great a panic for many days, that the shops were shut up as if the
solitude of night reigned through the city; the senate gave it in
charge to the aediles to go round the city, cause the shops to be
opened, and this appearance of public affliction to be removed. Then
Titus Sempronius, having assembled the senate, consoled and encouraged
the fathers, requesting, "that they who had sustained the defeat at
Cannae with so much magnanimity would not now be cast down with less
calamities. That if their arms should prosper, as he hoped they would,
against Hannibal and the Carthaginians, the war with the Gauls might
be suspended and deferred without hazard. The gods and the Roman
people would have it in their power to revenge the treachery of the
Gauls another time. That they should now deliberate about the
Carthaginian foe, and the forces with which the war was to be
prosecuted." He first laid before them the number of foot and horse,
as well citizens as allies, that were in the dictator's army. Then
Marcellus gave an account of the amount in his. Those who knew were
asked what troops were in Apulia with Caius Terentius Varro the
consul. But no practicable plan could be devised for raising consular
armies sufficient to support so important a war. For this reason,
notwithstanding a just resentment irritated them, they determined that
Gaul should be passed over for that year. The dictator's army was
assigned to the consul; and they ordered such of the troops of
Marcellus's army as had fled from Cannae, to be transported into
Sicily, to serve there as long as the war continued in Italy. Thither,
likewise, were ordered to be sent as unfit to serve with him, the
weakest of the dictator's troops, no time of service being appointed,
but the legal number of campaigns. The two legions in the city were
voted to the other consul who should be elected in the room of
Posthumius; and they resolved that he should be elected as soon as the
auspices would permit. Besides, two legions were immediately to be
recalled from Sicily, out of which the consul, to whom the city
legions fell, might take what number of men he should have occasion
for. The consul Caius Terentius Varro was continued in his command for
one year, without lessening the army he had for the defence of Apulia.
26. During these transactions and preparations in Italy, the war in
Spain was prosecuted with no less vigour; but hitherto more favourably
to the Romans. The two generals had divided their troops, so that
Cneius acted by land, and Publius by sea. Hasdrubal, general of the
Carthaginians, sufficiently trusting to neither branch of his forces,
kept himself at a distance from the enemy, secured by the intervening
space and the strength of his fortifications, until, after much
solicitation, four thousand foot and five hundred horse were sent him
out of Africa as a reinforcement. At length, inspired with fresh
hopes, he moved nearer the enemy; and himself also ordered a fleet to
be equipped and prepared for the protection of the islands and
sea-coasts. In the very onset of renewing the war, he was greatly
embarrassed by the desertion of the captains of his ships, who had
ceased to entertain a sincere attachment towards the general and the
Carthaginian cause, ever since they were severely reprimanded for
abandoning the fleet in a cowardly manner at the Iberus. These
deserters had raised an insurrection among the Tartessians, and at
their instigation some cities had revolted; they had even taken one by
force. The war was now turned from the Romans into that country, which
he entered in a hostile manner, and resolved to attack Galbus, a
distinguished general of the Tartessians, who with a powerful army
kept close within his camp, before the walls of a city which had been
captured but a few days before. Accordingly, he sent his light-armed
troops in advance to provoke the enemy to battle, and part of his
infantry to ravage the country throughout in every direction, and to
cut off stragglers. There was a skirmish before the camp, at the same
time that many were killed and put to flight in the fields. But having
by different routes returned to their camp, they so quickly shook off
all fear, that they had courage not only to defend their lines, but
challenge the enemy to fight. They sallied out, therefore, in a body
from the camp, dancing according to their custom. Their sudden
boldness terrified the enemy, who a little before had been the
assailants. Hasdrubal therefore drew off his troops to a tolerably
steep eminence, and secured further by having a river between it and
the enemy. Here the parties of light-armed troops which had been sent
in advance, and the horse which had been dispersed about, he called in
to join him. But not thinking himself sufficiently secured by the
eminence or the river, he fortified his camp completely with a
rampart. While thus fearing and feared alternately, several skirmishes
occurred, in which the Numidian cavalry were not so good as the
Spanish, nor the Moorish darters so good as the Spanish targetteers,
who equalled them in swiftness, but were superior to them in strength
and courage.
27. The enemy seeing they could not, by coming up to Hasdrubal's camp,
draw him out to a battle, nor assault it without great difficulty,
stormed Asena, whither Hasdrubal, on entering their territories, had
laid up his corn and other stores. By this they became masters of all
the surrounding country. But now they became quite ungovernable, both
when on march and within their camp.
Hasdrubal, therefore, perceiving their negligence, which, as usual,
was the consequence of success, after having exhorted his troops to
attack them while they were straggling and without their standards,
came down the hill, and advanced to their camp in order of battle. On
his approach being announced in a tumultuous manner, by men who fled
from the watchposts and advanced guards, they shouted to arms; and as
each could get his arms, they rushed precipitately to battle, without
waiting for the word, without standards, without order, and without
ranks. The foremost of them were already engaged, while some were
running up in parties, and others had not got out of their camp.
However, at first, the very boldness of their attack terrified the
enemy. But when they charged their close ranks with their own which
were thin, and were not able to defend themselves for want of numbers,
each began to look out for others to support him; and being repulsed
in all quarters they collected themselves in form of a circle, where
being so closely crowded together, body to body, armour to armour,
that they had not room to wield their arms, they were surrounded by
the enemy, who continued to slaughter them till late in the day. A
small number, having forced a passage, made for the woods and hills.
With like consternation, their camp was abandoned, and next day the
whole nation submitted. But they did not continue long quiet, for
immediately upon this, Hasdrubal received orders from Carthage to
march into Italy with all expedition. The report of which, spreading
over Spain, made almost all the states declare for the Romans.
Accordingly he wrote immediately to Carthage, to inform them how much
mischief the report of his march had produced. "That if he really did
leave Spain, the Romans would be masters of it all before he could
pass the Iberus. For, besides that he had neither an army nor a
general whom he could leave to supply his place, so great were the
abilities of the Roman generals who commanded there, that they could
scarcely be opposed with equal forces. If, therefore, they had any
concern for preserving Spain, they ought to send a general with a
powerful army to succeed him. To whom, however prosperous all things
might prove, yet the province would not be a position of ease."
28. Though this letter made at first a great impression on the senate,
yet, as their interest in Italy was first and most important, they did
not at all alter their resolution in relation to Hasdrubal and his
troops. However, they despatched Himilco with a complete army, and an
augmented fleet, to preserve and defend Spain both by sea and land.
When he had conveyed over his land and naval forces, he fortified a
camp; and having drawn his ships upon dry land, and surrounded them
with a rampart, he marched with a chosen body of cavalry, with all
possible expedition; using the same caution when passing through
people who were wavering, and those who were actually enemies; and
came up with Hasdrubal. As soon as he had informed him of the
resolutions and orders of the senate, and in his turn been thoroughly
instructed in what manner to prosecute the war in Spain, he returned
to his camp; his expedition more than any thing else saving him, for
he quitted every place before the people could conspire. Before
Hasdrubal quitted his position he laid all the states in subjection to
him under contribution. He knew well that Hannibal purchased a passage
through some nations; that he had no Gallic auxiliaries but such as
were hired; and that if he had undertaken so arduous a march without
money, he would scarcely have penetrated so far as the Alps. For this
reason, having exacted the contributions with great haste, he marched
down to the Iberus. As soon as the Roman generals got notice of the
Carthaginian senate's resolution, and Hasdrubal's march, they gave up
every other concern, and uniting their forces, determined to meet him
and oppose his attempt. They reflected, that when it was already so
difficult to make head against Hannibal alone in Italy, there would be
an end of the Roman empire in Spain, should Hasdrubal join him with a
Spanish army. Full of anxiety and care on these accounts, they
assembled their forces at the Iberus, and crossed the river; and after
deliberating for some time whether they should encamp opposite to the
enemy, or be satisfied with impeding his intended march by attacking
the allies of the Carthaginians, they made preparations for besieging
a city called Ibera, from its contiguity to the river, which was at
that time the wealthiest in that quarter. When Hasdrubal perceived
this, instead of carrying assistance to his allies, he proceeded
himself to besiege a city which had lately placed itself under the
protection of the Romans; and thus the siege which was now commenced
was given up by them, and the operations of the war turned against
Hasdrubal himself.
29. For a few days they remained encamped at a distance of five miles
from each other, not without skirmishes, but without going out to a
regular engagement. At length the signal for battle was given out on
both sides on one and the same day, as though by concert, and they
marched down into the plain with all their forces. The Roman army
stood in triple line; a part of the light troops were stationed among
the first line, the other half were received behind the standards, the
cavalry covering the wings. Hasdrubal formed his centre strong with
Spaniards, and placed the Carthaginians in the right wing, the
Africans and hired auxiliaries in the left. His cavalry he placed
before the wings, attaching the Numidians to the Carthaginian
infantry, and the rest to the Africans. Nor were all the Numidians
placed in the right wing, but such as taking two horses each into the
field are accustomed frequently to leap full armed, when the battle is
at the hottest, from a tired horse upon a fresh one, after the manner
of vaulters: such was their own agility, and so docile their breed of
horses. While they stood thus drawn up, the hopes entertained by the
generals on both sides were pretty much upon an equality; for neither
possessed any great superiority, either in point of the number or
quality of the troops. The feelings of the soldiers were widely
different. Their generals had, without difficulty, induced the Romans
to believe, that although they fought at a distance from their
country, it was Italy and the city of Rome that they were defending.
Accordingly, they had brought their minds to a settled resolution to
conquer or die; as if their return to their country had hinged upon
the issue of that battle. The other army consisted of less determined
men; for they were principally Spaniards, who would rather be
vanquished in Spain, than be victorious to be dragged into Italy. On
the first onset, therefore, ere their javelins had scarcely been
thrown, their centre gave ground, and the Romans pressing on with
great impetuosity, turned their backs. In the wings the battle
proceeded with no less activity; on one side the Carthaginians, on the
other the Africans, charged vigorously, while the Romans, in a manner
surrounded, were exposed to a twofold attack. But when the whole of
the Roman troops had united in the centre, they possessed sufficient
strength to compel the wings of the enemy to retire in different
directions; and thus there were two separate battles, in both of which
the Romans were decidedly superior, as after the defeat of the enemy's
centre they had the advantage both in the number and strength of their
troops. Vast numbers were slain on this occasion; and had not the
Spaniards fled precipitately from the field ere the battle had scarce
begun, very few out of the whole army would have survived. There was
very little fighting of the cavalry, for as soon as the Moors and
Numidians perceived that the centre gave way, they fled immediately
with the utmost precipitation, leaving the wings uncovered, and also
driving the elephants before them. Hasdrubal, after waiting the issue
of the battle to the very last, fled from the midst of the carnage
with a few attendants. The Romans took and plundered the camp. This
victory united with the Romans whatever states of Spain were wavering,
and left Hasdrubal no hope, not only of leading an army over into
Italy, but even of remaining very safely in Spain. When these events
were made generally known at Rome by letters from the Scipios, the
greatest joy was felt, not so much for the victory, as for the stop
which was put to the passage of Hasdrubal into Italy.
30. While these transactions were going on in Spain, Petilia, in
Bruttium, was taken by Himilco, an officer of Hannibal's, several
months after the siege of it began. This victory cost the
Carthaginians much blood and many wounds, nor did any power more
subdue the besieged than that of famine; for after having consumed
their means of subsistence, derived from fruits and the flesh of every
kind of quadrupeds, they were at last compelled to live upon skins
found in shoemakers' shops, on herbs and roots, the tender barks of
trees, and berries gathered from brambles: nor were they subdued until
they wanted strength to stand upon the walls and support their arms.
After gaining Petilia, the Carthaginian marched his forces to
Consentia, which being less obstinately defended, he compelled to
surrender within a few days. Nearly about the same time, an army of
Bruttians invested Croton, a Greek city, formerly powerful in men and
arms, but at the present time reduced so low by many and great
misfortunes, that less than twenty thousand inhabitants of all ages
remained. The enemy, therefore, easily got possession of a city
destitute of defenders: of the citadel alone possession was retained,
into which some of the inhabitants fled from the midst of the carnage
during the confusion created by the capture of the city. The Locrians
too revolted to the Bruttians and Carthaginians, the populace having
been betrayed by the nobles. The Rhegians were the only people in that
quarter who continued to the last in faithful attachment to the
Romans, and in the enjoyment of their independence. The same
alteration of feeing extended itself into Sicily also; and not even
the family of Hiero altogether abstained from defection; for Gelo, his
oldest son, conceiving a contempt for his father's old age, and, after
the defeat of Cannae, for the alliance with Rome, went over to the
Carthaginians; and he would have created a disturbance in Sicily, had
he not been carried off, when engaged as arming the people and
soliciting the allies, by a death so seasonable that it threw some
degree of suspicion even upon his father. Such, with various result,
were the transactions in Italy, Africa, Sicily, and Spain during this
year. At the close of the year, Quintus Fabius Maximus requested of
the senate, that he might be allowed to dedicate the temple of Venus
Erycina, which he had vowed when dictator. The senate decreed, that
Tiberius Sempronius, the consul elect, as soon as ever he had entered
upon his office, should propose to the people, that they should create
Quintus Fabius duumvir, for the purpose of dedicating the temple.
Also, in honour of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, who had been consul twice
and augur, his three sons, Lucius, Marcus, and Quintus exhibited
funeral games and twenty-two pairs of gladiators for three days in the
forum. The curule aediles, Caius Laetorius, and Tiberius Sempronius
Gracchus consul elect, who during his aedileship had been master of
the horse, celebrated the Roman games, which were repeated for three
days. The plebeian games of the aediles, Marcus Aurelius Cotta and
Marcus Claudius Marcellus, were thrice repeated. At the conclusion of
the third year of the Punic war, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus the
consul entered upon his office on the ides of March. Of the praetors,
Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, who had before been consul and censor, had by
lot the city jurisdiction; Marcus Valerius Laevinus, the foreign.
Sicily fell to the lot of Appius Claudius Pulcher; Sardinia to Quintus
Mucius Scaevola. The people ordered that Marcus Marcellus should be in
command as proconsul, because he was the only Roman general who had
been successful in his operations in Italy since the defeat at Cannae.
31. The senate decreed, the first day they deliberated in the Capitol,
that double taxes should be imposed for that year, one moiety of which
should be immediately levied, as a fund from which pay might be given
forthwith to all the soldiers, except those who had been at Cannae.
With regard to the armies they decreed, that Tiberius Sempronius the
consul should appoint a day for the two city legions to meet at Cales,
whence these legions should be conveyed into the Claudian camp above
Suenula. That the legions which were there, and they consisted
principally of the troops which had fought at Cannae, Appius Claudius
Pulcher, the praetor, should transport into Sicily; and that those in
Sicily should be removed to Rome. Marcus Claudius Marcellus was sent
to the army, which had been ordered to meet at Cales on a certain day,
with orders to march the city legions thence to the Claudian camp.
Titus Metilius Croto, lieutenant-general, was sent by Appius Claudius
Pulcher to receive the old army and remove it into Sicily. People at
first had expected in silence that the consul would hold an assembly
for the election of a colleague, but afterwards perceiving that Marcus
Marcellus, whom they wished above all others to be consul this year,
on account of his brilliant success during his praetorship, was
removed to a distant quarter, as it were on purpose, a murmuring arose
in the senate-house, which the consul perceiving, said "Conscript
fathers, it was conducive to the interest of the state, both that
Marcus Marcellus should go into Campania to make the exchange of the
armies, and that the assembly should not be proclaimed before he had
returned thence after completing the business with which he was
charged, in order that you might have him as consul whom the situation
of the republic required and yourselves prefer." Thus nothing was said
about the assembly till Marcellus returned. Meanwhile Quintus Fabius
Maximus and Titus Otacilius Crassus were created duumvirs for
dedicating temples, Otacilius to Mens, Fabius to Venus Erycina. Both
are situated in the Capitol, and separated by one channel. It was
afterwards proposed to the people, to make Roman citizens of the three
hundred Campanian horsemen who had returned to Rome after having
faithfully served their period, and also that they should be
considered to have been citizens of Cumae from the day before that on
which the Campanians had revolted from the Roman people. It had been a
principal inducement to this proposition, that they themselves said
they knew not to what people they belonged, having left their former
country, and being not yet admitted into that to which they had
returned. After Marcellus returned from the army, an assembly was
proclaimed for electing one consul in the room of Lucius Posthumius.
Marcellus was elected with the greatest unanimity, and was immediately
to enter upon his office, but as it thundered while he entered upon
it, the augurs were summoned, who pronounced that they considered the
creation formal, and the fathers spread a report that the gods were
displeased, because on that occasion, for the first time, two
plebeians had been elected consuls. Upon Marcellus's abdicating his
office, Fabius Maximus, for the third time, was elected in his room.
This year the sea appeared on fire; at Sinuessa a cow brought forth a
horse foal; the statues in the temple of Juno Sospita Lanuvium flowed
down with blood; and a shower of stones fell in the neighbourhood of
that temple: on account of which shower the nine days' sacred rite was
celebrated, as is usual on such occasions, and the other prodigies
were carefully expiated.
32. The consuls divided the armies between them. The army which Marcus
Junius the dictator had commanded fell to the lot of Fabius. To that
of Sempronius fell the volunteer slaves, with twenty-five thousand of
the allies. To Marcus Valerius the praetor were assigned the legions
which had returned from Sicily. Marcus Claudius, proconsul, was sent
to that army which lay above Suessula for the protection of Nola. The
praetors set out for Sicily and Sardinia. The consuls issued a
proclamation, that as often as they summoned a senate, the senators
and those who had a right to give their opinion in the senate, should
assemble at the Capuan gate. The praetors who were charged with the
administration of justice, fixed their tribunals in the public fish
market; there they ordered sureties to be entered into, and here
justice was administered this year. Meanwhile news was brought to
Carthage, from which place Mago, Hannibal's brother, was on the point
of carrying over into Italy twelve thousand foot, fifteen hundred
horse, twenty elephants, and a thousand talents of silver, under a
convoy of sixty men of war, that the operations of the war had not
succeeded in Spain, and that almost all the people in that province
had gone over to the Romans. There were some who were for sending Mago
with that fleet and those forces into Spain, neglecting Italy, when an
unexpected prospect of regaining Sardinia broke upon them. They were
informed, that "the Roman army there was small, that Aulus Cornelius,
who had been praetor there, and was well acquainted with the province,
was quitting it, and that a new one was expected. Moreover, that the
minds of the Sardinians were now wearied with the long continuance of
rule; and that during the last year it had been exercised with
severity and rapacity. That the people were weighed down with heavy
taxes, and an oppressive contribution of corn: that there was nothing
wanting but a leader to whom they might revolt." This secret embassy
had been sent by the nobles, Hampsicora being the chief contriver of
the measure, who at that time was first by far in wealth and
influence. Disconcerted and elated almost at the same time by these
accounts, they sent Mago with his fleet and forces into Spain, and
selecting Hasdrubal as general for Sardinia, assigned to him about as
large a force as to Mago. At Rome, the consuls, after transacting what
was necessary to be done in the city now prepared themselves for the
war. Tiberius Sempronius appointed a day for his soldiers to assemble
at Sinuessa; and Quintus Fabius also, having first consulted the
senate, issued a proclamation, that all persons should convey corn
from the fields into fortified towns, before the calends of June next
ensuing: if any neglected to do so he would lay waste his lands, sell
his slaves by auction, and burn his farm-houses. Not even the
praetors, who were created for the purpose of administering justice,
were allowed an exemption from military employments. It was resolved
that Valerius the praetor should go into Apulia, to receive the army
from Terentius, and that, when the legions from Sicily had arrived, he
should employ them principally for the protection of that quarter.
That the army of Terentius should be sent into Sicily, with some one
of the lieutenant-generals. Twenty-five ships were given to Marcus
Valerius, to protect the sea-coast between Brundusium and Tarentum. An
equal number was given to Quintus Fulvius, the city praetor, to
protect the coasts in the neighbourhood of the city. To Caius
Terentius, the proconsul, it was given in charge to press soldiers in
the Picenian territory, and to protect that part of the country; and
Titus Otacilius Crassus, after he had dedicated the temple of Mens in
the Capitol, was invested with command, and sent into Sicily to take
the conduct of the fleet.
33. On this contest, between the two most powerful people in the
world, all kings and nations had fixed their attention. Among them
Philip, king of the Macedonians, regarded it with greater anxiety, in
proportion as he was nearer to Italy, and because he was separated
from it only by the Ionian Sea. When he first heard that Hannibal had
crossed the Alps, as he was rejoiced that a war had arisen between the
Romans and the Carthaginians, so while their strength was yet
undetermined, he felt doubtful which he should rather wish to be
victorious. But after the third battle had been fought and the third
victory had been on the side of the Carthaginians, he inclined to
fortune, and sent ambassadors to Hannibal. These, avoiding the
harbours of Brundusium and Tarentum, because they were occupied by
guards of Roman ships, landed at the temple of Juno Lacinia. Thence
passing through Apulia, on their way to Capua, they fell in with the
Roman troops stationed to protect the country, and were conveyed to
Marcus Valerius Laevinus, the praetor, who lay encamped in the
neighbourhood of Luceria. Here Xenophanes, who was at the head of the
embassy, fearlessly stated, that he was sent by King Philip to
conclude a treaty of alliance and friendship with the Roman people,
and that he had commissions to the Roman consuls, senate, and people.
The praetor, highly delighted with this new alliance with a
distinguished potentate, amidst the desertions of her old allies,
courteously entertained these enemies as guests, and furnished them
with persons to accompany them carefully to point out the roads, and
inform them what places, and what passes, the Romans or the enemy
occupied. Xenophanes passing through the Roman troops came into
Campania, whence, by the shortest way, he entered the camp of
Hannibal, and concluded a treaty of alliance and friendship with him
on the following terms: That "King Philip, with as large a fleet as he
could, (and it was thought he could make one of two hundred ships,)
should pass over into Italy, and lay waste the sea-coast, that he
should carry on the war by land and sea with all his might; when the
war was concluded, that all Italy, with the city of Rome itself,
should be the property of the Carthaginians and Hannibal, and that all
the booty should be given up to Hannibal. That when Italy was
completely subdued they should sail into Greece, and carry on war with
such nations as the king pleased. That the cities on the continent and
the islands which border on Macedonia, should belong to Philip, and
his dominions."
34. A treaty was concluded between the Carthaginian general and the
ambassadors, upon nearly these terms; and Gisgo, Bostar, and Mago were
sent as ambassadors with them to receive the ratification of the king
in person. They arrived at the same place, near the temple of Juno
Lacinia, where the vessel lay concealed in a creek. Setting out
thence, when they had got into the open sea, they were descried by the
Roman fleet, which was guarding the coasts of Calabria. Publius
Valerius Flaccus having sent fly-boats to pursue and bring back the
ship, the king's party at first attempted to fly; but afterwards,
finding that they were overmatched in swiftness, they delivered
themselves up to the Romans, and were brought to the commander of the
fleet. Upon being asked by him who they were, whence they came, and
whither they were going, Xenophanes, having once been pretty
successful, made up a fictitious story and said, "that he was sent
from Philip to the Romans; that he had succeeded in reaching Marcus
Valerius, to whom alone he had safe access; that he was unable to make
his way through Campania, which was beset with the troops of the
enemy." But afterwards the Carthaginian dress and manners excited
suspicions of the messengers of Hannibal, and when interrogated, their
speech betrayed them; then on their companions being removed to
separate places, and intimidated by threats, even a letter from
Hannibal to Philip was discovered, and the agreement made between the
king of the Macedonians and the Carthaginian. These points having been
ascertained, the best course appeared to be, to convey the prisoners
and their companions as soon as possible to the senate at Rome, or to
the consuls, wheresoever they might be; for this service five of the
fastest sailing vessels were selected, and Lucius Valerius Antias sent
in command of them, with orders to distribute the ambassadors through
all the ships separately, and take particular care that they should
hold no conversation or consultation with each other. About the same
time Aulus Cornelius Mammula, on his return from the province of
Sardinia, made a report of the state of affairs in the island; that
every body contemplated war and revolt; that Quintus Mucius who
succeeded him, being on his arrival affected by the unwholesomeness of
the air and water, had fallen into a disorder rather lingering than
dangerous, and would for a long time be incapable of sustaining the
violent exertion of the war; that the army there, though strong enough
for the protection of a province in a state of tranquillity, was,
nevertheless, not adequate to the maintenance of the war which seemed
to be about to break out. Upon which the fathers decreed, that Quintus
Fulvius Flaccus should enlist five thousand foot and four hundred
horse, and take care that the legion thus formed should be transported
as soon as possible into Sardinia, and send invested with command
whomsoever he thought fit to conduct the business of the war until
Mucius had recovered. For this service Titus Manlius Torquatus was
sent; he had been twice consul and censor, and had subdued the
Sardinians during his consulate. Nearly about the same time a fleet
sent from Carthage to Sardinia under the conduct of Hasdrubal,
surnamed the Bald, having suffered from a violent tempest, was driven
upon the Balearian islands, where a good deal of time was lost in
refitting the ships, which were hauled on shore, so much were they
damaged, not only in their rigging but also in their hulls.
35. As the war was carried on in Italy with less vigour since the
battle of Cannae, the strength of one party having been broken, and
the energy of the other relaxed, the Campanians of themselves made an
attempt to subjugate Cumae, at first by soliciting them to revolt from
the Romans, and when that plan did not succeed, they contrived an
artifice by which to entrap them. All the Campanians had a stated
sacrifice at Hamae. They informed the Cumans that the Campanian senate
would come there, and requested that the Cuman senate should also be
present to deliberate in concert, in order that both people might have
the same allies and the same enemies; they said that they would have
an armed force there for their protection, that there might be no
danger from the Romans or Carthaginians. The Cumans, although they
suspected treachery, made no objection, concluding that thus the
deception they meditated might be concealed. Meanwhile Tiberius
Sempronius, the Roman consul, having purified his army at Sinuessa,
where he had appointed a day for their meeting, crossed the Vulturnus,
and pitched his camp in the neighbourhood of Liternum. As his troops
were stationed here without any employment, he compelled them
frequently to go through their exercise, that the recruits, which
consisted principally of volunteer slaves, might accustom themselves
to follow the standards, and know their own centuries in battle While
thus engaged, the general was particularly anxious for concord, and
therefore enjoined the lieutenant-generals and the tribunes that "no
disunion should be engendered among the different orders, by casting
reproaches on any one on account of his former condition. That the
veteran soldier should be content be placed on an equal footing with
the tiro, the free-man with the volunteer slave; that all should
consider those men sufficiently respectable in point of character and
birth, to whom the Roman people had intrusted their arms and
standards; that the measures which circumstances made it necessary to
adopt, the same circumstances also made it necessary to support when
adopted." This was not more carefully prescribed by the generals than
observed by the soldiers; and in a short time the minds of all were
united in such perfect harmony, that the condition from which each
became a soldier was almost forgotten. While Gracchus was thus
employed, ambassadors from Cumas brought him information of the
embassy which had come to them from the Campanians, a few days before,
and the answer they had given them; that the festival would take place
in three days from that time; that not only the whole body of their
senate, but that the camp and the army of the Campanians would be
there. Gracchus having directed the Cumans to convey every thing out
of their fields into the town, and to remain within their walls,
marched himself to Cumae, on the day before that on which the
Campanians were to attend the sacrifice. Hamae was three miles distant
from his position. The Campanians had by this time assembled there in
great numbers according to the plan concerted; and not far off Marius
Alfius, Medixtuticus, which is the name of the chief magistrate of the
Campanians, lay encamped in a retired spot with fourteen thousand
armed men, considerably more occupied in making preparation for the
sacrifice and in concerting the stratagem to be executed during it,
than in fortifying his camp or any other military work. The sacrifice
at Hamae lasted for three days. It was a nocturnal rite, so arranged
as to be completed before midnight. Gracchus, thinking this the proper
time for executing his plot, placed guards at the gates to prevent any
one from carrying out intelligence of his intentions; and having
compelled his men to employ the time from the tenth hour in taking
refreshment and sleep, in order that they might be able to assemble on
a signal given as soon as it was dark. He ordered the standards to be
raised about the first watch, and marching in silence, reached Hamae
at midnight; where, finding the Campanian camp in a neglected state,
as might be expected during a festival, he assaulted it at every gate
at once; some he butchered while stretched on the ground asleep,
others as they were returning unarmed after finishing the sacrifice.
In the tumultuous action of this night more than two thousand men were
slain, together with the general himself, Marius Alfius, and
thirty-four military standards were captured.
36. Gracchus, having made himself master of the enemy's camp with the
loss of less than a hundred men, hastily returned to Cumae, fearful of
an attack from Hannibal, who lay encamped above Capua on Tifata; nor
did his provident anticipation of the future deceive him; for as soon
as intelligence was brought to Capua of this loss, Hannibal,
concluding that he should find at Hamae this army, which consisted for
the most part of recruits and slaves, extravagantly elated with its
success, despoiling the vanquished and collecting booty, marched by
Capua at a rapid pace, ordering those Campanians whom he met in their
flight to be conducted to Capua under an escort, and the wounded to be
conveyed in carriages. He found at Hamae the camp abandoned by the
enemy, where there was nothing to be seen but the traces of the recent
carnage, and the bodies of his allies strewed in every part. Some
advised him to lead his troops immediately thence to Cumae, and
assault the town. Though Hannibal desired, in no ordinary degree, to
get possession of Cumae at least, as a maritime town, since he could
not gain Neapolis; yet as his soldiers had brought out with them
nothing besides their arms on their hasty march, he retired to his
camp on Tifata. But, wearied with the entreaties of the Campanians, he
returned thence to Cumae the following day, with every thing requisite
for besieging the town; and having thoroughly wasted the lands of
Cumae, pitched, his camp a mile from the town, in which Gracchus had
stayed more because he was ashamed to abandon, in such an emergency,
allies who implored his protection and that of the Roman people, than
because he felt confidence in his army. Nor dared the other consul,
Fabius, who was encamped at Cales, lead his troops across the
Vulturnus, being employed at first in taking new auspices, and
afterwards with the prodigies which were reported one after another;
and while expiating these, the aruspices answered that they were not
easily atoned.
37. While these causes detained Fabius, Sempronius was besieged, and
now works were employed in the attack. Against a very large wooden
tower which was brought up to the town, the Roman consul raised up
another considerably higher from the wall itself; for he had made use
of the wall, which was pretty high of itself, as a platform, placing
strong piles as supports. From this the besieged at first defended
their walls and city, with stones, javelins, and other missiles; but
lastly, when they perceived the tower advanced into contact with the
wall they threw upon it a large quantity of fire, making use of
blazing fire-brands; and while the armed men were throwing themselves
down from the tower in great numbers, in consequence of the flames
thus occasioned, the troops sallying out of the town at two gates at
once, routed the enemy, and drove them back to their camp; so that the
Carthaginians that day were more like persons besieged than besiegers.
As many as one thousand three hundred of the Carthaginians were slain,
and fifty-nine made prisoners, having been unexpectedly overpowered,
while standing careless and unconcerned near the walls and on the
outposts, fearing any thing rather than a sally. Gracchus sounded a
retreat, and withdrew his men within the walls, before the enemy could
recover themselves from the effects of this sudden terror. The next
day Hannibal, supposing that the consul, elated with his success,
would engage him in a regular battle, drew up his troops in
battle-array between the camp and the city; but finding that not a
man was removed from the customary guard of the town, and that nothing
was hazarded upon rash hopes, he returned to Tifata without
accomplishing any thing. At the same time that Cumae was relieved from
siege, Tiberius Sempronius, surnamed Longus, fought successfully with
the Carthaginian general, Hanno, at Grumentum in Lucania. He slew
above two thousand of the enemy, losing two hundred and eighty of his
own men. He took as many as forty-one military standards. Hanno,
driven out of the Lucanian territory, drew back among the Bruttii.
Three towns belonging to the Hirpinians, which had revolted from the
Romans, were regained by force by the praetor, Marcus Valerius,
Vercellius and Sicilius, the authors of the revolt, were beheaded;
above a thousand prisoners sold by auction; and the rest of the booty
having been given up to the soldiery, the army was marched back to
Luceria.
38. While these things were taking place in Lucania and Hirpinia, the
five ships, which were conveying to Rome the captured ambassadors of
the Macedonians and Carthaginians, after passing round the whole coast
of Italy from the upper to the lower sea, were sailing by Cumae, when,
it not being known whether they belonged to enemies or allies,
Gracchus despatched some ships from his fleet to meet them. When it
was ascertained, in the course of their mutual inquiries that the
consul was at Cumae, the ships put in there, the captives were brought
before the consul, and their letters placed in his hands. The consul,
after he had read the letters of Philip and Hannibal, sent them all,
sealed up, to the senate by land, ordering that the ambassadors should
be conveyed thither by sea. The ambassadors and the letters arriving
at Rome nearly on the same day, and on examination the answers of the
ambassadors corresponding with the contents of the letters, at first
intense anxiety oppressed the fathers, on seeing what a formidable war
with Macedonia threatened them, when with difficulty bearing up
against the Punic war; yet so far were they from sinking under their
calamities, that they immediately began to consider how they might
divert the enemy from Italy, by commencing hostilities themselves.
After ordering the prisoners to be confined in chains, and selling
their attendants by public auction, they decreed, that twenty more
ships should be got ready, in addition to the twenty-five ships which
Publius Valerius Flaccus had been appointed to command. These being
provided and launched, and augmented by the five ships which had
conveyed the captive ambassadors to Rome, a fleet of fifty ships set
sail from Ostia to Tarentum. Publius Valerius was ordered to put on
board the soldiers of Varro, which Lucius Apustius,
lieutenant-general, commanded at Tarentum; and, with this fleet of
fifty ships, not only to protect the coast of Italy, but also to make
inquiry respecting the Macedonian war. If the plans of Philip
corresponded with his letter, and the discoveries made by his
ambassadors, he was directed to acquaint the praetor, Marcus Valerius,
with it, who, leaving Lucius Apustius, lieutenant-general, in command
of the army, and going to Tarentum to the fleet, was to cross over to
Macedonia with all speed, and endeavour to detain Philip in his own
dominions. The money which had been sent into Sicily to Appius
Claudius, to be repaid to Hiero, was assigned for the support of the
fleet and the maintenance of the Macedonian war. This money was
conveyed to Tarentum, by Lucius Apustius, lieutenant-general, and with
it Hiero sent two hundred thousand pecks of wheat, and a hundred
thousand of barley.
39. While the Romans were engaged in these preparations and
transactions, the captured ship, which formed one of those which had
been sent to Rome, made its escape on the voyage and returned to
Philip; from which source it became known that the ambassadors with
their letters had been made prisoners. Not knowing, therefore, what
had been agreed upon between Hannibal and his ambassadors, or what
proposals they were to have brought back to him, he sent another
embassy with the same instructions. The ambassadors sent to Hannibal
were Heraclitus, surnamed Scotinus, Crito of Beraea, and Sositheus of
Magnesia; these successfully took and brought back their commissions,
but the summer had passed before the king could take any step or make
any attempt. Such an influence had the capture of one vessel, together
with the ambassadors, in deferring a war which threatened the Romans.
Fabius crossed the Vulturnus, after having at length expiated the
prodigies, and both the consuls prosecuted the war in the
neighbourhood of Capua. Fabius regained by force the towns
Compulteria, Trebula, and Saticula, which had revolted to the
Carthaginians; and in them were captured the garrisons of Hannibal and
a great number of Campanians. At Nola, as had been the case the
preceding year, the senate sided with the Romans, the commons with
Hannibal; and deliberations were held clandestinely on the subject of
massacring the nobles and betraying the city; but to prevent their
succeeding in their designs, Fabius marched his army between Capua and
the camp of Hannibal on Tifata, and sat down in the Claudian camp
above Suessula, whence he sent Marcus Marcellus, the proconsul, with
those forces which he had under him, to Nola for its protection.
40. In Sardinia also the operations of the war, which had been
intermitted from the time that Quintus Mucius, the praetor, had been
seized with a serious illness, began to be conducted by Titus Manlius,
the praetor. Having hauled the ships of war on shore at Carale, and
armed his mariners, in order that he might prosecute the war by land,
and received the army from the praetor, he made up the number of
twenty-two thousand foot and twelve hundred horse. Setting out for the
territory of the enemy with these forces of foot and horse, he pitched
his camp not far from the camp of Hamsicora. It happened that
Hampsicora was then gone among the Sardinians, called Pelliti, in
order to arm their youth, whereby he might augment his forces. His
son, named Hiostus, had the command of the camp, who coming to an
engagement, with the presumption of youth, was routed and put to
flight. In that battle as many as three thousand of the Sardinians
were slain, and about eight hundred taken alive. The rest of the army
at first wandered in their flight through the fields and woods, but
afterwards all fled to a city named Cornus, the capital of that
district, whither there was a report that their general had fled; and
the war in Sardinia would have been brought to a termination by that
battle, had not the Carthaginian fleet under the command of Hasdrubal,
which had been driven by a storm upon the Balearian islands, come in
seasonably for inspiring a hope of renewing the war. Manlius, after
hearing of the arrival of the Punic fleet, returned to Carale, which
afforded Hampsicora an opportunity of forming a junction with the
Carthaginian. Hasdrubal, having landed his forces and sent back his
fleet to Carthage, set out under the guidance of Hampsicora, to lay
waste the lands of the allies of the Romans; and he would have
proceeded to Carale, had not Manlius, meeting him with his army,
restrained him from this wide-spread depredation. At first their camps
were pitched opposite to each other, at a small distance; afterwards
skirmishes and slight encounters took place with varying success;
lastly, they came down into the field and fought a regular pitched
battle for four hours. The Carthaginians caused the battle to continue
long doubtful, for the Sardinians were accustomed to yield easily; but
at last, when the Sardinians fell and fled on all sides around them,
the Carthaginians themselves were routed. But as they were turning
their backs, the Roman general, wheeling round that wing with which he
had driven back the Sardinians, intercepted them, after which it was
rather a carnage than a battle. Two thousand of the enemy, Sardinians
and Carthaginians together, were slain, about three thousand seven
hundred captured, with twenty-seven military standards.
41. Above all, the general, Hasdrubal, and two other noble
Carthaginians having been made prisoners, rendered the battle glorious
and memorable; Mago, who was of the Barcine family, and nearly related
to Hannibal, and Hanno, the author of the revolt of the Sardinians,
and without doubt the instigator of this war. Nor less did the
Sardinian generals render that battle distinguished by their
disasters; for not only was Hiostus, son of Hampsicora, slain in the
battle, but Hampsicora himself flying with a few horse, having heard
of the death of his son in addition to his unfortunate state,
committed suicide by night, lest the interference of any person should
prevent the accomplishment of his design. To the other fugitives the
city of Cornus afforded a refuge, as it had done before; but Manlius,
having assaulted it with his victorious troops, regained it in a few
days. Then other cities also which had gone over to Hampsicora and the
Carthaginians, surrendered themselves and gave hostages, on which
having imposed a contribution of money and corn, proportioned to the
means and delinquency of each, he led back his troops to Carale. There
launching his ships of war, and putting the soldiers he had brought
with him on board, he sailed to Rome, reported to the fathers the
total subjugation of Sardinia, and handed over the contribution of
money to the quaestors, of corn to the aediles, and the prisoners to
the praetor Fulvius. During the same time, as Titus Otacilius the
praetor, who had sailed over with a fleet of fifty ships from
Lilybaeum to Africa, and laid waste the Carthaginian territory, was
returning thence to Sardinia, to which place it was reported that
Hasdrubal had recently crossed over from the Baleares, he fell in with
his fleet on its return to Africa; and after a slight engagement in
the open sea, captured seven ships with their crews. Fear dispersed
the rest far and wide, not less effectually than a storm. It happened
also, at the same time, that Bomilcar arrived at Locri with soldiers
sent from Carthage as a reinforcement, bringing with him also
elephants and provisions. In order to surprise and overpower him,
Appius Claudius, having hastily led his troops to Messana, under
pretext of making the circuit of the province, crossed over to Locri,
the tide being favourable. Bomilcar had by this time left the place,
having set out for Bruttium to join Hanno. The Locrians closed their
gates against the Romans, and Appius Claudius returned to Rome without
achieving any thing, by his strenuous efforts. The same summer
Marcellus made frequent excursions from Nola, which he was occupying
with a garrison, into the lands of the Hirpini and Caudine Samnites,
and so destroyed all before him with fire and sword, that he renewed
in Samnium the memory of her ancient disasters.
42. Ambassadors were therefore despatched from both nations at the
same time to Hannibal, who thus addressed the Carthaginian: "Hannibal,
we carried on hostilities with the Roman people, by ourselves and from
our own resources, as long as our own arms and our own strength could
protect us. Our confidence in these failing, we attached ourselves to
king Pyrrhus. Abandoned by him, we accepted of a peace, dictated by
necessity, which we continued to observe up to the period when you
arrived in Italy, through a period of almost fifty years. Your valour
and good fortune, not more than your unexampled humanity and kindness
displayed towards our countrymen, whom, when made prisoners, you
restored to us, so attached us to you, that while you our friend were
in health and safety, we not only feared not the Romans, but not even
the anger of the gods, if it were lawful so to express ourselves. And
yet, by Hercules, you not only being in safety and victorious, but on
the spot, (when you could almost hear the shrieks of our wives and
children, and see our buildings in flames,) we have suffered, during
this summer, such repeated devastations, that Marcellus, and not
Hannibal, would appear to have been the conqueror at Cannae; while the
Romans boast that you had strength only to inflict a single blow; and
having as it were left your sting, now lie torpid. For near a century
we waged war with the Romans, unaided by any foreign general or army;
except that for two years Pyrrhus rather augmented his own strength by
the addition of our troops, than defended us by his. I will not boast
of our successes, that two consuls and two consular armies were sent
under the yoke by us, nor of any other joyful and glorious events
which have happened to us. We can tell of the difficulties and
distresses we then experienced, with less indignation than those which
are now occurring. Dictators, those officers of high authority, with
their masters of horse, two consuls with two consular armies, entered
our borders, and, after having reconnoitred and posted reserves, led
on their troops in regular array to devastate our country. Now we are
the prey of a single propraetor, and of one little garrison, for the
defence of Nola. Now they do not even confine themselves to plundering
in companies, but, like marauders, range through our country from one
end to the other, more unconcernedly than if they were rambling
through the Roman territory. And the reason is this, you do not
protect us yourself, and the whole of our youth, which, if at home,
would keep us in safety, is serving under your banners. We know
nothing either of you or your army, but we know that it would be easy
for the man who has routed and dispersed so many Roman armies, to put
down these rambling freebooters of ours, who roam about in disorder to
whatsoever quarter the hope of booty, however groundless, attracts
them. They indeed will be the prey of a few Numidians, and a garrison
sent to us will also dislodge that at Nola, provided you do not think
those men undeserving that you should protect them as allies, whom you
have esteemed worthy of your alliance."
43. To this Hannibal replied, "that the Hirpini and Samnites did every
thing at once: that they both represented their sufferings, solicited
succours, and complained that they were undefended and neglected.
Whereas, they ought first to have represented their sufferings, then
to have solicited succours; and lastly, if those succours were not
obtained, then, at length, to make complaint that assistance had been
implored without effect. That he would lead his troops not into the
fields of the Hirpini and Samnites, lest he too should be a burthen to
them, but into the parts immediately contiguous, and belonging to the
allies of the Roman people, by plundering which, he would enrich his
own soldiers, and cause the enemy to retire from them through fear.
With regard to the Roman war, if the battle of Trasimenus was more
glorious than that at Trebia, and the battle of Cannae than that of
Trasimenus, that he would eclipse the fame of the battle of Cannae by
a greater and more brilliant victory." With this answer, and with
munificent presents, he dismissed the ambassadors. Having left a
pretty large garrison in Tifata, he set out with the rest of his
troops to go to Nola. Thither came Hanno from the Bruttii with
recruits and elephants brought from Carthage. Having encamped not far
from the place, every thing, upon examination, was found to be widely
different from what he had heard from the ambassadors of the allies.
For Marcellus was doing nothing, in such a way that he could be said
to have committed himself rashly either to fortune or to the enemy. He
had gone out on plundering expeditions, having previously
reconnoitred, planted strong guards, and secured a retreat; the same
caution was observed and the same provisions made, as if Hannibal were
present. At this time, when he perceived the enemy on the approach, he
kept his forces within the walls, ordered the senators of Nola to
patrol the walls, and explore on all hands what was doing among the
enemy. Of these Herennius Bassus and Herius Petrius, having been
invited by Hanno, who had come up to the wall, to a conference, and
gone out with the permission of Marcellus, were thus addressed by him,
through an interpreter. After extolling the valour and good fortune of
Hannibal, and vilifying the majesty of the Roman people, which he
represented as sinking into decrepitude with their strength; he said,
"but though they were on an equality in these respects, as once
perhaps they were, yet they who had experienced how oppressive the
government of Rome was towards its allies, and how great the clemency
of Hannibal, even towards all his prisoners of the Italian name, were
bound to prefer the friendship and alliance of the Carthaginians to
those of the Romans." If both the consuls with their armies were at
Nola, still they would no more be a match for Hannibal than they had
been at Cannae, much less would one praetor with a few raw soldiers be
able to defend it. It was a question which concerned themselves more
than Hannibal whether he should take possession of Nola as captured or
surrendered, for that he would certainly make himself master of it, as
he had done with regard to Capua and Nuceria, and what difference
there was between the fate of Capua and Nuceria, the Nolans
themselves, situated as they were nearly midway between them, were
well aware. He said he was unwilling to presage the evils which would
result to the city if taken by force, but would in preference pledge
himself that if they would deliver up Nola, together with Marcellus
and his garrison, no other person than themselves should dictate the
conditions on which they should come into the friendship and alliance
of Hannibal.
44. To this Herennius Bassus replied, that, "a friendship had
subsisted now for many years between the Romans and the Nolans, which
neither party up to that day regretted; and even had they been
disposed to change their friends upon a change of fortune, it was now
too late to change; had they intended to surrender themselves to
Hannibal, they should not have called a Roman garrison to their aid:
that all fortunes both were now and should to the last be shared with
those who had come to their protection." This conference deprived
Hannibal of the hope of gaining Nola by treachery; he therefore
completely invested the city, in order that he might attack the walls
in every part at once. Marcellus, when he perceived that he had come
near to the walls, having drawn up his troops within the gate, sallied
forth with great impetuosity; several were knocked down and slain on
the first charge: afterwards the troops running up to those who were
engaged, and their forces being thus placed on an equality? the battle
began to be fierce; nor would there have been many actions equally
memorable, had not the combatants been separated by a shower of rain
attended with a tremendous storm. On that day, after having engaged in
a slight contest, and with inflamed minds, they retired, the Romans to
the city, the Carthaginians to their camp. Of the Carthaginians,
however, there fell from the shock of the first sally not more than
thirty, of the Romans not one. The rain continued without intermission
through the whole night, until the third hour of the following day,
and therefore, though both parties were eager for the contest, they
nevertheless kept themselves within their works for that day. On the
third day Hannibal sent a portion of his troops into the lands of the
Nolans to plunder. Marcellus perceiving this, immediately led out his
troops and formed for battle, nor did Hannibal decline fighting. The
interval between the city and the camp was about a mile. In that
space, and all the country round Nola consists of level ground, the
armies met. The shout which was raised on both sides, called back to
the battle, which had now commenced, the nearest of those cohorts
which had gone out into the fields to plunder. The Nolans too joined
the Roman line. Marcellus having highly commended them, desired them
to station themselves in reserve, and to carry the wounded out of the
field but not take part in the battle, unless they should receive a
signal from him.
45. It was a doubtful battle; the generals exerting themselves to the
utmost in exhorting, and the soldiers in fighting Marcellus urged his
troops to press vigorously on men who had been vanquished but three
days before, who had been put to flight at Cumae only a few days ago,
and who had been driven from Nola the preceding year by himself, as
general, though with different troops. He said, "that all the forces
of the enemy were not in the field; that they were rambling about the
country in plundering parties, and that even those who were engaged,
were enfeebled with Campanian luxury, and worn out with drunkenness,
lust, and every kind of debauchery, which they had been indulging in
through the whole winter. That the energy and vigour had left them,
that the strength of mind and body had vanished, by which the Pyrenees
and the tops of the Alps had been passed. That those now engaged were
the remains of those men, with scarcely strength to support their arms
and limbs. That Capua had been a Cannae to Hannibal; that there his
courage in battle, his military discipline, the fame he had already
acquired, and his hopes of future glory, were extinguished." While
Marcellus was raising the spirits of his troops by thus inveighing
against the enemy, Hannibal assailed them with still heavier
reproaches. He said, "he recognised the arms and standards which he
had seen and employed at Trebia and Trasimenus, and lastly at Cannae;
but that he had indeed led one sort of troops into winter quarters at
Capua, and brought another out. Do you, whom two consular armies could
never withstand, with difficulty maintain your ground against a Roman
lieutenant-general, and a single legion with a body of auxiliaries?
Does Marcellus now a second time with impunity assail us with a band
of raw recruits and Nolan auxiliaries? Where is that soldier of mine,
who took off the head of Caius Flaminius, the consul, after dragging
him from his horse? Where is the man who slew Lucius Paulus at Cannae?
Is it that the steel hath lost its edge? or that your right hands are
benumbed? or what other miracle is it? You who, when few, have been
accustomed to conquer numbers, now scarce maintain your ground, the
many against the few. Brave in speech only, you were wont to boast
that you would take Rome by storm if you could find a general to lead
you. Lo! here is a task of less difficulty. I would have you try your
strength and courage here. Take Nola, a town situated on a plain,
protected neither by river nor sea; after that, when you have enriched
yourselves with the plunder and spoils of that wealthy town, I will
either lead or follow you whithersoever you have a mind."
46. Neither praises nor reproaches had any effect in confirming their
courage. Driven from their ground in every quarter, while the Romans
derived fresh spirits, not only from the exhortations of their
general, but from the Nolans, who, by their acclamations in token of
their good wishes, fed the flame of battle, the Carthaginians turned
their backs, and were driven to their camp, which the Roman soldiers
were eager to attack; but Marcellus led them back to Nola, amidst the
great joy and congratulations even from the commons, who hitherto had
been more favourable to the Carthaginians. Of the enemy more than five
thousand were slain on that day, six hundred made prisoners, with
nineteen military standards and two elephants. Four elephants were
killed in the battle. Of the Romans less than a thousand were killed.
The next day was employed by both parties in burying their dead, under
a tacit truce. Marcellus burnt the spoils of the enemy, in fulfilment
of a vow to Vulcan. On the third day after, on account of some pique,
I suppose, or in the hope of more advantageous service, one thousand
two hundred and seventy-two horsemen, Numidians and Spaniards,
deserted to Marcellus. The Romans had frequently availed themselves of
their brave and faithful service in that war. After the conclusion of
the war, portions of land were given to the Spaniards in Spain, to the
Numidians in Africa, in consideration of their valour. Having sent
Hanno back from Nola to the Bruttians with the troops with which he
had come, Hannibal went himself into winter quarters in Apulia, and
took up a position in the neighbourhood of Arpi. Quintus Fabius, as
soon as he heard that Hannibal was set out into Apulia, conveyed corn,
collected from Nola and Naples, into the camp above Suessula; and
having strengthened the fortifications and left a garrison sufficient
for the protection of the place during the winter, moved his camp
nearer to Capua, and laid waste the Campanian lands with fire and
sword; so that at length the Campanians, though not very confident in
their strength, were obliged to go out of their gates and fortify a
camp in the open space before the city. They had six thousand armed
men, the infantry, unfit for action. In their cavalry they had more
strength. They therefore harassed the enemy by attacking them with
these. Among the many distinguished persons who served in the
Campanian cavalry was one Cerrinus Jubellius, surnamed Taurea. Though
of that extraction, he was a Roman citizen, and by far the bravest
horseman of all the Campanians, insomuch that when he served under the
Roman banners, there was but one man, Claudius Asellus, a Roman, who
rivalled him in his reputation as a horseman. Taurea having for a long
time diligently sought for this man, riding up to the squadrons of the
enemy, at length having obtained silence, inquired where Claudius
Asellus was, and asked why, since he had been accustomed to dispute
about their merit in words, he would not decide the matter with the
sword, and if vanquished give him _spolia opima_, or if
victorious take them.
47. Asellus, who was in the camp, having been informed of this, waited
only to ask the consul leave to depart from the ordinary course and
fight an enemy who had challenged him. By his permission, he
immediately put on his arms, and riding out beyond the advanced guards
called on Taurea by name, and bid him come to the encounter when he
pleased. By this time the Romans had gone out in large bodies to
witness the contest, and the Campanians had crowded not only the
rampart of the camp, but the walls of the city to get a view of it.
After a flourish of expressions of mutual defiance, they spurred on
their horses with their spears pointed. Then evading each other's
attacks, for they had free space to move in, they protracted the
battle without a wound. Upon this the Campanian observed to the Roman,
"This will be only a trial of skill between our horses and not between
horsemen, unless we ride them down from the plain into this hollow
way. There, as there will be no room for retiring, we shall come to
close quarters." Almost quicker than the word, Claudius leaped into
the hollow way. Taurea, bold in words more than in reality, said,
"Never be the ass in the ditch;" an expression which from this
circumstance became a common proverb among rustics. Claudius having
rode up and down the way to a considerable distance, and again come up
into the plain without meeting his antagonist, after reflecting in
reproachful terms on the cowardice of the enemy, returned in triumph
to the camp, amidst great rejoicing and congratulation. To the account
of this equestrian contest, some histories add a circumstance which is
certainly astonishing, how true it is, is an open matter of opinion
that Claudius, when in pursuit of Taurea, who fled back to the city,
rode in at one of the gates of the enemy which stood open and made his
escape unhurt through another, the enemy being thunderstruck at the
strangeness of the circumstance.
48. The camps were then undisturbed, the consul even moved his camp
back, that the Campanians might complete their sowing, nor did he do
any injury to the lands till the blades in the corn-fields were grown
sufficiently high to be useful for forage. This he conveyed into the
Claudian camp above Suessula, and there erected winter quarters. He
ordered Marcus Claudius, the proconsul, to retain at Nola a sufficient
force for the protection of the place, and send the rest to Rome, that
they might not be a burthen to their allies nor an expense to the
republic. Tiberius Gracchus also, having led his legions from Cumae to
Luceria in Apulia, sent Marcus Valerius, the praetor, thence to
Brundusium with the troops which he had commanded at Luceria, with
orders to protect the coast of the Sallentine territory, and make
provisions with regard to Philip and the Macedonian war. At the close
of the summer, the events of which I have described, letters arrived
from Publius and Cneius Scipio, stating the magnitude and success of
their operations in Spain, but that the army was in want of money,
clothing, and corn, and that then crews were in want of every thing.
With regard to the pay, they said, that if the treasury was low, they
would adopt some plan by which they might procure it from the
Spaniards, but that the other supplies must certainly be sent from
Rome, for otherwise neither the army could be kept together nor the
province preserved. When the letters were read, all to a man admitted
that the statement was correct, and the request reasonable, but it
occurred to their minds, what great forces they were maintaining by
land and sea, and how large a fleet must soon be equipped if a war
with Macedon should break out, that Sicily and Sardinia, which before
the war had wielded a revenue, were scarcely able to maintain the
troops which protected those provinces, that the expenses were
supplied by a tax, that both the number of the persons who contributed
this tax was diminished by the great havoc made in their armies at the
Trasimenus and Cannae, and the few who survived, if they were
oppressed with multiplied impositions, would perish by a calamity of a
different kind. That, therefore, if the republic could not subsist by
credit, it could not stand by its own resources. It was resolved,
therefore, that Fulvius, the praetor, should present himself to the
public assembly of the people, point out the necessities of the state,
and exhort those persons who had increased their patrimonies by
farming the public revenues, to furnish temporary loans for the
service of that state, from which they had derived their wealth, and
contract to supply what was necessary for the army in Spain, on the
condition of being paid the first when there was money in the
treasury. These things the praetor laid before the assembly, and fixed
a day on which he would let on contract the furnishing the army in
Spain with clothes and corn, and with such other things as were
necessary for the crews.
49. When the day arrived, three companies, of nineteen persons, came
forward to enter into the contract; but they made two requests: one
was, that they should be exempt from military service while employed
in that revenue business; the second was, that the state should bear
all losses of the goods they shipped, which might arise either from
the attacks of the enemy or from storms. Having obtained both their
requests, they entered into the contract, and the affairs of the state
were conducted by private funds. This character and love of country
uniformly pervaded all ranks. As all the engagements were entered into
with magnanimity, so were they fulfilled with the strictest fidelity;
and the supplies were furnished in the same manner as formerly, from
an abundant treasury. At the time when these supplies arrived, the
town of Illiturgi was being besieged by Hasdrubal, Mago, and Hamilcar
the son of Bomilcar, on account of its having gone over to the Romans.
Between these three camps of the enemy, the Scipios effected an
entrance into the town of their allies, after a violent contest and
great slaughter of their opponents, and introduced some corn, of which
there was a scarcity; and after exhorting the townsmen to defend their
walls with the same spirit which they had seen displayed by the Roman
army fighting in their behalf, led on their troops to attack the
largest of the camps, in which Hasdrubal had the command. To this camp
the two other generals of the Carthaginians with their armies came,
seeing that the great business was to be done there. They therefore
sallied from the camp and fought. Of the enemy engaged there were
sixty thousand; of the Romans about sixteen; the victory, however, was
so decisive, that the Romans slew more than their own number of the
enemy, and captured more than three thousand, with nearly a thousand
horses and fifty-nine military standards, five elephants having been
slain in the battle. They made themselves masters of the three camps
on that day. The siege of Illiturgi having been raised, the
Carthaginian armies were led away to the siege of Intibili; the forces
having been recruited out of that province, which was, above all
others, fond of war, provided there was any plunder or pay to be
obtained, and at that time had an abundance of young men. A second
regular engagement took place, attended with the same fortune to both
parties; in which above three thousand of the enemy were slain, more
than two thousand captured, together with forty-two standards and nine
elephants. Then, indeed, almost all the people of Spain came over to
the Romans, and the achievements in Spain during that summer were much
more important than those in Italy.