BOOK IX.

_Titus Veturius and Spurius Postumius, with their army, surrounded

by the Samnites at the Caudine forks; enter into a treaty, give six

hundred hostages, and are sent under the yoke. The treaty declared

invalid; the two generals and the other sureties sent back to the

Samnites, but are not accepted. Not long after, Papirius Cursor

obliterates this disgrace, by vanquishing the Samnites, sending them

under the yoke, and recovering the hostages. Two tribes added. Appius

Claudius, censor, constructs the Claudian aqueduct, and the Appian

road; admits the sons of freedom into the senate. Successes against

the Apulians, Etruscans, Umbrians, Marsians, Pelignians, Aequans, and

Samnites. Mention made of Alexander the Great, who flourished at this

time; a comparative estimate of his strength, and that of the Roman

people, tending to show, that if he had carried his arms into Italy,

he would not have been as successful there as he had been in the

Eastern countries._

* * * * *

1. This year is followed by the convention of Caudium, so memorable on

account of the misfortune of the Romans, the consuls being Titus

Veturius Calvinus and Spurius Postumius. The Samnites had as their

commander that year Caius Ponius, son to Herennius, born of a father

most highly renowned for wisdom, and himself a consummate warrior and

commander. When the ambassadors, who had been sent to make

restitution, returned, without concluding a peace, he said, "That ye

may not think that no purpose has been effected by this embassy,

whatever degree of anger the deities of heaven had conceived against

us, on account of the infraction of the treaty, has been hereby

expiated. I am very confident, that whatever deities they were, whose

will it was that you should be reduced to the necessity of making the

restitution, which had been demanded according to the treaty, it was

not agreeable to them, that our atonement for the breach of treason

should be so haughtily spurned by the Romans. For what more could

possibly be done towards appeasing the gods, and softening the anger

of men, than we have done? The effects of the enemy, taken among the

spoils, which appeared to be our own by the right of war, we restored:

the authors of the war, as we could not deliver them up alive, we

delivered them dead: their goods we carried to Rome, lest by retaining

them, any degree of guilt should remain among us. What more, Roman, do

I owe to thee? what to the treaty? what to the gods, the guarantees of

the treaty? What arbitrator shall I call in to judge of your

resentment, and of my punishment? I decline none; neither nation nor

private person. But if nothing in human law is left to the weak

against stronger, I will appeal to the gods, the avengers of

intolerant arrogance, and will beseech them to turn their wrath

against those for whom neither the restoration of their own effects

nor additional heaps of other men's property, can suffice, whose

cruelty is not satiated by the death of the guilty, by the surrender

of their lifeless bodies, nor by their goods accompanying the

surrender of the owner; who cannot be appeased otherwise than by

giving them our blood to drink, and our entrails to be torn. Samnites,

war is just to those for whom it is necessary, and arms are clear of

impiety for those who have no hope left but in arms. Wherefore, as in

every human undertaking, it is of the utmost importance what matter

men may set about with the favour, what under the displeasure of the

gods, be assured that the former wars ye waged in opposition to the

gods more than to men; in this, which is now impending, ye will act

under the immediate guidance of the gods themselves."

2. After uttering these predictions, not more cheering than true, he

led out the troops, and placed his camp about Caudium as much out of

view as possible. From thence he sent to Calatia, where he heard that

the Roman consuls were encamped, ten soldiers, in the habit of

shepherds, and ordered them to keep some cattle feeding in several

different places, at a small distance from the Roman posts; and that,

when they fell in with any of their foragers, they should all agree in

the same story, that the legions of the Samnites were then in Apulia,

that they were besieging Luceria with their whole force, and very near

taking it by storm. Such a rumour had been industriously spread

before, and had already reached the Romans; but these prisoners

increased the credit of it, especially as they all concurred in the

same report. There was no doubt but that the Romans would carry

succour to the Lucerians, as being good and faithful allies; and for

this further reason, lest all Apulia, through apprehension of the

impending danger, might go over to the enemy. The only point of

deliberation was, by what road they should go. There were two roads

leading to Luceria, one along the coast of the upper sea, wide and

open; but, as it was the safer, so it was proportionably longer: the

other, which was shorter, through the Caudine forks. The nature of the

place is this: there are two deep glens, narrow and covered with wood,

connected together by mountains ranging on both sides from one to the

other; between these lies a plain of considerable extent, enclosed in

the middle, abounding in grass and water, and through the middle of

which the passage runs: but before you can arrive at it, the first

defile must be passed, while the only way back is through the road by

which you entered it; or if in case of resolving to proceed forward,

you must go by the other glen, which is still more narrow and

difficult. Into this plain the Romans, having marched down their

troops by one of those passes through the cleft of a rock, when they

advanced onward to the other defile, found it blocked up by trees

thrown across, and a mound of huge stones lying in their way. When the

stratagem of the enemy now became apparent, there is seen at the same

time a body of troops on the eminence over the glen. Hastening back,

then, they proceed to retrace the road by which they had entered; they

found that also shut up by such another fence, and men in arms. Then,

without orders, they halted; amazement took possession of their minds,

and a strange kind of numbness seized their limbs: they then remained

a long time motionless and silent, each looking to the other, as if

each thought the other more capable of judging and advising than

himself. After some time, when they saw that the consul's pavilions

were being erected, and that some were getting ready the implements

for throwing up works, although they were sensible that it must appear

ridiculous the attempt to raise a fortification in their present

desperate condition, and when almost every hope was lost, would be an

object of necessity, yet, not to add a fault to their misfortunes,

they all, without being advised or ordered by any one, set earnestly

to work, and enclosed a camp with a rampart, close to the water, while

themselves, besides that the enemy heaped insolent taunts on them,

seemed with melancholy to acknowledge the apparent fruitlessness of

their toil and labour. The lieutenants-general and tribunes, without

being summoned to consultation, (for there was no room for either

consultation or remedy,) assembled round the dejected consul; while

the soldiers, crowding to the general's quarters, demanded from their

leaders that succour, which it was hardly in the power of the immortal

gods themselves to afford them.

3. Night came on them while lamenting their situation rather than

consulting, whilst they urged expedients, each according to his

temper; one crying out, "Let us go over those fences of the roads;"

others, "over the steeps; through the woods; any way, where arms can

be carried. Let us be but permitted to come to the enemy, whom we have

been used to conquer now near thirty years. All places will be level

and plain to a Roman, fighting against the perfidious Samnite."

Another would say, "Whither, or by what way can we go? Do we expect to

remove the mountains from their foundations? While these cliffs hang

over us, by what road will you reach the enemy? Whether armed or

unarmed, brave or dastardly, we are all, without distinction, captured

and vanquished. The enemy will not even show us a weapon by which we

might die with honour. He will finish the war without moving from his

seat." In such discourse, thinking of neither food nor rest, the night

was passed. Nor could the Samnites, though in circumstances so joyous,

instantly determine how to act: it was therefore universally agreed

that Herennius Pontius, father of the general, should be consulted by

letter. He was now grown feeble through age, and had withdrawn

himself, not only from all military, but also from all civil

occupations; yet, notwithstanding the decline of his bodily strength,

his mind retained its full vigour. When he heard that the Roman armies

were shut up at the Caudine forks between the two glens, being

consulted by his son's messenger, he gave his opinion, that they

should all be immediately dismissed from thence unhurt. On this

counsel being rejected, and the same messenger returning a second

time, he recommended that they should all, to a man, be put to death.

When these answers, so opposite to each other, like those of an

ambiguous oracle, were given, although his son in particular

considered that the powers of his father's mind, together with those

of his body, had been impaired by age, was yet prevailed on, by the

general desire of all, to send for him to consult him. The old man, we

are told, complied without reluctance, and was carried in a waggon to

the camp, where, when summoned to give his advice, he spoke in such

way as to make no alteration in his opinions; he only added the

reasons for them. That "by his first plan, which he esteemed the best,

he meant, by an act of extraordinary kindness, to establish perpetual

peace and friendship with a most powerful nation: by the other, to put

off the return of war to the distance of many ages, during which the

Roman state, after the loss of those two armies, could not easily

recover its strength." A third plan there was not. When his son, and

the other chiefs, went on to ask him if "a plan of a middle kind might

not be adopted; that they both should be dismissed unhurt, and, at the

same time, by the right of war, terms imposed on them as vanquished?"

"That, indeed," said he, "is a plan of such a nature, as neither

procures friends or removes enemies. Only preserve those whom ye would

irritate by ignominious treatment. The Romans are a race who know not

how to sit down quiet under defeat; whatever that is which the present

necessity shall brand will rankle in their breasts for ever, and will

not suffer them to rest, until they have wreaked manifold vengeance on

your heads." Neither of these plans was approved, and Herennius was

carried home from the camp.

4. In the Roman camp also, when many fruitless efforts to force a

passage had been made, and they were now destitute of every means of

subsistence, forced by necessity, they send ambassadors, who were

first to ask peace on equal terms; which, if they did not obtain, they

were to challenge the enemy to battle. To this Pontius answered, that

"the war was at an end; and since, even in their present vanquished

and captive state, they were not willing to acknowledge their

situation, he would send them under the yoke unarmed, each with a

single garment; that the other conditions of peace should be such as

were just between the conquerors and the conquered. If their troops

would depart, and their colonies be withdrawn out of the territories

of the Samnites; for the future, the Romans and Samnites, under a

treaty of equality, shall live according to their own respective laws.

On these terms he was ready to negotiate with the consuls: and if any

of these should not be accepted, he forbade the ambassadors to come to

him again." When the result of this embassy was made known, such

general lamentation suddenly arose, and such melancholy took

possession of them, that had they been told that all were to die on

the spot, they could not have felt deeper affliction. After silence

continued a long time, and the consuls were not able to utter a word,

either in favour of a treaty so disgraceful, or against a treaty so

necessary; at length, Lucius Lentulus, who was the first among the

lieutenants-general, both in respect of bravery, and of the public

honours which he had attained, addressed them thus: "Consuls, I have

often heard my father say, that he was the only person in the Capitol

who did not advise the senate to ransom the state from the Gauls with

gold; and these he would not concur in, because they had not been

enclosed with a trench and rampart by the enemy, (who were remarkably

slothful with respect to works and raising fortifications,) and

because they might sally forth, if not without great danger, yet

without certain destruction. Now if, in like manner as they had it in

their power to run down from the Capitol in arms against their foe, as

men besieged have often sallied out on the besiegers, it were possible

for us to come to blows with the enemy, either on equal or unequal

ground, I would not be wanting in the high quality of my father's

spirit in stating my advice. I acknowledge, indeed, that death, in

defence of our country, is highly glorious; and I am ready, either to

devote myself for the Roman people and the legions, or to plunge into

the midst of the enemy. But in this spot I behold my country: in this

spot, the whole of the Roman legions, and unless these choose to rush

on death in defence of their own individual characters, what have they

which can be preserved by their death? The houses of the city, some

may say, and the walls of it, and the crowd who dwell in it, by which

the city is inhabited. But in fact, in case of the destruction of this

army, all these are betrayed, not preserved. For who will protect

them? An unwarlike and unarmed multitude, shall I suppose? Yes, just

as they defended them against the attack of the Gauls. Will they call

to their succour an army from Veii, with Camillus at its head? Here on

the spot, I repeat, are all our hopes and strength; by preserving

which, we preserve our country; by delivering them up to death, we

abandon and betray our country. But a surrender is shameful and

ignominious. True: but such ought to be our affection for our country,

that we should save it by our own disgrace, if necessity required, as

freely as by our death. Let therefore that indignity be undergone, how

great soever, and let us submit to that necessity which even the gods

themselves do not overcome. Go, consuls, ransom the state for arms,

which your ancestors ransomed with gold."

5. The consuls having gone to Pontius to confer with him, when he

talked, in the strain of a conqueror, of a treaty, they declared that

such could not be concluded without an order of the people, nor

without the ministry of the heralds, and the other customary rites.

Accordingly the Caudine peace was not ratified by settled treaty, as

is commonly believed, and even asserted by Claudius, but by

conventional sureties. For what occasion would these be either for

sureties or hostages in the former case, where the ratification is

performed by the imprecation, "that whichever nation shall give

occasion to the said terms being violated, may Jupiter strike that

nation in like manner as the swine is struck by the heralds." The

consuls, lieutenants-general, quaestors, and military tribunes, became

sureties; and the names of all these who became sureties are extant;

where, had the business been transacted by treaty, none would have

appeared but those of the two heralds. On account of the necessary

delay of the treaty six hundred horsemen were demanded as hostages,

who were to suffer death if the compact were not fulfilled; a time was

then fixed for delivering up the hostages, and sending away the troops

disarmed. The return of the consuls renewed the general grief in the

camp, insomuch that the men hardly refrained from offering violence to

them, "by whose rashness," they said, "they had been brought into such

a situation; and through whose cowardice they were likely to depart

with greater disgrace than they came. They had employed no guide

through the country, nor scouts; but were sent out blindly, like

beasts into a pitfall" They cast looks on each other, viewed earnestly

the arms which they must presently surrender; while their persons

would be subject to the whim of the enemy: figured to themselves the

hostile yoke, the scoffs of the conquerors, their haughty looks, and

finally, thus disarmed, their march through the midst of an armed foe.

In a word, they saw with horror the miserable journey of their

dishonoured band through the cities of the allies; and their return

into their own country, to their parents, whither themselves, and

their ancestors, had so often come in triumph. Observing, that "they

alone had been conquered without a fight, without a weapon thrown,

without a wound; that they had not been permitted to draw their

swords, nor to engage the enemy. In vain had arms, in vain had

strength, in vain had courage been given them." While they were giving

vent to such grievous reflections, the fatal hour of their disgrace

arrived, which was to render every circumstance still more shocking in

fact, than they had preconceived it in their imaginations. First, they

were ordered to go out, beyond the rampart, unarmed, and with single

garments; then the hostages were surrendered, and carried into

custody. The lictors were next commanded to depart from the consuls,

and the robes of the latter were stripped off. This excited such a

degree of commiseration in the breasts of those very men, who a little

before, pouring execrations upon them, had proposed that they should

be delivered up and torn to pieces, that every one, forgetting his own

condition, turned away his eyes from that degradation of so high a

dignity, as from a spectacle too horrid to behold.

6. First, the consuls, nearly half naked, were sent under the yoke;

then each officer, according to his rank, was exposed to disgrace, and

the legions successively. The enemy stood on each side under arms,

reviling and mocking them; swords were pointed at most of them,

several were wounded and some even slain, when their looks, rendered

too fierce by the indignity to which they were subjected, gave offence

to the conquerors. Thus were they led under the yoke; and what was

still more intolerable, under the eyes of the enemy. When they had got

clear of the defile, they seemed as if they had been drawn up from the

infernal regions, and then for the first time beheld the light; yet,

when they viewed the ignominious appearance of the army, the light

itself was more painful to them than any kind of death could have

been; so that although they might have arrived at Capua before night,

yet, uncertain with respect to the fidelity of the allies, and because

shame embarrassed them, in need of every thing, they threw themselves

carelessly on the ground, on each side of the road: which being told

at Capua, just compassion for their allies got the better of the

arrogance natural to the Campanians. They immediately sent to the

consuls their ensigns of office, the fasces and lictors; to the

soldiers, arms, horses, clothes, and provisions in abundance: and, on

their approach to Capua, the whole senate and people went out to meet

them, and performed every proper office of hospitality, both public

and private. But the courtesy, kind looks, and address of the allies,

could not only not draw a word from them, but it could not even

prevail on them to raise their eyes, or look their consoling friends

in the face, so completely did shame, in addition to grief, oblige

them to shun the conversation and society of these their friends. Next

day, when some young nobles, who had been sent from Capua, to escort

them on their road to the frontiers of Campania, returned, they were

called into the senate-house, and, in answer to the inquiries of the

elder members, said, that "to them they seemed deeply sunk in

melancholy and dejection; that the whole body moved on in silence,

almost as if dumb; the former genius of the Romans was prostrated, and

that their spirit had been taken from them, together with their arms.

Not one returned a salute, nor returned an answer to those who greeted

them; as if, through fear, they were unable to utter a word; as if

their necks still carried the yoke under which they had been sent.

That the Samnites had obtained a victory, not only glorious, but

lasting also; for they had subdued, not Rome merely, as the Gauls had

formerly done, but what was a much wore warlike achievement, the Roman

courage." When these remarks were made and attentively listened to,

and the almost extinction of the Roman name was lamented in this

assembly of faithful allies, Ofilius Calavius, son of Ovius, a man

highly distinguished, both by his birth and conduct, and at this time

further respectable on account of his age, is said to have declared

that he entertained a very different opinion in the case. "This

obstinate silence," said he, "those eyes fixed on the earth,--those

ears deaf to all comfort,--with the shame of beholding the light,--are

indications of a mind calling forth, from its inmost recesses, the

utmost exertions of resentment. Either he was ignorant of the temper

of the Romans, or that silence would shortly excite, among the

Samnites, lamentable cries and groans; for that the remembrance of the

Caudine peace would be much more sorrowful to the Samnites than to the

Romans. Each side would have their own native spirit, wherever they

should happen to engage, but the Samnites would not, every where, have

the glens of Caudium."

7. Their disaster was, by this time, well known at Rome also. At

first, they heard that the troops were shut up; afterwards the news of

the ignominious peace caused greater affliction than had been felt for

their danger. On the report of their being surrounded, a levy of men

was begun; but when it was understood that the army had surrendered in

so disgraceful a manner, the preparations were laid aside; and

immediately, without any public directions, a general mourning took

place, with all the various demonstrations of grief. The shops were

shut; and all business ceased in the forum, spontaneously, before it

was proclaimed. Laticlaves [Footnote: In the original, _lati clavi_.

The latus clavus was a tunic, or vest, ornamented with a broad stripe

of purple on the fore part, worn by the senators; the knights wore a

similar one, only ornamented with a narrower stripe. Gold rings were

also used as badges of distinction, the common people wore iron ones.]

and gold rings were laid aside: and the public were in greater

tribulation, if possible, than the army itself; they were not only

enraged against the commanders, the advisers and sureties of the peace,

but detested even the unoffending soldiers, and asserted, that they

ought not to be admitted into the city or its habitations. But these

transports of passion were allayed by the arrival of the troops, which

excited compassion even in the angry; for entering into the city, not

like men returning into their country with unexpected safety, but in

the habit and with the looks of captives, late in the evening; they hid

themselves so closely in their houses, that, for the next, and several

following days, not one of them could bear to come in sight of the

forum, or of the public. The consuls, shut up in private, transacted no

official business, except that which was wrung from them by a decree of

the senate, to nominate a dictator to preside at the elections. They

nominated Quintus Fabius Ambustus, and as master of the horse Publius

Aelius Paetus. But they having been irregularly appointed, there were

substituted in their room, Marcus Aemilius Papus dictator, and Lucius

Valerius Flaccus master of the horse. But neither did these hold the

elections: and the people being dissatisfied with all the magistrates

of that year, an interregnum ensued. The interreges were, Quintus

Fabius Maximus and Marcus Valerius Corvus, who elected consuls Quintus

Publilius Philo, and Lucius Papirius Cursor a second time; a choice

universally approved, for there were no commanders at that time of

higher reputation.

8. They entered into office on the day they were elected, for so it

had been determined by the fathers. When the customary decrees of the

senate were passed, they proposed the consideration of the Caudine

peace; and Publilius, who was in possession of the fasces, said,

"Spurius Postumius, speak:" he arose with just the same countenance

with which he had passed under the yoke, and delivered himself to this

effect: "Consuls, I am well aware that I have been called up first

with marked ignominy, not with honour; and that I am ordered to speak,

not as being a senator, but as a person answerable as well for an

unsuccessful war as for a disgraceful peace. However, since the

question propounded by you is not concerning our guilt, or our

punishment; waving a defence, which would not be very difficult,

before men who are not unacquainted with human casualties or

necessities, I shall briefly state my opinion on the matter in

question; which opinion will testify, whether I meant to spare myself

or your legions, when I engaged as surety to the convention, whether

dishonourable or necessary: by which, however, the Roman people are

not bound, inasmuch as it was concluded without their order; nor is

any thing liable to be forfeited to the Samnites, in consequence of

it, except our persons. Let us then be delivered up to them by the

heralds, naked, and in chains. Let us free the people of the religious

obligation, if we have bound them under any such; so that there may be

no restriction, divine or human, to prevent your entering on the war

anew, without violating either religion or justice. I am also of

opinion, that the consuls, in the mean time, enlist, arm, and lead out

an army; but that they should not enter the enemy's territories before

every particular, respecting the surrender of us, be regularly

executed. You, O immortal gods! I pray and beseech that, although it

has not been your will that Spurius Postumius and Titus Veturius, as

consuls, should wage war with success against the Samnites, ye may yet

deem it sufficient to have seen us sent under the yoke; to have seen

us bound under an infamous convention; to have seen us delivered into

the hands of our foes naked and shackled, taking on our own heads the

whole weight of the enemy's resentment. And grant, that the consuls

and legions of Rome may wage war against the Samnites, with the same

fortune with which every war has been waged before we became consuls."

On his concluding this speech, men's minds were so impressed with both

admiration and compassion, that now they could scarce believe him to

be the same Spurius Postumius who had been the author of so shameful a

peace; again lamenting, that such a man was likely to undergo, among

the enemy, a punishment even beyond that of others, through resentment

for annulling the peace. When all the members, extolling him with

praises, expressed their approbation of his sentiments, a protest was

attempted for a time by Lucius Livius and Quintus Maelius, tribunes of

the commons, who said, that "the people could not be acquitted of the

religious obligation by the consuls being given up, unless all things

were restored to the Samnites in the same state in which they had been

at Caudium; nor had they themselves deserved any punishment, for

having, by becoming sureties to the peace, preserved the army of the

Roman people; nor, finally, could they, being sacred and inviolable,

be surrendered to the enemy or treated with violence."

9. To this Postumius replied, "In the mean time surrender us as

unsanctified persons, which ye may do, without offence to religion;

those sacred and inviolable personages, the tribunes, ye will

afterwards deliver up as soon as they go out of office: but, if ye

listen to me, they will be first scourged with rods, here in the

Comitium, that they may pay this as interest for their punishment

being delayed. For, as to their denying that the people are acquitted

of the religious obligation, by our being given up, who is there so

ignorant of the laws of the heralds, as not to know, that those men

speak in that manner, that they themselves may not be surrendered,

rather than because the case is really so? Still I do not deny,

conscript fathers, that compacts, on sureties given, are as sacred as

treaties, in the eyes of all who regard faith between men, with the

same reverence which is paid to duties respecting the gods: but I

insist, that without the order of the people, nothing can be ratified

that is to bind the people. Suppose that, out of the same arrogance

with which the Samnites wrung from us the convention in question, they

had compelled us to repeat the established form of words for the

surrendering of cities, would ye, tribunes, say, that the Roman people

was surrendered? and, that this city, these temples, and consecrated

grounds, these lands and waters, were become the property of the

Samnites? I say no more of the surrender, because our having become

sureties is the point insisted on. Now, suppose we had become sureties

that the Roman people should quit this city; that they should set it

on fire; that they should have no magistrates, no senate, no laws;

that they should, in future, be ruled by kings: the gods forbid, you

say. But, the enormity of the articles lessens not the obligation of a

compact. If there is any thing in which the people can be bound, it

can in all. Nor is there any importance in another circumstance, which

weighs, perhaps, with some: whether a consul, a dictator, or a

praetor, be the surety. And this, indeed, was what even the Samnites

themselves proved, who were not satisfied with the security of the

consuls, but compelled the lieutenants-general, quaestors, and

military tribunes to join them. Let no one, then, demand of me, why I

entered into such a compact, when neither such power was vested in a

consul, and when I could not either to them, insure a peace, of which

I could not command the ratification; or in behalf of you, who had

given me no powers. Conscript fathers, none of the transactions at

Caudium were directed by human wisdom. The immortal gods deprived of

understanding both your generals and those of the enemy. On the one

side we acted not with sufficient caution in the war; on the other,

they threw away a victory, which through our folly they had obtained,

while they hardly confided in the places, by means of which they had

conquered; but were in haste, on any terms, to take arms out of the

hands of men who were born to arms. Had their reason been sound, would

it have been difficult, during the time which they spent in sending

for old men from home to give them advice, to send ambassadors to

Rome, and to negotiate a peace and treaty with the senate, and with

the people? It would have been a journey of only three days to

expeditious travellers. In the interim, matters might have rested

under a truce, that is, until their ambassadors should have brought

from Rome, either certain victory or peace. That would have been

really a compact, on the faith of sureties, for we should have become

sureties by order of the people. But, neither would ye have passed

such an order, nor should we have pledged our faith; nor was it right

that the affair should have any other issue, than, that they should be

vainly mocked with a dream, as it were, of greater prosperity than

their minds were capable of comprehending, and that the same fortune,

which had entangled our army, should extricate it; that an ineffectual

victory should be frustrated by a more ineffectual peace; and that a

convention, on the faith of a surety, should be introduced, which

bound no other person beside the surety. For what part had ye,

conscript fathers; what part had the people, in this affair? Who can

call upon you? Who can say, that he has been deceived by you? Can the

enemy? Can a citizen? To the enemy ye engaged nothing. Ye ordered no

citizen to engage on your behalf. Ye are therefore no way concerned

either with us, to whom ye gave no commission; nor with the Samnites,

with whom ye transacted no business. We are sureties to the Samnites;

debtors, sufficiently wealthy in that which is our own, in that which

we can offer--our bodies and our minds. On these, let them exercise

their cruelty; against these, let them whet their resentment and their

swords. As to what relates to the tribunes, consider whether the

delivering them up can be effected at the present time, or if it must

be deferred to another day. Meanwhile let us, Titus Veturius, and the

rest concerned, offer our worthless persons, as atonements for the

breaking our engagements, and, by our sufferings liberate the Roman

armies."

10. Both these arguments, and, still more, the author of them,

powerfully affected the senators; as they did likewise every one, not

excepting even the tribunes of the commons who declared, that they

would be directed by the senate. They then instantly resigned their

office, and were delivered, together with the rest, to the heralds, to

be conducted to Caudium. On passing this decree of the senate, it

seemed as if some new light had shone upon the state: Postumius was in

every mouth: they extolled him to heaven; and pronounced his conduct

as equal even to the devoting act of the consul Publius Decius, and to

other illustrious acts. "Through his counsel, and exertions," they

said, "the state had raised up its head from an ignominious peace. He

now offered himself to the enemy's rage, and to torments; and was

suffering, in atonement for the Roman people." All turned their

thoughts towards arms and war, [and the general cry was,] "When shall

we be permitted with arms in our hands to meet the Samnites?" While

the state glowed with resentment and rancour, the levies were composed

almost entirely of volunteers. New legions, composed of the former

soldiers, were quickly formed, and an army marched to Caudium. The

heralds, who went before, on coming to the gate, ordered the sureties

of the peace to be stripped of their clothes, and their hands to be

tied behind their backs. As the apparitor, out of respect to his

dignity, was binding Postumius in a loose manner, "Why do you not,"

said he, "draw the cord tight, that the surrender may be regularly

performed?" Then, when they came into the assembly of the Samnites,

and to the tribunal of Pontius, Aulus Cornelius Arvina, a herald,

pronounced these words: "Forasmuch as these men, here present, without

orders from the Roman people, the Quirites, entered into surety, that

a treaty should be made, and have thereby rendered themselves

criminal; now, in order that the Roman people may be freed from the

crime of impiety, I here surrender these men into your hands." On the

herald saying thus, Postumius gave him a stroke on the thigh with his

knee, as forcibly as he could, and said with a loud voice, that "he

was now a citizen of Samnium, the other a Roman ambassador; that the

herald had been, by him, violently ill-treated, contrary to the law of

nations; and that his people would therefore have the more justice on

their side, in waging war."

11. Pontius then said, "Neither will I accept such a surrender, nor

will the Samnites deem it valid. Spurius Postumius, if you believe

that there are gods, why do you not undo all that has been done, or

fulfil your agreement? The Samnite nation is entitled, either to all

the men whom it had in its power, or, instead of them, to a peace. But

why do I call on you, who, with as much regard to faith as you are

able to show, return yourself a prisoner into the hands of the

conqueror? I call on the Roman people. If they are dissatisfied with

the convention made at the Caudine forks, let them replace the legions

within the defile where they were pent up. Let there be no deception

on either side. Let all that has been done pass as nothing. Let them

receive again the army which they surrendered by the convention; let

them return into their camp. Whatever they were in possession of, the

day before the conference, let them possess again. Then let war and

resolute counsels be adopted. Then let the convention, and peace, be

rejected. Let us carry on the war in the same circumstances, and

situations, in which we were before peace was mentioned. Let neither

the Roman people blame the convention of the consuls, nor us the faith

of the Roman people. Will ye never want an excuse for not standing to

the compacts which ye make on being defeated? Ye gave hostages to

Porsena: ye clandestinely withdrew them. Ye ransomed your state from

the Gauls, for gold: while they were receiving the gold, they were put

to the sword. Ye concluded a peace with us, on condition of our

restoring your captured legions: that peace ye now annul; in fine, ye

always spread over your fraudulent conduct some show of right. Do the

Roman people disapprove of their legions being saved by an ignominious

peace? Let them have their peace, and return the captured legions to

the conqueror. This would be conduct consistent with faith, with

treaties, and with the laws of the heralds. But that you should, in

consequence of the convention, obtain what you desired, the safety of

so many of your countrymen, while I obtain not, what I stipulated for

on sending you back those men, a peace; is this the law which you,

Aulus Cornelius, which ye, heralds, prescribe to nations? But for my

part, I neither accept those men whom ye pretend to surrender, nor

consider them as surrendered; nor do I hinder them from returning into

their own country, which stands bound under an actual convention,

formally entered into carrying with them the wrath of all the gods,

whose authority is thus baffled. Wage war, since Spurius Postumius has

just now struck with his knee the herald, in character of ambassador.

The gods are to believe that Postumius is a citizen of Samnium, not of

Rome; and that a Roman ambassador has been violated by a Samnite; and

that therefore a just war has been waged against us by you. That men

of years, and of consular dignity, should not be ashamed to exhibit

such mockery of religion in the face of day! And should have recourse

to such shallow artifices to palliate their breach of faith, unworthy

even of children! Go, lictor, take off the bonds from those Romans.

Let no one delay them from departing when they think proper."

Accordingly they returned unhurt from Caudium to the Roman camp,

having acquitted, certainly, their own faith, and perhaps that of the

public.

12. The Samnites finding that instead of a peace which flattered their

pride, the war was revived, and with the utmost inveteracy, not only

felt, in their minds, a foreboding of all the consequences which

ensued, but saw them, in a manner, before their eyes. They now, too

late and in vain, applauded the plans of old Pontius, by blundering

between which, they had exchanged the possession of victory for an

uncertain peace; and having lost the opportunity of doing a kindness

or an injury, were now to fight against men, whom they might have

either put out of the way, for ever, as enemies; or engaged, for ever,

as friends. And such was the change which had taken place in men's

minds, since the Caudine peace, even before any trial of strength had

shown an advantage on either side, that Postumius, by surrendering

himself, had acquired greater renown among the Romans, than Pontius

among the Samnites, by his bloodless victory. The Romans considered

their being at liberty to make war, a certain victory; while the

Samnites supposed the Romans victorious, the moment they resumed their

arms. Meanwhile, the Satricans revolted to the Samnites, who attacked

the colony of Fregellae, by a sudden surprise in the night,

accompanied, as it appears, by the Satricans. From that time until

day, their mutual fears kept both parties quiet: the daylight was the

signal for battle, which the Fregellans contrived to maintain, for a

considerable time, without loss of ground; both because they fought

for their religion and liberty; and the multitude, who were unfit to

bear arms, assisted them from the tops of the houses. At length a

stratagem gave the advantage to the assailants; for they suffered the

voice of a crier to be heard proclaiming, that "whoever laid down his

arms might retire in safety." This relaxed their eagerness in the

fight, and they began almost every where to throw away their arms. A

part, more determined, however, retaining their arms, rushed out by

the opposite gate, and their boldness brought greater safety to them,

than their fear, which inclined them to credulity, did to the others:

for the Samnites, having surrounded the latter with fires, burned them

all to death, while they made vain appeals to the faith of gods and

men. The consuls having settled the province between them, Papirius

proceeded into Apulia to Luceria where the Roman horsemen, given as

hostages at Caudium were kept in custody: Publilius remained in

Samnium, to oppose the Caudine legions. This proceeding perplexed the

minds of the Samnites: they could not safely determine either to go to

Luceria, lest the enemy should press on their rear or to remain where

they were, lest in the mean time Luceria should be lost. They

concluded, therefore, that it would be most advisable to trust to the

decision of fortune, and to take the issue of a battle with Publilius:

accordingly they drew out their forces into the field.

13. When Publilius was about to engage, considering it proper to

address his soldiers first, he ordered an assembly be summoned. But

though they ran together to the general's quarters with the greatest

alacrity, yet so loud were the clamours, demanding the fight, that

none of the general's exhortations were heard: each man's own

reflections on the late disgrace served as an exhortation. They

advanced therefore to battle, urging the standard-bearers to hasten;

at rest, in beginning the conflict, there should be any delay, in

wielding their javelins and then drawing their swords, they threw away

the former, as if a signal to that purpose had been given, and,

drawing the latter, rushed in full speed upon the foe. Nothing of a

general's skill was displayed in forming ranks or reserves; the

resentment of the troops performed all, with a degree of fury little

inferior to madness. The enemy, therefore, were not only completely

routed, not even daring to embarrass their flight by retreating to

their camp but dispersing, made towards Apulia in scattered parties:

afterwards, however, collecting their forces into one body, they

reached Luceria. The same exasperation, which had carried the Romans

through the midst of the enemy's line, carried them forward also into

their camp, where greater carnage was made, and more blood spilt, than

even in the field, while the greater part of the spoil was destroyed

in their rage. The other army, with the consul Papirius, had now

arrived at Arpi, on the sea-coast, having passed without molestation

through all the countries in their way; which was owing to the

ill-treatment received by those people from the Samnites, and their

hatred towards them, rather than to any favour received from the Roman

people. For such of the Samnites as dwelt on the mountains in separate

villages, used to ravage the low lands, and the places on the coast;

and being mountaineers, and savage themselves, despised the husbandmen

who were of a gentler kind, and, as generally happens, resembled the

district they inhabited. Now if this tract had been favourably

affected towards the Samnites, either the Roman army could have been

prevented from reaching Arpi, or, as it lay between Rome and Arpi, it

might have intercepted the convoys of provisions, and utterly

destroyed them by the consequent scarcity of all necessaries. Even as

it was, when they went from thence to Luceria, both the besiegers and

the besieged were distressed equally by want. Every kind of supplies

was brought to the Romans from Arpi; but in so very scanty proportion,

that the horsemen had to carry corn from thence to the camp, in little

bags, for the foot, who were employed in the outposts, watches, and

works; and sometimes falling in with the enemy, they were obliged to

throw the corn from off their horses, in order to fight. Before the

arrival of the other consul and his victorious army, both provisions

had been brought in to the Samnites, and reinforcements conveyed in to

them from the mountains; but the coming of Publilius contracted all

their resources; for, committing the siege to the care of his

colleague, and keeping himself disengaged, he threw every difficulty

in the way of the enemy's convoys. There being therefore little hope

for the besieged, or that they would be able much longer to endure

want, the Samnites, encamped at Luceria, were obliged to collect their

forces from every side, and come to an engagement with Papirius.

14. At this juncture, while both parties were preparing for an action,

ambassadors from the Tarentines interposed, requiring both Samnites

and Romans to desist from war; with menaces, that "if either refused

to agree to a cessation of hostilities, they would join their arms

with the other party against them." Papirius, on hearing the purport

of their embassy, as if influenced by their words, answered, that he

would consult his colleague: he then sent for him, employing the

intermediate time in the necessary preparations; and when he had

conferred with him on a matter, about which no doubt was entertained,

he made the signal for battle. While the consuls were employed in

performing the religious rites and the other usual business

preparatory to an engagement the Tarentine ambassadors put themselves

in their way, expecting an answer: to whom Papirius said, "Tarentines,

the priest reports that the auspices are favourable, and that our

sacrifices have been attended with excellent omens: under the

direction of the gods, we are proceeding, as you see, to action." He

then ordered the standards to move, and led out the troops; thus

rebuking the exorbitant arrogance of that nation, which at a time

when, through intestine discord and sedition, it was unequal to the

management of its own affairs, yet presumed to prescribe the bounds of

peace and war to others. On the other side, the Samnites, who had

neglected every preparation for fighting, either because they were

really desirous of peace, or it seemed their interest to pretend to be

so, in order to conciliate the favour of the Tarentines, when they

saw, on a sudden, the Romans drawn up for battle, cried out, that

"they would continue to be directed by the Tarentines, and would

neither march out, nor carry their arms beyond the rampart. That if

deceived, they would rather endure any consequence which chance may

bring, than show contempt to the Tarentines, the advisers of peace."

The consuls said that "they embraced the omen, and prayed that the

enemy might continue in the resolution of not even defending their

rampart." Then, dividing the forces between them, they advanced to the

works; and, making an assault on every side at once, while some filled

up the trenches, others tore down the rampart, and tumbled it into the

trench. All were stimulated, not only by their native courage, but by

the resentment which, since their disgrace, had been festering in

their breasts. They made their way into the camp; where, every one

repeating, that here was not Caudium, nor the forks, nor the

impassable glens, where cunning haughtily triumphed over error; but

Roman valour, which no rampart nor trench could ward off;--they slew,

without distinction, those who resisted and those who fled, the armed

and unarmed, freemen and slaves, young and old, men and cattle. Nor

would a single animal have escaped, had not the consuls given the

signal for retreat; and, by commands and threats, forced out of the

camp the soldiers, greedy of slaughter. As they were highly incensed

at being thus interrupted in the gratification of their vengeance, a

speech was immediately addressed to them, assuring the soldiers, that

"the consuls neither did nor would fall short of any one of the

soldiers, in hatred toward the enemy; on the contrary, as they led the

way in battle, so would they have done the same in executing unbounded

vengeance, had not the consideration of the six hundred horsemen, who

were confined as hostages in Luceria, restrained their inclinations;

lest total despair of pardon might drive on the enemy blindly to take

vengeance on them, eager to destroy them before they themselves should

perish." The soldiers highly applauded this conduct, and rejoiced that

their resentment had been checked, and acknowledged that every thing

ought to be endured, rather than that the safety of so many Roman

youths of the first distinction should be brought into danger.

15. The assembly being then dismissed, a consultation was held,

whether they should press forward the siege of Luceria, with all their

forces; or, whether with one of the commanders, and his army, trial

should be made of the Apulians, a nation in the neighbourhood still

doubtful. The consul Publilius set out to make a circuit through

Apulia, and in the one expedition either reduced by force, or received

into alliance on conditions, a considerable number of the states.

Papirius likewise, who had remained to prosecute the siege of Luceria,

soon found the event agreeable to his hopes: for all the roads being

blocked up through which provisions used to be conveyed from Samnium,

the Samnites, who were in garrison, were reduced so low by famine,

that they sent ambassadors to the Roman consul, proposing that he

should raise the siege, on receiving the horsemen who were the cause

of the war, to whom Papirius returned this answer, that "they ought to

have consulted Pontius, son of Herennius, by whose advice they had

sent the Romans under the yoke, what treatment he thought fitting for

the conquered to undergo. But since, instead of offering fair terms

themselves, they chose rather that they should be imposed on them by

their enemies, he desired them to carry back orders to the troops in

Luceria, that they should leave within the walls their arms, baggage,

beasts of burthen, and all persons unfit for war. The soldiers he

would send under the yoke with single garments, retaliating the

disgrace formerly inflicted, not inflicting a new one." The terms were

not rejected. Seven thousand soldiers were sent under the yoke, and an

immense booty was seized in Luceria, all the standards and arms which

they had lost at Caudium being recovered; and, what greatly surpassed

all their joy, recovered the horsemen whom the Samnites had sent to

Luceria to be kept as pledges of the peace. Hardly ever did the Romans

gain a victory more distinguished for the sudden reverse produced in

the state of their affairs; especially if it be true, as I find in

some annals, that Pontius, son of Herennius, the Samnite general, was

sent under the yoke along with the rest, to atone for the disgrace of

the consuls. I think it indeed more strange that there should exist

any doubt whether it was Lucius Cornelius, in quality of dictator,

Lucius Papirius Cursor being master of the horse, who performed these

achievements at Caudium, and afterwards at Luceria, as the single

avenger of the disgrace of the Romans, enjoying the best deserved

triumph, perhaps, next to that of Furius Camillus, which had ever yet

been obtained; or whether that honour belongs to the consuls, and

particularly to Papirius. This uncertainty is followed by another,

whether, at the next election, Papirius Cursor was chosen consul a

third time, with Quintus Aulus Ceretanus a second time, being

re-elected in requital of his services at Luceria; or whether it was

Lucius Papirius Mugillanus, the surname being mistaken.

16. From henceforth, the accounts are clear, that the other wars were

conducted to a conclusion by the consuls. Aulius by one successful

battle, entirely conquered the Forentans. The city, to which their

army had retreated after its defeat, surrendered on terms, hostages

having been demanded. With similar success the other consul conducted

his operations against the Satricans; who, though Roman citizens, had,

after the misfortune at Caudium, revolted to the Samnites, and

received a garrison into their city. The Satricans, however, when the

Roman army approached their walls, sent deputies to sue for peace,

with humble entreaties; to whom the consul answered harshly, that

"they must not come again to him, unless they either put to death, or

delivered up, the Samnite garrison:" by which terms greater terror was

struck into the colonists than by the arms with which they were

threatened. The deputies, accordingly, several times asking the

consul, how he thought that they, who were few and weak, could attempt

to use force against a garrison so strong and well-armed: he desired

them to "seek counsel from those, by whose advice they had received

that garrison into the city." They then departed, and returned to

their countrymen, having obtained from the consul, with much

difficulty, permission to consult their senate on the matter, and

bring back their answer to him. Two factions divided the senate; one

that whose leaders had been the authors of the defection from the

Roman people, the other consisted of the citizens who retained their

loyalty; both, however, showed an earnest desire, that every means

should be used towards effecting an accommodation with the consul for

the restoration of peace. As the Samnite garrison, being in no respect

prepared for holding out a siege, intended to retire the next night

out of the town, one party thought it sufficient to discover to the

consul, at what hour, through what gate, and by what road, his enemy

was to march out. The other, against whose wishes defection to the

Samnites had occurred, even opened one of the gates for the consul in

the night, secretly admitting the armed enemy into the town. In

consequence of this twofold treachery, the Samnite garrison was

surprised and overpowered by an ambush, placed in the woody places,

near the road; and, at the same time, a shout was raised in the city,

which was now filled with the enemy. Thus, in the short space of one

hour, the Samnites were put to the sword, the Satricans made

prisoners, and all things reduced under the power of the consul; who,

having instituted an inquiry by whose means the revolt had taken

place, scourged with rods and beheaded such as he found to be guilty;

and then, disarming the Satricans, he placed a strong garrison in the

place. On this those writers state, that Papirius Cursor proceeded to

Rome to celebrate his triumph, who say, that it was under his guidance

Luceria was retaken, and the Samnites sent under the yoke.

Undoubtedly, as a warrior, he was deserving of every military praise,

excelling not only in vigour of mind, but likewise in strength of

body. He possessed extraordinary swiftness of foot, surpassing every

one of his age in running, from whence came the surname into his

family; and he is said, either from the robustness of his frame, or

from much practice, to have been able to digest a very large quantity

of food and wine. Never did either the foot-soldier or horseman feel

military service more laborious, under any general, because he was of

a constitution not to be overcome by fatigue. The cavalry, on some

occasion, venturing to request that, in consideration of their good

behaviour, he would excuse them some part of their business, he told

them, "Ye should not say that no indulgence has been granted you,--I

excuse you from rubbing your horses' backs when ye dismount." He

supported also the authority of command, in all its vigour, both among

the allies and his countrymen. The praetor of Praeneste, through fear,

had been tardy in bringing forward his men from the reserve to the

front: he, walking before his tent, ordered him to be called, and then

bade the lictor to make ready his axe, on which, the Praenestine

standing frightened almost to death, he said, "Here, lictor, cut away

this stump, it is troublesome to people as they walk;" and, after thus

alarming him with the dread of the severest punishment, he imposed a

fine and dismissed him. It is beyond doubt, that during that age, than

which none was ever more productive of virtuous characters, there was

no man in whom the Roman affairs found a more effectual support; nay,

people even marked him out, in their minds, as a match for Alexander

the Great, in case that, having completed the conquest of Asia, he

should have turned his arms on Europe.

17. Nothing can be found farther from my intention, since the

commencement of this history, than to digress, more than necessity

required, from the course of narration; and, by embellishing my work

with variety, to seek pleasing resting-places, as it were, for my

readers, and relaxation for my own mind: nevertheless, the mention

of so great a king and commander, now [editorial note: there is

reason to believe that one or two lines of text might be missing at

this point] calls forth to public view those silent reflections,

whom Alexander must have fought. Manlius Torquatus, had he met

him in the field, might, perhaps, have yielded to Alexander in

discharging military duties in battle (for these also render

him no less illustrious); and so might Valerius Corvus; men who

were distinguished soldiers, before they became commanders. The same,

too, might have been the case with the Decii, who, after devoting

their persons, rushed upon the enemy; or of Papirius Cursor, though

possessed of such powers, both of body and mind. By the counsels of

one youth, it is possible the wisdom of a whole senate, not to mention

individuals, might have been baffled, [consisting of such members,]

that he alone, who declared that "it consisted of kings," conceived a

correct idea of a Roman senate. But then the danger was, that with

more judgment than any one of those whom I have named he might choose

ground for an encampment, provide supplies, guard against stratagems,

distinguish the season for fighting, form his line of battle, or

strengthen it properly with reserves. He would have owned that he was

not dealing with Darius, who drew after him a train of women and

eunuchs; saw nothing about him but gold and purple; was encumbered

with the trappings of his state, and should be called his prey, rather

than his antagonist; whom therefore he vanquished without loss of

blood and had no other merit, on the occasion, than that of showing a

proper spirit in despising empty show. The aspect of Italy would have

appeared to him of a quite different nature from that of India, which

he traversed in the guise of a traveller, at the head of a crew of

drunkards, if he had seen the forests of Apulia, and the mountains of

Lucania, with the vestiges of the disasters of his house, and where

his uncle Alexander, king of Epirus, had been lately cut off.

18. We are now speaking of Alexander not yet intoxicated by

prosperity, the seductions of which no man was less capable of

withstanding. But, if he is to be judged from the tenor of his conduct

in the new state of his fortune, and from the new disposition, as I

may say, which he put on after his successes, he would have entered

Italy more like Darius than Alexander; and would have brought thither

an army that had forgotten Macedonia, and were degenerating into the

manners of the Persians. It is painful, in speaking of so great a

king, to recite his ostentatious change of dress; of requiring that

people should address him with adulation, prostrating themselves on

the ground, a practice insupportable to the Macedonians, had they even

been conquered, much more so when they were victorious; the shocking

cruelty of his punishments; his murdering his friends in the midst of

feasting and wine; with the folly of his fiction respecting his birth.

What must have been the consequence, if his love of wine had daily

become more intense? if his fierce and uncontrollable anger? And as I

mention not any one circumstance of which there is a doubt among

writers, do we consider these as no disparagements to the

qualifications of a commander? But then, as is frequently repeated by

the silliest of the Greeks, who are fond of exalting the reputation,

even of the Parthians, at the expense of the Roman name, the danger

was that the Roman people would not have had resolution to bear up

against the splendour of Alexander's name, who, however, in my

opinion, was not known to them even by common fame; and while, in

Athens, a state reduced to weakness by the Macedonian arms, which at

the very time saw the ruins of Thebes smoking in its neighbourhood,

men had spirit enough to declaim with freedom against him, as is

manifest from the copies of their speeches, which have been preserved;

[we are to be told] that out of such a number of Roman chiefs, no one

would have freely uttered his sentiments. How great soever our idea of

this man's greatness may be, still it is the greatness of an

individual, constituted by the successes of a little more than ten

years; and those who give it pre-eminence on account that the Roman

people have been defeated, though not in any entire war, yet in

several battles, whereas Alexander was never once unsuccessful in a

single fight, do not consider that they are comparing the actions of

one man, and that a young man, with the exploits of a nation waging

wars now eight hundred years. Can we wonder if, when on the one side

more ages are numbered than years on the other, fortune varied more in

so long a lapse of time than in the short term of thirteen years?

[Footnote: The duration of Alexander's military career.] But why not

compare the success of one general with that of another? How many

Roman commanders might I name who never lost a battle? In the annals

of the magistrates, and the records, we may run over whole pages of

consuls and dictators, with whose bravery, and successes also, the

Roman people never once had reason to be dissatisfied. And what

renders them more deserving of admiration than Alexander, or any king,

is, that some of these acted in the office of dictator, which lasted

only ten, or it might be twenty days, none, in a charge of longer

duration than the consulship of a year; their levies obstructed by

plebeian tribunes; often late in taking the field; recalled, before

the time, on account of elections; amidst the very busiest efforts of

the campaign, their year of office expired; sometimes the rashness,

sometimes the perverseness of a colleague, proving an impediment or

detriment; and finally succeeding to the unfortunate administration of

a predecessor, with an army of raw or ill-disciplined men. But, on

the other hand, kings, being not only free from every kind of

impediment, but masters of circumstances and seasons, control all

things in subserviency to their designs, themselves uncontrolled by

any. So that Alexander, unconquered, would have encountered

unconquered commanders; and would have had stakes of equal consequence

pledged on the issue. Nay, the hazard had been greater on his side;

because the Macedonians would have had but one Alexander, who was not

only liable, but fond of exposing himself to casualties; the Romans

would have had many equal to Alexander, both in renown, and in the

greatness of their exploits; any one of whom might live or die

according to his destiny, without any material consequence to the

public.

19. It remains that the forces be compared together, with respect to

their numbers, the quality of the men, and the supplies of

auxiliaries. Now, in the general surveys of the age, there were rated

two hundred and fifty thousand men, so that, on every revolt of the

Latin confederates, ten legions were enlisted almost entirely in the

city levy. It often happened during those years, that four or five

armies were employed at a time, in Etruria, in Umbria, the Gauls too

being at war, in Samnium, in Lucania. Then as to all Latium, with the

Sabines, and Volscians, the Aequans, and all Campania; half of Umbria,

Etruria, and the Picentians, Marsians, Pelignians, Vestinians, and

Apulians; to whom may add, the whole coast of the lower sea, possessed

by the Greeks, from Thurii to Neapolis and Cumae; and the Samnites

from thence as far as Antium and Ostia: all these he would have found

either powerful allies to the Romans or deprived of power by their

arms. He would have crossed the sea with his veteran Macedonians,

amounting to no more than thirty thousand infantry and four thousand

horse, these mostly Thessalians. This was the whole of his strength.

Had he brought with him Persians and Indians, and those other nations,

it would be dragging after him an encumbrance other than a support.

Add to this, that the Romans, being at home, would have had recruits

at hand: Alexander, waging war in a foreign country, would have found

his army worn out with long service, as happened afterwards to

Hannibal. As to arms, theirs were a buckler and long spears; those of

the Romans, a shield, which covered the body more effectually, and a

javelin, a much more forcible weapon than the spear, either in

throwing or striking. The soldiers, on both sides, were used to steady

combat, and to preserve their ranks. But the Macedonian phalanx was

unapt for motion, and composed of similar parts throughout: the Roman

line less compact, consisting of several various parts, was easily

divided as occasion required, and as easily conjoined. Then what

soldier is comparable to the Roman in the throwing up of works? who

better calculated to endure fatigue? Alexander, if overcome in one

battle, would have been overcome in war. The Roman, whom Claudium,

whom Cannae, did not crush, what line of battle could crush? In truth,

even should events have been favourable to him at first, he would have

often wished for the Persians, the Indians, and the effeminate tribes

of Asia, as opponents; and would have acknowledged, that his wars had

been waged with women, as we are told was said by Alexander, king of

Epirus, after receiving his mortal wound, when comparing the wars

waged in Asia by this very youth, with those in which himself had been

engaged. Indeed, when I reflect that, in the first Punic war, a

contest was maintained by the Romans with the Carthaginians, at sea,

for twenty-four years, I can scarcely suppose that the life of

Alexander would have been long enough for the finishing of one war

[with either of those nations]. And perhaps, as both the Punic state

was united to the Roman by ancient treaties, and as similar

apprehensions might arm against a common foe those two nations the

most potent of the time in arms and in men, he might have been

overwhelmed in a Punic and a Roman war at once. The Romans have had

experience of the boasted prowess of the Macedonians in arms, not

indeed under Alexander as their general, or when their power was at

the height, but in the wars against Antiochus, Philip, and Perses; and

not only not with any losses, but not even with any danger to

themselves. Let not my assertion give offence, nor our civil wars be

brought into mention; never were we worsted by an enemy's cavalry,

never by their infantry, never in open fight, never on equal ground,

much less when the ground was favourable. Our soldiers, heavy laden

with arms, may reasonably fear a body of cavalry, or arrows; defiles

of difficult passage, and places impassable to convoys. But they have

defeated, and will defeat a thousand armies, more formidable than

those of Alexander and the Macedonians, provided that the same love of

peace and solicitude about domestic harmony, in which we now live,

continue permanent.

20. Marcus Foslius Flaccinator and Lucius Plautius Venno were the next

raised to the consulship. In this year ambassadors came from most of

the states of the Samnites to procure a renewal of the treaty; and,

after they had moved the compassion of the senate, by prostrating

themselves before them, on being referred to the people, they found

not their prayers so efficacious. The treaty therefore, being refused,

after they had importuned them individually for several days, was

obtained. The Teaneans likewise, and Canusians of Apulia, worn out by

the devastations of their country, surrendered themselves to the

consul, Lucius Plautius, and gave hostages. This year praefects first

began to be created for Capua, and a code of laws was given to that

nation, by Lucius Furius the praetor; both in compliance with their

own request, as a remedy for the disorder of their affairs, occasioned

by intestine dissensions. At Rome, two additional tribes were

constituted, the Ufentine and Falerine. On the affairs of Apulia

falling into decline, the Teatians of that country came to the new

consuls, Caius Junius Bubulcus, and Quintus Aemilius Barbula, suing

for an alliance; and engaging, that peace should be observed towards

the Romans through every part of Apulia. By pledging themselves boldly

for this, they obtained the grant of an alliance, not however on terms

of equality, but of their submitting to the dominion of the Roman

people. Apulia being entirely reduced, (for Junius had also gained

possession of Forentum, a town of great strength,) the consuls

advanced into Lucania; there Nerulum was surprised and stormed by the

sudden advance of the consul Aemilius. When fame had spread abroad

among the allies, how firmly the affairs of Capua were settled by [the

introduction of] the Roman institutions, the Antians, imitating the

example, presented a complaint of their being without laws, and

without magistrates; on which the patrons of the colony itself were

appointed by the senate to form a body of laws for it. Thus not only

the arms, but the laws, of Rome became extensively prevalent.

21. The consuls, Caius Junius Bubulcus and Quintus Aemilius Barbula,

at the conclusion of the year, delivered over the legions, not to the

consuls elected by themselves, who were Spurius Nautius and Marcus

Popillius, but to a dictator, Lucius Aemilius. He, with Lucius

Fulvius, master of the horse, having commenced to lay siege to

Saticula, gave occasion to the Samnites of reviving hostilities. Hence

a twofold alarm was occasioned to the Roman army. On one side, the

Samnites having collected a numerous force to relieve their allies

from the siege, pitched their camp at a small distance from that of

the Romans: on the other side, the Saticulans, opening suddenly their

gates, ran up with violent tumult to the posts of the enemy.

Afterwards, each party, relying on support from the other, more than

on its own strength, formed a regular attack, and pressed on the

Romans. The dictator, on his part, though obliged to oppose two

enemies at once, yet had his line secure on both sides; for he both

chose a position not easily surrounded, and also formed two different

fronts. However, he directed his greater efforts against those who had

sallied from the town, and, without much resistance, drove them back

within the walls. He then turned his whole force against the Samnites:

there he found greater difficulty. But the victory, though long

delayed, was neither doubtful nor alloyed by losses. The Samnites,

being forced to fly into their camp, extinguished their fires at

night, and marched away in silence; and renouncing all hopes of

relieving Saticula, sat themselves down before Plistia, which was in

alliance with the Romans, that they might, if possible, retort equal

vexation on their enemy.

22. The year coming to a conclusion, the war was thenceforward

conducted by a dictator, Quintius Fabius. The new consuls, Lucius

Papirius Cursor and Quintus Publilius Philo, both a fourth time, as

the former had done, remained at Rome. Fabius came with a

reinforcement to Saticula, to receive the army from Aemilius. For the

Samnites had not continued before Plistia; but having sent for a new

supply of men from home, and relying on their numbers, had encamped in

the same spot as before; and, by provoking the Romans to battle,

endeavoured to divert them from the siege. The dictator, so much the

more intently, pushed forward his operations against the

fortifications of the enemy; considering that only as war which was

directed against the city, and showing an indifference with respect to

the Samnites, except that he placed guards in proper places, to

prevent any attempt on his camp. The more furiously did the Samnites

ride up to the rampart, and allowed him no quiet. When the enemy were

now come up close to the gates of the camp, Quintus Aulius Cerretanus,

master of the horse, without consulting the dictator, sallied out

furiously at the head of all the troops of cavalry, and drove back the

enemy. In this desultory kind of fight, fortune worked up the strength

of the combatants in such a manner, as to occasion an extraordinary

loss on both sides, and the remarkable deaths of the commanders

themselves. First, the general of the Samnites, indignant at being

repulsed, and compelled to fly from a place to which he had advanced

so confidently, by entreating and exhorting his horsemen, renewed the

battle. As he was easily distinguished among the horsemen, while he

urged on the fight, the Roman master of the horse galloped up against

him, with his spear directed, so furiously, that, with one stroke, he

tumbled him lifeless from his horse. The multitude, however, were not,

as is generally the case, dismayed by the fall of their leader, but

rather raised to fury. All who were within reach darted their weapons

at Aulius, who incautiously pushed forward among the enemy's troops;

but the chief share of the honour of revenging the death of the

Samnite general they assigned to his brother; he, urged by rage and

grief, dragged down the victorious master of the horse from his seat,

and slew him. Nor were the Samnites far from obtaining his body also,

as he had fallen among the enemies' troops: but the Romans instantly

dismounted, and the Samnites were obliged to do the same; and lines

being thus formed suddenly but, at the same time, untenable through

scarcity of necessaries: "for all the country round, from which

provisions could be supplied, has revolted; and besides, even were the

inhabitants disposed to aid us, the ground is unfavourable. I will not

therefore mislead you by leaving a camp here, into which ye may

retreat, as on a former day, without completing the victory. Works

ought to be secured by arms, not arms by works. Let those keep a camp,

and repair to it, whose interest it is to protract the war; but let us

cut off from ourselves every other prospect but that of conquering.

Advance the standards against the enemy; as soon as the troops shall

have marched beyond the rampart, let those who have it in orders burn

the camp. Your losses, soldiers, shall be compensated with the spoil

of all the nations round who have revolted." The soldiers advanced

against the enemy with spirit inflamed by the dictator's discourse,

which seemed indication of an extreme necessity; and, at the same

time, the very sight of the camp burning behind them, though the

nearest part only was set on fire, (for so the dictator had ordered,)

was small incitement: rushing on therefore like madmen, they

disordered the enemy's battalions at the very first onset; and the

master of the horse, when he saw at a distance the fire in the camp,

which was a signal agreed on, made a seasonable attack on their rear.

The Samnites, thus surrounded on either side, fled different ways. A

vast number, who had gathered into a body through fear, yet from

confusion incapable of fleeing, were surrounded and cut to pieces. The

enemy's camp was taken and plundered; and the soldiers being laden

with spoil, the dictator led them back to the Roman camp, highly

rejoiced at the success, but by no means so much as at finding,

contrary to their expectation, every thing there safe, except a small

part only, which was injured or destroyed by the fire.

24. They then marched back to Sora; and the new consuls, Marcus

Poetelius and Caius Sulpicius, receive the army from the dictator

Fabius, discharging a great part of the veteran soldiers, having

brought with them new cohorts to supply their place. Now while, on

account of the dire situation of the city, no certain mode of attack

could be devised, and success must either be distant in time, or at

desperate risk; a deserter from Sora came out of the town privately by

night, and when he had got as far as the Roman watches, desired to be

conducted instantly to the consuls: which being complied with, he made

them an offer of delivering the place into their hands. When he

answered their questions, respecting the means by which he intended to

make good his promise, appearing to state a project by no means idle,

he persuaded them to remove the Roman camp, which was almost close to

the walls, to the distance of six miles; that the consequence would be

that this would render the guards by day, and the watches by night,

the less vigilant. He then desired that some cohorts should post

themselves the following night in the woody places under the town, and

took with himself ten chosen soldiers, through steep and almost

impassable ways, into the citadel, where a quantity of missive weapons

had been collected, larger than bore proportion to the number of men.

There were stones besides, some lying at random, as in all craggy

places, and others heaped up designedly by the townsmen, to add to the

security of the place. Having posted the Romans here, and shown them a

steep and narrow path leading up from the town to the citadel--"From

this ascent," said he, "even three armed men would keep off any

multitude whatever. Now ye are ten in number; and, what is more,

Romans, and the bravest among the Romans. The night is in your favour,

which, from the uncertainty it occasions, magnifies every object to

people once alarmed. I will immediately fill every place with terror:

be ye alert in defending the citadel." He then ran down in haste,

crying aloud, "To arms, citizens, we are undone, the citadel is taken

by the enemy; run, defend it." This he repeated, as he passed the

doors of the principal men, the same to all whom he met, and also to

those who ran out in a fright into the streets. The alarm,

communicated first by one, was soon spread by numbers through all the

city. The magistrates, dismayed on hearing from scouts that the

citadel was full of arms and armed men, whose number they multiplied,

laid aside all hopes of recovering it. All places are filled with

terror: the gates are broken open by persons half asleep, and for the

most part unarmed, through one of which the body of Roman troops,

roused by the noise, burst in, and slew the terrified inhabitants, who

attempted to skirmish in the streets. Sora was now taken, when, at the

first light, the consuls arrived, and accepted the surrender of those

whom fortune had left remaining after the flight and slaughter of the

night. Of these, they conveyed in chains to Rome two hundred and

twenty-five, whom all men agreed in pointing out as the authors, both

of the revolt, and also of the horrid massacre of the colonists. The

rest they left in safety at Sora, a garrison being placed there. All

those who were brought to Rome were beaten with rods in the forum, and

beheaded, to the great joy of the commons, whose interest it most

highly concerned, that the multitudes, sent to various places in

colonies should be in safety.