered our dependance upon testimony

uncertain, and often entirely fallacious. The human understanding, as

Lord Bacon justly remarks, is not a mere faculty of apprehension, but is

affected, more or less, by the will and the passions; what man wishes to

be true, that he too easily believes to be so, and I conceive that

physic has, of all the sciences, the least pretensions to proclaim

itself independent of the empire of the passions.

In our researches to discover and fix the period when remedies were

first applied for the alleviation of bodily suffering, we are soon lost

in conjecture, or involved in fable; we are unable to reach the period

in any country, when the inhabitants were destitute of medical

resources, and we find among the most uncultivated tribes, that medicine

is cherished as a blessing and practised as an art, as by the

inhabitants of New Holland and New Zealand, by those of Lapland and

Greenland, of North America, and of the interior of Africa. The personal

feelings of the sufferer, and the anxiety of those about him, must, in

the rudest state of society, have incited a spirit of industry and

research to procure alleviation, the modification of heat and cold, of

moisture and dryness, and the regulation and change of diet and habit,

must have intuitively suggested themselves for the relief of pain;[7]

and when these resources failed, charms, amulets, and incantations,[8]

were the natural expedients of the barbarian, ever more inclined to

indulge the delusive hope of superstition, than to listen to the voice

of sober reason. Traces of amulets may be discovered in very early

history. The learned Dr. Warburton is evidently mistaken, when he

assigns the origin of these magical instruments to the age of the

Ptolemies, which was not more than 300 years before Christ; this is at

once refuted by the testimony of Galen, who tells us that the Egyptian

king, Nechepsus, who lived 630 years before the Christian era, had

written, that a green jasper cut into the form of a dragon surrounded

with rays, if applied externally, would strengthen the stomach and

organs of digestion.[9] We have moreover the authority of the Scriptures

in support of this opinion; for what were the ear-rings which Jacob

buried under the oak of Sechem, as related in Genesis, but amulets? and

we are informed by Josephus, in his Antiquities of the Jews,[10] that

Solomon discovered a plant efficacious in the cure of Epilepsy, and that

he employed the aid of a charm or spell for the purpose of assisting its

virtues; the root of the herb was concealed in a ring, which was applied

to the nostrils of the Demoniac, and Josephus remarks that he himself

saw a Jewish Priest practise the art of Solomon with complete success in

the presence of Vespasian, his sons, and the tribunes of the Roman

army.[11] Nor were such means confined to dark and barbarous ages;

Theophrastus pronounced Pericles to be insane, because he discovered

that he wore an amulet about his neck; and, in the declining æra of the

Roman empire, we find that this superstitious custom was so general,

that the Emperor Caracalla was induced to make a public edict ordaining

that no man should wear any superstitious amulets about his person.

In the progress of civilization, various fortuitous incidents,[12] and

even errors in the choice and preparation of aliments, must have

gradually unfolded the remedial powers of many natural substances; these

were recorded, and the authentic history of medicine may date its

commencement from the period when such records began.

The Chaldeans and Babylonians, we are told by Herodotus, carried their

sick to the public roads and markets, that travellers might converse

with them, and communicate any remedies which had been successfully used

in similar cases; this custom continued during many ages in Assyria; and

Strabo states that it prevailed also amongst the ancient Lusitanians, or

Portuguese: in this manner, however, the results of experience descended

only by oral tradition; it was in the temple of Esculapius in Greece

that medical information was first recorded; diseases and cures were

there registered on durable tablets of marble; the priests[13] and

priestesses, who were the guardians of the temple, prepared the remedies

and directed their application, and thus commenced the profession of

Physic. With respect to the actual nature of these remedies, it is

useless to inquire; the lapse of ages, loss of records, change of

language, and ambiguity of description, have rendered every learned

research unsatisfactory; indeed we are in doubt with regard to many of

the medicines which even Hippocrates employed. It is however clearly

shewn by the earliest records, that the ancients were in the possession

of many powerful remedies; thus Melampus of Argos, the most ancient

Greek physician with whom we are acquainted, is said to have cured one

of the Argonauts of sterility, by administering the rust of iron in wine

for ten days; and the same physician used hellebore as a purge, on the

daughters of king Prætus, who were afflicted with melancholy.

Venesection was also a remedy of very early origin; for Podalirius, on

his return from the Trojan war, cured the daughter of Damethus, who had

fallen from a height, by bleeding her in both arms. Opium, or a

preparation of the poppy, was certainly known in the earliest ages; it

was probably opium that Helen mixed with wine, and gave to the guests of

Menelaus, under the expressive name of _nepenthe_,[14] to drive away

their cares, and increase their hilarity; and this conjecture receives

much support from the fact, that the _nepenthe_ of Homer was obtained

from the Egyptian Thebes;[15] and if we may credit the opinion of Dr.

Darwin, the Cumæan Sibyll never sat on the portending tripod without

first swallowing a few drops of the juice of the _Cherry-laurel_.[16]

“At Phœbi nondum patiens, immanis in antro

Bacchatur Vates, magnum si pectore possit

Excussisse deum: tanto magis ille fatigat

Os rabidum, fera corda domans, fingitque premendo.”

ÆNEID, l. vi. 78.

There is reason to believe that the Pagan priesthood were under the

influence of some powerful narcotic during the display of their oracular

powers, but the effects produced would seem to resemble rather those of

Opium, or perhaps of Stramonium, than of the Prussic acid. Monardes

tells us that the priests of the American Indians, whenever they were

consulted by the chief gentlemen, or _casiques_ as they are called, took

certain leaves of the Tobacco, and cast them into the fire, and then

received the smoke, which they thus produced, in their mouths, in

consequence of which they fell down upon the ground; and that after

having remained for some time in a stupor, they recovered, and delivered

the answers which they pretended to have received, during their supposed

intercourse with the world of spirits.

The sedative powers of the _Lactuca Sativa_, or Lettuce,[17] were known

also in the earliest times; among the fables of antiquity, we read that

after the death of Adonis, Venus threw herself on a bed of lettuces, to

lull her grief, and repress her desires. The sea onion or _Squill_, was

administered in cases of dropsy by the Egyptians, under the mystic title

of the _Eye of Typhon_. The practices of incision and scarification were

employed in the camp of the Greeks before Troy, and the application of

spirit to wounds was also understood, for we find the experienced Nestor

applying a cataplasm, composed of cheese, onion, and meal, mixed up with

the wine of Pramnos, to the wounds of Machaon.[18]

The revolutions and vicissitudes which remedies have undergone, in

medical as well as popular opinion, from the ignorance of some ages,

the learning of others, the superstitions of the weak, and the designs

of the crafty, afford ample subject for philosophical reflection; some

of these revolutions I shall proceed to investigate, classing them

under the prominent causes which have produced them, viz.

Superstition—Credulity—Scepticism—False Theory—Devotion to Authority,

and Established Routine—The assigning to Art that which was the effect

of unassisted Nature—The assigning to peculiar substances Properties,

deduced from Experiments made on inferior Animals—Ambiguity of

Nomenclature—The progress of Botanical Science—The application, and

misapplication of Chemical Philosophy—The Influence of Climate and

Season on Diseases, as well as on the properties, and operations of

their Remedies—The ignorant Preparation, or fraudulent Adulteration of

Medicines—The unseasonable collection of those remedies which are of

vegetable origin,—and, the obscurity which has attended the operation

of compound medicines.

Pharmacologia Fourth American, from the Seventh London Edition · 第 31 / 782 题